J     ' 


IJI 


it^t^ 


Q 

^L^     ^/         W 


m     & 


s:LOS-ANGELfj 


^XvCLVO  ttNULLCjys  <O(J\l.  JJDIUMl  I  U/-*  /<^TU-  UJJRrtJl  I  \j 


jUJS-ANGElfjv 


^      M 


ANGEL 


e 
•^     *. 


m 


THE 


PRIVATE    CORRESPONDENCE 


HENRY    CLAY 


EDITED     BY 


CALVIN    COLTON,    LL.D. 

PBOFESSOB    OP    PUBLIC     ECONOMY,     TRINITY     COLLEGE 


NEW     YORK: 
A.    S.    BARNES   &   CO.,    51    &   53   JOHN   STREET. 


1856. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1865, 

BY  A.  8.    BAKNES,  &  CO., 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court,  of  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 


THOMAS    B.  SMITH, 

82  1 84  Beekmau  St. 


PRINTED  BT 
BEORGE    Vf.  WOOD, 

61  John  Si. 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTEE    I. 

CORRESPONDENCE  FROM   1801   TO   1815,        .      ,      . 


CHAPTEE   II. 

COEEESPONDENCE  FBOM   1815   TO  1820, 49 

CHAPTEE   III. 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF  1825  AND  1826, 109 

CHAPTEE   IV. 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF   1827, 156 

CHAPTEE   Y. 

CORRESPONDENCE   OF   1828, 188 

CHAPTEE    VI. 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF   1829, 217 

CHAPTEE    VII. 

CORRESPONDENCE   OF   1830, 251 


2151S6 


IV  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

CAM 

CORRESPONDENCE   OF   1831    AND   1832, 293 

CHAPTER  IX. 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF  1833,  1834,  AND  1835, 347 

CHAPTER  X. 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF  1836,  1837,  1838,  AND  1839,   ....   403 

CHAPTER  XI. 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF  1840,  1841,  1842,  AND  1843,   ....  443 

CHAPTER  XII. 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF  1844, 483 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF  1848  AND  1849, 653 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF  1850,  1851,  AND  1852, 598 


TO    THE    READER. 


MR.  CLAY  was  not  in  the  habit  of  keeping  copies  of  his  own  let- 
ters. It  may  easily  be  imagined,  therefore,  that  the  tune  and  trouble 
required  to  collect  original  and  properly  authenticated  copies,  so  as 
to  compose  an  epistolary  history  of  his  life,  have  not  been  inconsider- 
able. It  is  ten  years  since  the  editor  of  this  volume  commenced  this 
task,  with  very  important  facilities  afforded  by  Mr.  Clay  himself,  as 
will  appear  from  some  of  the  correspondence.  In  addition  to  a  very 
thorough  examination  of  Mr.  Clay's  papers,  under  his  own  supervis- 
ion, in  the  winter  of  1844-45,  the  editor,  by  permission  of  his  family, 
made  a  new  examination  of  all  the  papers  at  Ashland,  in  1853.  From 
some  three  thousand  documents,  more  or  less,  collected  at  Ashland 
and  elsewhere,  the  editor  has  sifted  and  shaken  out  the  correspond- 
ence contained  in  this  volume.  For  the  first  fifteen  years  of  the 
present  century,  down  to  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  embraced  in  the  first 
chapter,  very  few  of  Mr.  Clay's  letters  could  be  obtained.  From 
that  period  they  begin  to  appear  more  abundantly,  as  will  be  seen. 
It  was  thought  proper  to  introduce  letters  of  the  correspondents 
of  Mr.  Clay  to  some  extent,  especially  those  of  distinguished  persons, 
and  on  occasions  of  especial  interest.  It  was  not  possible  general- 
ly to  obtain  the  immediate  counterparts  of  the  correspondence. 

After  having  completed  the  "  Life  and  Times  of  Henry  Clay,"  in 
two  volumes,  first  published  in  1846,  and  having  added,  in  1854,  a 
chapter  to  the  second  volume  of  that  work  containing  the  last  seven 
years  of  Mr.  Clay's  life,  the  plan  of  the  editor  of  the  present  vol- 
ume has  been  to  present  an  epistolary  history  of  the  same  period, 
and  chiefly  of  the  same  things,  as  viewed  by  the  parties  in  corre- 
spondence from  their  own  closets,  in  their  epistolary  communications 
with  each  other,  with  no  design  on.  their  part  of  furnishing  materials 
for  history.  Most  of  these  parties  are  since  dead.  It  must  be  seen 
that  such  materials,  from  such  hands,  are  of  a  very  peculiar  character, 
naturally  attractive  and  interesting  ;  and  some  of  them  very  instruct- 
ive. They  can  not  but  cast  light  on  events,  in  some  cases  very  im- 
portant, which  could  not  otherwise  be  fully  understood.  There  is  a 
truthfulness  in  the  abandon  of  private  correspondence  which  the 
cautiousness  of  politicians  and  statesmen  rarely  betrays  in  then-  ordi- 
nary and  public  acts  ;  or  if  they  sometimes  betray  it,  they  do  not 
avow  and  confess  it.  Not  a  little  of  such  materials  will  be  found  in 
this  volume. 

As  the  letters  are  generally  presented  in  chronological  order,  with 
constantly  recurring  chasms  of  other  parts  of  the  correspondence, 
and  without  any  regard  to  their  relations  to  each  other,  it  is  for  the 


VI  TO  THE  EEADER. 

reader  to  connect  them  with  history,  as  it  may  be  found  in  the  first 
two  volumes  of  this  work,  and  in  other  public  records.  Indeed, 
many  facts  of  history  will  be  found  in  this  volume  which  can  be  found 
nowhere  else ;  and  some  of  them  very  interesting  and  important. 
Besides  the  new  facts  of  history  disclosed,  much  of  this  correspond- 
ence, very  little  of  which  was  ever  before  published,  will  probably 
be  felt  and  acknowledged  as  affording  new  and  interesting  light  on  a 
great  deal  of  history  before  known.  It  will  serve,  in  some  degree, 
as  a  key  to  unlock  and  open  to  view  many  intricate  and  obscure 
events  of  no  small  importance  hitherto  unexplained. 

Some  will  perhaps  think  there  are  too  many  letters  in  this  volume 
of  trivial  import,  and  that  some  of  the  brief  notes  and  others  might 
as  well  have  been  omitted.  But  the  editor  has  desired  to  present 
the  cntireness  of  Mr.  Clay's  character,  so  far  as  correspondence  would 
reveal  it,  more  especially  in  those  parts  which,  from  the  nature  and 
character  of  his  career,  have  been  very  little  before  the  public.  His 
character  as  a  public  man  is  public  property.  But  Mr.  Clay  has 
made  such  a  mark  on  his  age  and  the  history  of  his  time,  that  the 
public  will  naturally  be  interested,  and  perhaps  have  some  right,  to 
know  more  of  all  his  relations  in  life  than  his  brilliant  career  as  a 
public  man  has  permitted  them  to  observe.  They  will  find  in  this 
correspondence  that  nothing  in  his  private  and  domestic  relations, 
and  in  the  minor  details  touching  the  interests  of  his  own  family,  es- 
caped his  care  and  attention.  They  will  see  that  that  fidelity  and 
rigid  conscientiousness  which  controlled  all  his  conduct  as  a  politician 
and  statesman,  were  exemplified  in  a  similar  type,  and  hi  a  degree  as 
much  more  careful  and  anxious  as  the  case  required,  in  all  his  private 
and  domestic  relations.  He  not  only  had  a  large  family  of  the  first 
generation,  most  of  whom  left  the  world  before  him,  but  he  had  nu- 
merous grandchildren.  It  is  touching  to  observe  the  action  of  his 
parental  feelings  toward  them  all,  according  to  their  characters  and 
conditions  of  health  and  comfort,  as  disclosed  in  this  correspondence. 
An  invalid  granddaughter,  Lucy,  so  often  mentioned  in  his  letters, 
was  always  a  tender  object  of  his  solicitude. 

Mr.  Clay  was  necessarily  a  politician,  because  he  was  forever  in  the 
whirl  of  politics.  Mr.  Clay,  however,  did  not  seek  politics,  but 
politics  sought  him,  on  account  of  his  peculiar  and  eminent  qualifica- 
tions for  public  life.  But  this  correspondence  will  show  how  often, 
and,  doubtless  sincerely,  he  desired  repose  from  political  agitations, 
and  how  much  he  was  disgusted  with  unfair  and  dishonorable  polit- 
ical strifes.  Take  him  all  in  all,  he  was  the  most  popular  public  man, 
so  far  as  his  personal  qualities  were  concerned,  that  has  ever  appeared 
in  the  history  of  the  country,  and  that  from  the  beginning  to  the  end 
of  his  career.  It  was  the  unavoidable  destiny  of  such  a  man,  that  he 
should  be  abused  by  his  political  opponents,  and  carried  on  the 
shoulders  of  his  political  friends ;  and  in  the  same  proportion  as  the 
former  feared,  the  latter  loved  him.  We  know  not  of  how  many  it 
can  be  said,  but  we  fear  of  few ;  yet  it  can  be  said  of  Mr.  Clay,  and 
all  the  world  will  believe  it,  that  he  Avas  an  honest,  fair,  and  patriotic 
politician.  He  never  made  a  trade  of  politics,  as  many  of  his  cotem 
poraries  did,  and  as  is  genei-ally  the  case  now  with  those  engaged  in 
politics.  His  country,  and  the  good  of  his  country,  in  his  strife  with 
his  opponents,  were  ever  the  ruling  passion  of  his  mind  in  all  public 
affairs.  His  patriotism,  true  as  the  needle  to  the  pole,  will  be  more 


TO  THE  READER.  Vll 

and  more  apparent  as  the  events  which  excited  it  recede  in  the  dis- 
tance. Again  and  again,  as  a  candidate  for  the  highest  trust  in  the 
nation,  he  sacrificed  himself  on  the  altar  of  his  country,  and  of  the 
principles  which  he  adopted.  "  He  would  rather  be  right,"  or  what 
he  thought  was  right,  than  be  invested  with  the  highest  official  honors. 
That  lie  was  actuated  by  a  laudable  ambition  fairly  to  gain  eminence 
in  liis  career,  was  doubtless  an  ingredient  of  his  lofty  aspirations ; 
but  his  principles  would  not  bend  for  such  an  advantage.  Who  does 
not  know  that  his  talents,  and  the  charm  of  his  character  on  the  public 
mind,  would  have  borne  him  to  any  place  in  the  gift  of  the  nation,  if 
he  had  thrown  himself  on  the  popular  current,  in  almost  any  of  the 
exigences  leading  that  way  which  fell  in  his  path  ?  But  he  would 
never  sacrifice  a  principle  for  his  own  personal  advantage.  If  he 
had  had  less  faith  in  public  virtue,  it  would  have  made  no  difference ; 
for  he  would  never  sacrifice  self-respect  for  influence.  He  trusted, 
and  was  deceived ;  but  he  has  acquired  more  fame  in  history  by  his 
course  than  could  have  been  achieved  in  any  other  way.  The  most 
rigid  scrutiny  of  his  character  leaves  his  name  untarnished  by  a  single 
act  in  all  his  political  relations. 

vThat  mill-stone  on  the  neck  of  Mr.  Clay's  political  history,  the  al- 
leged bargain  between  him  and  Mr.  Adams,  was  indeed  cut  loose, 
though  not  in  time  to  save  the  victim  from  its  disadvantages.  The 
attempt  at  bargain,  as  since  proved,  was  on  the  other  side,  and  fail- 
ing in  the  proposed  arrangement,  the  best  way  to  rebut  an  accusation 
to  which  the  other  party  was  liable,  was  found  to  be  in  bringing  one 
of  the  same  kind  against  Mr.  Clay.  Mr.  Clay  never  believed  that 
such  an  attack  could  answer  its  purpose.  But  it  did.  Several  times 
•Mr.  Clay  receired  proposals  of  such  a  bargain,  more  than  one  of 
which  is  revealed  for  the  first  time  in  this  volume ;  and  the  lofty 
manliness  and  indignation  with  which  he  treated  them  is  also  shown. 
When  proposed  to  make  him  President  by  a  wrong  to  Mr.  Webster, 
on  condition  that  Mr.  Clay  would  use  his  influence  for  a  certain  ap- 
pointment, though  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Webster  were  not  at  the  tune 
on  the  most  friendly  terms,  Mr.  Clay  insisted  that  the  proposal  and 
its  conditions  should  be  made  known  to  Mr.  Webster,  and,  as  will  be 
seen,  it  was  no  fault  of  Mr.  Clay  that  this  was  not  done.  A  subse- 
quent letter  of  Mr.  Clay  will  indicate  further  the  estimate  made  by 
him  of  that  transaction.  No  attempt  on  Mr.  Clay's  honor,  as  a  poli- 
tician, ever  succeeded.  He  lived  and  died  an  American  patriot  of 
the  loftiest  character. 

Forever  cherished  and  followed  by  a  great  national  party,  and 
forced  into  the  field  as  a  candidate  for  public  services  and  public 
honors,  it  was  reasonable  to  expect  that  his  correspondence  will  par- 
take of  this  character.  Numerous  as  his  friends  were,  with  whom 
he  communicated  very  frankly — for  frankness  was  a  part  of  his  nature 
— yet  every  man,  and  Mr.  Clay  was  no  exception,  must  have  his 
bosom  friends.  Judge  Brooke,*  of  Virginia,  was  a  correspondent  and 
bosom  friend  of  Mr.  Clay  for  more  than  half  a  century,  and  there  was 
no  other  man  in  the  nation  to  whom  Mr.  Clay  opened  his  heart  and 
mind  so  fully  and  freely  on  public  and  private  affairs.  Hence  the 
use  of  this  correspondence  so  largely  in  this  volume.  It  always 
presents  Mr.  Clay's  mind  and  views  at  the  dates  of  the  respective 

*  Judge  Brooke  and  Francis  Brooke,  in  the  correspondence,  are  the  same  person. 


yiii  TO  THE  BEADEE. 

letters,  and  on  the  topics  .considered.  It  is  a  perfect  abandon  of 
private  friendship  and  correspondence,  and,  on  that  account,  is  al- 
ways interesting  and  instructive.  The  Hon.  J.  S.  Johnston,  United 
States  Senator  from  Louisiana,  was  also  an  habitual  correspondent 
and  bosom,  friend  of  Mr.  Clay,  and  much  of  their  correspondence  is 
given  in  this  volume  down  to  the  time  of  Mr.  Johnston's  death,  by 
the  burning  of  a  steamboat  on  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi.  The  field 
of  correspondence,  from  which  this  volume  is  a  selection,  was  immense. 
It  has  been  the  aim  of  the  editor  not  to  insert  letters  which  had  been 
before  published,  and  there  are  but  few  exceptions  to  this  rule.  The 
plan  of  arranging  them  in  chronological  order — the  best,  probably, 
that  could  be  adopted — almost  necessarily  places  nearly  all  the  letters 
each  in  an  isolated  position.  They  are  not,  of  course,  all  historical  in 
the  higher  sense  of  the  term.  Some  are  introduced  for  their  eccen- 
tricity, and  some,  doubtless,  will  be  of  little  interest  to  the  public 
fenerally.  It  is  believed,  however,  that  they  are  a  fair  illustration  in 
ind  of  Mr.  Clay's  relations  to  the  wide  public.  There  arc,  as  will 
be  seen,  sundry  historical  disclosures  of  considerable  interest  and  im- 
portance, which  will  probably  excite  some  attention. 

The  editor  must  crave  pardon  of  numerous  persons  who  have 
kindly  furnished  him  with  letters  of  Mr.  Clay,  which  could  not  be 
inserted  for  lack  of  room,  and  for  other  causes.  Notwithstanding  the 
rules  which  he  was  obliged  to  adopt,  the  volume  has  swollen  to  un- 
expected dimensions. 

Where  the  editor  has  used  the  letters  of  persons  now  living,  he 
has  been  very  careful  not  to  insert  any  to  the  use  of  which  he  would 
imagine  they  would  have  any  objection.  On  the  contrary,  he  has 
used  only  such  as  he  supposed  they  would  be  very  willing,  if  not 
gratified,  to  see  in  such  a  place.  If  there  should  be  any  exceptions  to 
this  rule,  the  imperative  demands  for  the  truth  of  history  in  matters 
on  which  the  parties  concerned  could  not  fairly  claim  to  be  consulted, 
must  be  the  apology. 

There  will,  of  course,  be  found  many  peculiarities  of  style  in  such  a 
variety  of  letters  as  are  to  be  found  in  this  volume.  For  the  most 
part,  however,  they  are  good  epistolary  compositions,  and  not  a  few 
of  them  of  a  high  order.  The  editor  has  not  felt  at  liberty  to  make 
alterations,  except  to  correct  grammatical  errors,  and  even  some  of 
these  will  probably  still  be  found.  The  letters  of  foreigners  were, 
for  the  most  part,  addressed  to  Mr.  Clay  in  English,  Lafayette's  al- 
ways, and  they  are  given  as  found.  In  no  case  are  they  translations 
of  the  editor.  There  are,  of  course,  imperfections  of  style  in  letters 
of  _this  class.  Mr.  Clay's  letters  are  generally  a  model  of  epistolary 
writing.  The  fac-simile  presented  is  a  fair  exhibition  of  his  chiro- 
graphy — always  elegant,  and  never  careless. 

C.  COLTON. 
NEW  YOKE,  September  1,  1855. 


N  ' 


Nt 


i 

xj    s 

\ 


SI 


1 


i    J 


K 


N 


PRIVATE    CORRESPONDENCE 


HENEY    CLAY. 


CHAPTER   I. 

CORRESPONDENCE   FROM   18O1    TO   1815. 

MR.    CLAY   TO    JUDGE   BROOKE.* 

LEXINGTON,  December  30,  1801. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  as  well  your  letter  by  Mr.  H. 
Taylor,  as  the  one  written  a  few  days  after,  by  the  post. 

I  must  request  the  favor  of  you  to  execute  a  small  commission 
for  me.  The  Acts  of  the  Virginia  Legislature,  passed  prior  to 
the  separation  of  this  State,  are  extremely  difficult  to  be  procured, 
even  by  collecting  fugitive  Acts,  in  this  country  ;  but  few  indeed 
of  the  public  offices  possess  entire  collections.  Will  you  be  so 
obliging  as  to  obtain  for  me,  if  you  can,  the  old  revisal,  which 
reaches,  I  believe,  to  the  year  1766,  the  Chancellor  revisal,  and 
the  Acts  passed  since  that,  in  a  regular  series  to  the  year  1792. 
The  last  is  most  desired,  but  I  could  wish  to  possess  all.  Your 
revisal  of  1791  would  not  answer  my  purpose,  because  it  con- 
tains laws  not  in  force  in  this  country,  and,  if  my  recollection 
serves  me,  omits  to  give  the  respective  dates  of  the  passages  of 
each  law,  all-important  in  many  cases.  These  books  you  will 
be  pleased  to  forward  to  William  Taylor,  Esq.,  merchant,  in 
Baltimore,  from  whom  I  can  easily  procure  them  ;  or  to  either 
of  our  representatives  in  Congress,  Mr.  Brown,  Mr.  Breckenridge, 

*  Mr.  Clay  and  Judge  Brooke,  of  Fredericksburg,  Va.,  were  correspondents  for 
more  than  half  a  century. 


10  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

Fowler,  or  Davis,  who  will  contrive  some  mode  for  them  to  get 
to  me.  I  suppose  they  may  be  obtained  from  the  Council  Cham- 
ber. 

What  has  become  of  the  son  of  my  much  regretted  friend, 
your  brother  ?  I  feel  myself  under  obligations  of  gratitude  to 
the  father,  which  I  should  be  happy  of  having  an  opportunity  of 
discharging  to  the  son.  What  is  the  progress  he  has  made  in 
his  education  ?  We  have  in  this  place  an  university  in  a  very 
flourishing  condition.  Could  you  not  spare  him  to  me  in  this 
country  for  two  or  three  years  ?  I  live  at  a  short  distance  from 
the  buildings,  have  a  small  family,  and  need  not  add,  that  from 
the  cheapness  of  living  in  this  country,  his  expense  to  me  would 
be  extremely  inconsiderable.  We  have,  too,  a  distant  hope  of 
getting  Mr.  Madison,  from  William  and  Mary,  to  take  the  man- 
agement of  our  seminary.  Be  pleased  to  let  me  hear  from  you 
on  this  subject. 


JAMES    BROWN*   TO    MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  September  16,  1804. 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  last  letter  was  dated  at  the  Springs,  where 
you  were  reveling  in  the  enjoyments  of  ease,  mirth,  and  engaging 
society.  Since  that  time  you  have  probably  experienced  the 
bustle  and  solicitude  attendant  on  an  election,  for  I  discover  youi 
name  at  the  head  of  the  list  of  successful  candidates. 

******** 

Nancy  [Mrs.  Brown]  was  delighted  at  finding  that  Lucretia 
[Mrs.  Clay,  sister  of  Mrs.  Brown]  had  overcome  her  repugnance 
to  writing,  and  by  the  next  post  replied  to  her  letter.  She  begs 
me  to  press  upon  you  the  task  of  urging  her  to  write  more  fre- 
quently, and  authorizes  me  to  declare  that  although  her  corre- 
spondents are  numerous,  Lucretia's  letters  shall  ever  receive  prompt 
answers. 

I  have  written  to  so  many  of  my  friends  to-day,  that  I  have 
much  against  my  inclination,  defrauded  you  of  your  share.  My 
affectionate  wishes  for  the  happiness  of  yourself  and  family  wait 
upon  you. 

*  James  Brown,  brother-in-law  of  Mr.  Clay,  afterward  American  minister  »t 
Paris. 


OF  HENKY  CLAY.  11 

JOHN   ADAIR   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

LEXINGTON,  August  15,  1805. 

SlR_  ******* 

I  need  make  no  further  apology  for  calling  your  recollection  to  the 
handbill  that  was  shown  in  Frankfort  last  November,  implicating 
my  political  principles  as  inimical  to  Mr.  Jefferson  and  republic- 
anism. From  an  application  to  Mr.  Taylor  and  others  who 
were  present,  it  appears  that  the  conversation  alluded  to  took 
place  principally  between  you  and  myself,  although  in  presence 
of  several  gentlemen.  I  wish  you  now  to  recollect,  as  far  as  you 
can,  the  nature  of  that  conversation — in  what  manner  I  spoke  of 
the  amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution,  whether  positively 
as  bad,  or  whether  I  did  not  merely  doubt  its  future  operation  as 
unfavorable  to  republicanism,  stating,  as  my  reason,  that  it  had 
been  urged  by  the  Federalists  under  the  former  Administration, 
and  opposed  by  the  party  who  had  now  carried  it  in  opposition 
to  them.  I  wish  you  likewise  to  state  in  what  manner  and  by 
whom  General  Pinckney's  name  was  first  introduced,  whether  I 
discovered  the  least  displeasure  with  the  administration,  or  tal- 
ents, or  personal  character  of  Mr.  Jefferson  ;  on  the  contrary, 
whether  I  did  not  say  I  would  prefer  him  as  President  to  any 
man  in  the  Union  ;  but  observed  that  the  people  of  America 
ought  not  to  think  their  liberty  or  happiness  depended  on  the 
election  of  any  individual,  but  on  their  steady  adherence  to  a 
virtuous  observance  of  their  laws. 

Your  answer  by  post  to  Frankfort  will  be  deemed  a  favor. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    JOHN    ADAIR. 

LEXINGTON,  August  24,  1805. 

SIR, — Yours  of  the  15th  instant,  addressed  to  me  at  the  Olym- 
pian Springs,  did  not  reach  me  until  a  few  days  ago  at  Paris,  or 
it  should  have  been  earlier  answered. 

I  recollect,  during  the  session  of  the  Assembly  of  1803,  having 
had  one  or  more  conversations  with  you  relative  to  the  amend- 
ment of  the  Federal  Constitution,  providing  for  a  de^i-r-mtion  of 
the  President  and  Vice-President  in  the  votes  to  be  given  for 
those  officers.  But  I  regret  that  my  memory  does  not  enable  me 
to  detail  the  particulars  of  those  conversations.  I  remember, 
however,  that  you  expressed  doubts  as  to  the  propriety  of  the 


12  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

proposed  amendment,  urged  some  arguments  to  prove  that  the 
existing  provision  was  best,  and  suggested  your  fears  that  a 
change  would  produce  mischievous  consequences.  Whether 
your  opinion  was  matured  or  not  I  can  not  say,  but  I  do  not 
think  you  expressed  one  decisively.  If  the  name  of  General 
Pinckney  was  mentioned,  and  how  or  by  whom  it  was  intro- 
duced, at  the  times  of  the  conversations,  or  at  any  of  them,  it 
has  escaped  my  memory.  I  have  heard  you  speak  of  that  gen- 
tleman, I  think,  more  than  once,  in  terms  of  high  respect,  and 
it  may  have  been  when  the  topic  of  conversation  was  the  amend- 
ment ;  but  I  do  not  believe  that  you  drew  any  parallel  between 
Mr.  Jefferson  and  him,  or  contended  that  he  was  equally  well 
qualified  to  fill  the  presidential  chair. 

When  I  saw  the  handbill  to  which  you  allude,  I  was  surprised 
at  some  of  the  sentiments  there  ascribed  to  you  ;  and  am  inclined 
to  think  had  they  been  avowed  in  my  presence  and  hearing,  that 
they  would  have  made  an  impression  which  would  be  still  fresh. 


JAMES    BROWN    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  March  12,  1805. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received,  two  mails  ago,  your  very  acceptable 
favor  of  the  28th  of  January,  and  should  sooner  have  answered 
it  but  for  the  pressure  of  business  arising  from  two  courts  in 
session  at  the  same  time.  I  rejoice  at  every  assurance  I  receive 
of  the  health  and  happiness  of  a  family  to  whom  I  feel  every 
attachment  which  a  consciousness  of  their  worth  and  a  recollec- 
tion of  their  friendship  can  inspire.  The  hope  of  a  rapturous 
meeting  with  you  shortly,  consoles  me  under  an  absence  which, 
without  this  delightful  expectation,  would  be  insupportable. 
With  the  young  portion  of  my  relations  I  feel  confident  of  an 
interview,  but  poor  old  Colonel  Hart* — am  I  never  to  see  him 
again  ?  He  has  frightened  me  by  the  very  circumstance  which 
he  mentions  as  nattering  to  his  hope  of  long  life.  He  informs 
me  that  his  weight  has  increased  twenty-three  pounds  since  his 
return  from  the  Springs.  I  consider  this  as  an  unfavorable 
omen,  but  will  feel  perfectly  relieved  from  all  apprehensions  if 
he  survives  the  month  of  March. 

******** 

*  Father-in-law  of  Mr.  Brown  and  Mr.  Clay. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  13 

It  gives  me  real  pleasure  to  hear  from  every  quarter  that  you 
stand  in  Kentucky  at  the  head  of  your  profession.  May  you 
soon  grow  rich,  and  be  able  to  retire  from  a  profession,  the  duties 
of  which  are  too  severe  in  that  inclement  climate  for  the  most 
robust  constitution.  My  retreat  from  your  State  saved  my  life. 
One  winter  more  would  have  fixed  upon  me  a  confirmed  con- 
sumption. Here  I  have  renewed  my  youth. 

Nancy  has  written  to  Lucretia.  She  enjoys  good  health,  good 
spirits,  and,  as  you  may  suppose,  the  esteem  of  all  who  know 
her. 

Let  me  hear  from  you  more  frequently. 


AARON  BURR  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

LOUISVILLE,  November  27,  1806. 

DEAR  SIR, — Information  has  this  morning  been  given  to  me 
that  Mr.  Davies  has  recommenced  his  prosecution  and  inquiry. 
I  must  entreat  your  professional  aid  in  this  business.  It  would 
be  disagreeable  to  me  to  form  a  new  connection,  and  various 
considerations  will,  it  is  hoped,  induce  you,  even  at  some  person- 
al inconvenience,  to  acquiesce  in  my  request.  I  shall,  however, 
insist  on  making  a  liberal  pecuniary  compensation.  The  delay 
of  your  journey  to  Washington  for  a  few  days  can  not  be  very 
material.  No  business  is  done  in  Congress  till  after  New  Years. 
I  pray  you  to  repair  to  Frankfort  on  receipt  of  this. 


AARON  BURR  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

FRANKFORT,  December  1,  1806. 

SIR, — I  have  no  design,  nor  have  I  taken  any  measure  to  pro- 
mote a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  or  a  separation  of  any  one  or 
more  States  from  the  residue.  I  have  neither  published  a  line 
on  this  subject  nor  has  any  one,  through  my  agency,  or  with  my 
knowledge.  I  have  no  design  to  intermeddle  with  the  Govern- 
ment or  to  disturb  the  tranquillity  of  the  United  States,  or  of  its 
territories,  or  any  part  of  them.  I  have  neither  issued,  nor  signed, 
nor  promised  a  commission  to  any  person  for  any  purpose.  I  do 
not  own  a  musket  nor  a  bayonet,  nor  any  single  article  of  mili- 
tary stores,  nor  does  any  person  for  me,  by  my  authority  or  with 
my  knowledge. 


14:  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

My  views  have  been  fully  explained  to,  and  approved  by.  seve- 
ral of  the  principal  'officers  of  Government,  and,  I  believe,  are 
well  understood  by  the  administration  and  seen  by  it  with  com- 
placency. They  are  such  as  every  man  of  honor  and  every 
good  citizen  must  approve. 

Considering  the  high  station  you  now  fill  in  our  national  coun- 
cils* I  have  thought  these  explanations  proper,  as  well  to  counter- 
act the  chimerical  tales  which  malevolent  persons  have  so  in- 
dustriously circulated,  as  to  satisfy  you  that  you  have  not  es- 
poused the  cause  of  a  man  in  any  way  unfriendly  to  the  laws, 
the  government,  or  the  interests  of  his  country. 


AARON  BURR  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

LEWIS  INX,  half  past  3. 

SIR, — At  nine  this  morning  Mr.  Jordan  received  your  letter  in 
reply  to  one  which  he  wrote  at  my  request. 

I  have  just  arrived  wet,  and  something  fatigued,  and  send  to 
inquire  whether  my  presence  in  court  is  now  deemed  necessary 
or  expedient. 

I  pray  you  to  consider  yourself  as  my  counsel  in  the  business 
moved  by  Mr.  D.  A  more  technical  application  will  be  made 
when  I  shall  have  the  pleasure  to  see  you.  An  early  interview, 
at  this  house,  would  very  much  gratify  me. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  THOMAS    M.  PRENTISS 

CITY  OF  WASHINGTON,  February  15,  180Y. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  agreeable  favor,  with  its  inclosure, 
for  which  accept  my  thanks.  Your  New  Year's  ode  was  well 
adapted  to  the  object  in  view,  and  the  perusal  of  it  afforded  me 
much  pleasure. 

Colonel  Burr  has  supplied  much  fund  of  conversation.  No 
doubt  is  now  entertained  here  of  his  having  engaged  in  schemes 
of  the  most  daring  and  illegal  kind.  Having  left  Kentucky  under  a 
belief  that  he  was  innocent,  it  was  with  no  little  surprise  upon 
my  arrival  here  that  I  found  I  had  been  deceived.  Entertaining 
ihe  opinion  I  did,  I  ventured  at  Chillicothe  to  speak  with  some 

*  Mr.  Clay  was  now  Senator  of  the  United  States. 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  15 

freedom  upon  measures  proposed  there  of  a  harsh  character,  and 
unjustified,  as  it  appeared  to  me,  by  public  exigences.  It  is  to 
this  cause  that  the  strictures  upon  my  conduct,  alluded  to  in 
yours,  are  owing.  They  give  me  no  pain,  as  I  am  conscious  of 
having  participated  in  no  illegal  projects  of  Burr,  and  know  that 
I  will  not  be  suspected  of  having  done  so  by  any  who  know 
me. 

Alexander  has  been  discharged  for  want  of  proof.  Bollmar 
and  Swartwout  remain  in  custody.  They  applied  to  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States,  now  in  session,  for  a  writ  of 
habeas  corpus.  Some  of  the  judges  doubted  their  power  to 
grant  it,  as  it  was  not  included  within  the  enumerated  powers 
conferred  upon  that  tribunal  in  the  Constitution.  The  question 
has  been  discussed,  and  three  judges  to  two  [Chase  and  John- 
son] have  determined  in  favor  of  the  application.  The  prisoners 
are  to  be  brought  before  the  Court  to-day. 

The  papers  inform  you  of  the  great  events  passing  upon  the 
European  theater.  A  measure  has  been  lately  taken  by  Bona- 
parte of  a  most  gigantic  nature,  the  declaration  that  the  islands 
of  Great  Britain  are  in  a"  state  of  blockade.  It  is  said  that  our 
minister  at  Paris  has  written  on  to  Government  that  our  com- 
merce is  not  to  be  affected  by  it ;  I  apprehend,  however,  that  it 
will  subject  it  to  much  embarrassment. 

The  session  of  Congress  has  not  been  so  interesting  as  I  had 
anticipated.  No  questions  in  relation  to  our  foreign  intercourse, 
involving  much  discussion,  have  been  agitated  ;  every  thing  de- 
pends upon  the  result  of  pending  negotiations,  and  this  will  not 
be  known,  it  is  probable,  until  the  session  expires. 

I  expect  to  be  accompanied  to  Kentucky  by  two  young  gen- 
tlemen, one  proposing  the  practice  and  the  other  the  study  of 
the  law,  The  latter  will  continue  with  me.  I  am  glad  to  find 
that  you  have  been  getting  acquainted  with  Strange.  He  is  a 
valuable  reporter,  but  occupies  a  second  station  only  in  the  grade 
of  merit.  I  calculate  upon  finding  you  much  improved  in  your 
law  knowledge.  Two  words  will  make  any  man  of  sound  in- 
tellect a  lawyer,  industry  and  application,  and  the  same  words 
with  a  third,  economy,  will  enable  him  to  make  a  fortune. 

My  respects  to  your  fellow-students  ;  and  tell  them  they  have 
been  very  inattentive  to  me  in  not  writing. 

Present  me  also  to  the  very  amiable  and  sensible  man  with 
whom  you  reside. 


16  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MB.    BROWN    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

r 

NEW  ORLEANS,  September  1,  1808. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Before  I  had  the  pleasure  of  your  last  very 
agreeable  letter,  the  news  of  the  death  of  our  venerable  friend 
[Colonel  Hart]  had  reached  us.  Although  in  some  degree  pre- 
pared for  the  melancholy  event  by  the  account  given  in  your 
former  letter  of  the  state  of  his  health,  I  yet  felt  the  loss  with  a 
degree  of  sensibility  which  was  heightened  by  the  regret  I  expe- 
rienced by  being  forever  denied  the  long  expected  pleasure  of 
giving  him  a  gleam  of  happiness  in  his  last  days,  by  restor- 
ing him  the  society  of  his  beloved  daughter.  I  need  not  tell 
you  that  she  has  suffered.  You  know  the  sensibility  of  her 
heart,  and  the  warmth  of  her  gratitude  and  attachment  to  the 
best  of  fathers.  Reflection,  however,  should  teach  us  the  duty 
of  yielding  to  the  decrees  of  heaven.  Our  friend  was  not  pre- 
maturely snatched  away  from  us.  He  has  left  no  needy  in- 
fant orphans.  He  lived  long  and  he  lived  well.  His  character 
is  set  before  his  family  as  a  model  of  public  and  private  virtues, 
worthy  of  their  imitation.  While  tfrey  cherish  his  memory 
may  they  never  depart  from  the  example  he  has  left  them. 
******* 

I  am  sorry  that  you  do  not  live  in  better  times,  for  you  have 
talents  to  adorn  a  public  station,  and  to  be  useful  to  your  coun- 
try. But  to  me  character  is  more  dear  than  every  other  thing ; 
and  can  any  man  hope  long  to  preserve  it  in  the  present  miser- 
able state  of  things  ?  You  have  carried  your  election.  I  am 
rejoiced  at  it.  Your  enemies  will  be  wounded.  But  I  pray 
you  to  quit  public  life,  or  muster  up  sufficient  philosophy  to  bear 
up  under  all  the  hard  names  with  which  you  will  be  christened 
in  the  papers.  You  are,  it  seems,  a  Burrite.  If  Wilkinson  de- 
serves to  be  believed,  seven  thousand  men  in  your  State  deserved 
the  same  opprobrious  title.  What  you  may  next  be  called  is 
uncertain ;  but  as  long  as  you  retain  your  brains  and  your  inde- 
pendence you  will  be  abused.  Republicanism  demands  that  a 
man  of  talents  should  be  kept  down  by  detraction.  Too  much 
genius,  like  too  much  wealth,  destroys  equality,  the  very  soul 
of  democracy.  But  I  forbear.  You  will  say  I  have  become 
splenetic,  or  rather  that  I  have  always  been  subject  to  that  in- 
firmity. Nothing  is  further  from  the  fact.  Ever  since  my  arrival 
in  this  merry  dancing  country  my  temper  has  remained  unruffled, 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  17 

with  the  exception  of  Wilkinson's  winter  of  horrors.  In  do- 
mestic life  I  have  nothing  to  wish,  and  my  practice  jjas  been 
more  prosperous  than  I  had  any  right  to  expect.  It  is  with  pleas- 
ure that  I  discover  that  your  rage  for  electioneering  has  not 
diverted  your  mind  from  the  main  point;  and  that  the  people, 
while  they  rail  at  the  profession  of  'aw,  vie  with  each  other  in 
filling  the  coffers  of  its  professors.  Happy  in  the  bosom  of  your 
family  may  you  long  enjoy  the  fruits  of  your  labors,  and  trans- 
mit liberal  educations  and  competent  fortunes  to  your  descend- 
ants !  *  *  *  *  *•'•'.-.* 
Present  my  affectionate  regards  to  Lucretia  and  the  family. 


MR.    CLAY   TO   JUDGE   BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  26,  1811. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  inclosing  a  statement 
relative  to  Garland's  debt,  and  bank  notes  amounting  to  $35, 
being  $3  more  than  was  the  balance  agreeably  to  the  state- 
ment. I  have  since  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Hoomes,  in 
which  he  acknowledges  that  I  have  overpaid  the  proportion  of 
the  purchase  of  Buzzard  coming  from  me.  But  as  I  have  the 
collection,  in  Kentucky,  of  some  money  for 'his  father's  estate, 
there  will  be  no  difficulty  in  adjusting  the  excess.  I  am  much 
indebted  to  the  kindness  of  your  brother  and  yourself  for  your 
attention  to  this  matter,  and  I  can  not  agree  that  he  shall  be 
without  compensation  for  his  trouble.  I  must,  therefore,  request 
that  you  will  pay  him  $20,  for  which,  as  well  as  for  the  $3 
above  mentioned,  you  shall  be  credited  in  the  taxes  upon  your 
land.  I  do  not  think  the  present  a  very  favorable  period  for 
selling  your  land,  which  I  have  no  doubt  is  gradually  rising  in 
value.  If,  however,  you  are  desirous  to  effect  a  sale,  your  ob- 
ject would  probably  be  facilitated  by  such  a  descriptive  survey 
of  it  as  you  mention.  I  can  hardly  suppose  a  survey  necessary 
to  the  perpetuation  of  the  boundaries ;  surveys  in  that  county 
having  been  generally  made  in  connection,  in  such  manner  that 
they  tend  to  prove  each  other,  and  the  removal  of  the  corner 
of  one  would  derange  the  whole  block.  Instances  have,  indeed, 
occurred  there  of  such  fraudulent  attempts ;  but  I  believe  they  are 
rare.  Should  you  desire  to  possess  such  an  account  of  the  qual- 

2 


18  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

ity  of  your  lands  as  will  enable  you  to  satisfy  the  inquiries  of 
purchasers,  I  need  not  say  that,  on  this,  as  well  as  any  other 
matter  interesting  to  you,  I  shall  take  pleasure  in  promoting 
your  wishes. 


MR.  CLAY  TO .* 

LEXINGTON,  July  9,  1811. 

DEAR  SIR, — In  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  favor  of 
the  7th  inst.,  covering  $100  for  the  Lexington  Library,  I  must 
say  you  havo  furnished,  what  was  not  wanted,  an  additional 
evidence  of  that  devotion  to  literature,  and  that  disinterested 
liberality,  which  you  have  invariably  so  eminently  displayed. 
I  fear  that,  in  this  instance,  your  munificence  has  exceeded  the 
bounds  of  self-justice,  by  the  appropriation  of  a  sum  not  war- 
ranted by  the  proceeds  of  the  orations,  with  which  you  have 
favored  us.  Under  this  impression,  I  was  about  to  obey  my  first 
impulse  of  soliciting  you  to  permit  me  to  return  your  benevolent 
donation.  But  apprehensive  that,  in  so  doing,  I  might  excite 
some  unpleasant  sensation,  I  determined  to  give  it  the  direction 
which  your  goodness  has  prescribed,  and  invest  it  in  such  of  the 
books  contained  in  your  list,  as  are  not  already  in  the  Library, 
which  will  be  not  more  appreciated  for  their  enlightened  con- 
tents than  by  a  recollection  of  the  distinguished  source  whence 
they  have  proceeded. 


LANGDON  CHEVES  TO  MR.   CLA7. 

WASHINGTON  (Davis'  Hotel),  July  30,  1812. 

DEAR  SIR, — Yours  of  the  15th  July,  inst.,  I  received  yesterday, 
at  Philadelphia,  at  the  very  moment  I  was  getting  into  the  stage 
on  my  way  to  Carolina.  *  * 

You  ask  me,  "  What  notice  you  ought  to  take  of  Randolph's 
reply  ?"  certainly  none — none  whatever.  Were  you  to  notice 
it  he  would  reply  again,  and  it  would  never  terminate.  He 
spoke  with  great  truth  in  the  beginning  of  the  last  session,  when 
he  said  the  "  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  was  the 
second  man  in  the 'nation  ;"  and  if  this  be  true,  as  I  think  it  is, 
it  does  not  become  the  Speaker  to  enter  into  altercations  with 
any  member  of  the  House,  or  even  of  the  nation,  in  a  public 

*  The  address  of  this  letter  is  not  given. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  19 

justification  of  his  conduct,  any  more  than  it  does  to  the  first 
man  in  the  nation — the  President.  I,  therefore,  thought  you 
originally  wrong.  But  if  any  notice  of  Mr.  R.'s  first  publication 
was  right,  it  was  taken  by  you  exactly  in  the  manner,  temperate 
and  dignified,  in  which  it  ought  to  have  been  noticed.  I  think, 
as  the  question  stands,  you  have  entirely  the  advantage  of  the 
argument ;  and  I  think  you  would  egregiously  err,  as  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  (it  would  be  entirely 
different  were  it  a  question  between  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  R.)  to  put 
it  on  any  other  footing  than  that  of  argument.  I  have  not  heard 
one  sentence  on  the  subject  of  his  reply,  of  any  kind,  from  any 
person,  except  one  in  my  own  family,  which  resulted  from  my 
having  received  a  copy  of  it,  through  the  Post-office,  from  him- 
self— it  was  not  one  to  your  prejudice.  On  this  subject,  although 
about  the  latitude  of  debate  we  differ,  I  am  entirely  and  decidedly 
of  opinion  you  are  right ;  and  that,  I  think,  is  enough  for  you 
as  Speaker.  I  am  sure  of  this,  whether  you  think  me  right  or 
wrong,  you  will  be  certain  that  I  give  you  candid  advice. 

I  have  not  a  doubt  of  your  willingness  to  put  the  question 
personally  on  any  footing  whatever,  that  might  be  deemed  proper. 
But  any  such  notice  of  it  on  your  part  would  be  most  inexcusably 
wrong.  It  is  always  to  be  remembered  that  it  is  the  Speaker 
and  Mr.  R.  who  are  engaged  ;  and  really  I  should  be  afraid  my- 
self of  the  freedom  of  speech,  if  the  Chair  were  supported  in  that 
way.  No  ;  if  you  had  any  feelings  leading  you  that  way,  it 
would  be  a  sacred  public  duty  to  suppress  them.  I  ought  to 
have  said,  besides,  that  there  is  not  even  a  plausible  reason  and 
occasion  for  any  such  notice  were  you  viewed  merely  as  any 
other  individual  of  the  community.  Present  my  most  respectful 
compliments  to  Mrs.  Clay.  I  have  only  arrived  here  fifteen 
minutes,  and  go  away  on  my  journey  in  fifteen  more.  I  am, 
therefore,  in  great  haste. 


JAMES  MONROE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  August  28,  1812. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Yours  of  the  29th  ultimo  and  12th  instant 
have  been  received.  The  former  should  have  been  answered 
sooner,  had  I  not  been  absent  in  Virginia,  where  I  had  gone  to 
to  take  my  family  for  the  advantage  of  onr  mountain  air. 


20  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

We  have  just  heard  with  equal  astonishment  and  concern,  that 
General  Hull  has  surrendered,  by  capitulation,  the  army  under 
his  command  at  Detroit,  to  the  British  force  opposed  to  him. 
The  circumstances  attending  this  most  mortifying  and  humiliat- 
ing event  are  not  known  ;  but,  so  far  as  we  are  informed  on  the 
subject,  there  appears  to  be  no  justification  of  it.  I  can  not 
suspect  his  integrity  ;  I  rather  suppose  that  a  panic  had  seized 
the  whole  force,  and  that  he  and  they  became  victims  of  his 
want  of  energy,  promptitude  of  decision,  and  those  resources,  the 
characteristics  of  great  minds  in  difficult  emergencies.  We  under- 
stand that,  after  passing  the  river,  he  suffered  his  communication 
to  be  cut  off  with  the  States  of  Ohio  and  Kentucky,  and  without 
making  any  active  movement  in  front  to  strike  terror  into  the 
enemy,  he  remained  tranquil,  thereby  evincing  a  want  of  confi- 
dence in  his  own  means,  and  giving  time  to  collect  his  forces 
together.  No  intelligence  justifies  the  belief  that  he  gave  battle 
in  a  single  instance.  It  appears  that  he  surrendered  on  a  sum- 
mons from  Fort  Sandwich,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  after 
the  firing  of  some  cannon  or  mortars,  which  did  no  great  mis- 
chief. 

Before  this  disastrous  event  was  known,  the  force,  now,  I  pre- 
sume, on  its  march,  was  ordered  from  Kentucky,  and  the  ap- 
pointment of  brigadier  had  been  conferred  on  Governor  Harrison. 
Your  letters  had  produced  all  the  effect  on  those  subjects,  which 
their  solidity  justly  merited. 

I  most  sincerely  wish  that  the  President  could  dispose  of  me, 
at  this  juncture,  in  the  military  line.  If  circumstances  would 
permit,  and  it  should  be  thought  that  I  could  render  any  service, 
I  would,  in  a  very  few  days,  join  our  forces  assembling  beyond 
the  Ohio,  and  endeavor  to  recover  the  ground  which  we  have 
lost.  He  left  this  to-day  for  Virginia,  as  did  Mr.  Gallatin  for 
New  York,  but  expresses  being  sent  for  them,  they  will  probably 
both  return  to-morrow. 


WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

CINCINNATI,  August  29,  1812. 

I  write  to  you,  my  dear  sir,  amid  a  thousand  interruptions, 
and  I  do  it  solely  for  the  purpose  of  showing  you  that  you 
are  present  to  my  recollection,  under  circumstances  that  would 
almost  justify  a  suspension  of  every  private  feeling.  The  ru- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  21 

mored  disasters  upon  our  north-western  frontier,  are  now  ascer- 
tained to  be  correct.  The  important  point  of  Mackinac  was  sur- 
rendered without  an  effort;  an  army  captured  at  Detroit,  after 
receiving  three  shots  from  a  distant  battery  of  the  enemy  (and 
from  the  range  of  which  it  was  easy  to  retire),  a  fort  [Chicago], 
in  the  midst  of  hostile  tribes  of  Indians,  ordered  to  be  evacu- 
ated, aud  the  garrison  slaughtered;  the  numerous  north-western 
tribes  of  Indians  (with  the  exception  of  two  feeble  ones),  in 
arms  against  us,  is  the  distressing  picture  which  presents  itself 
to  view  in  this  part  of  the  country.  To  remedy  all  these 
misfortunes,  I  have  an  army  competent  in  numbers,  and  in  spirit 
equal  to  any  that  Greece  or  Rome  ever  boasted  of,  but  desti- 
tute of  artillery,  of  many  necessary  equipments,  and  absolutely 
ignorant  of  every  military  evolution,  nor  have  I  but  a  single 
individual  capable  of  assisting  me  in  training  them.  But  I  beg 
you  to  believe,  my  dear  sir,  that  this  retrospect  of  my  situation, 
far  from  producing  despondency,  produces  a  contrary  effect,  and 
I  feel  confident  of  being  able  to  surmount  them  all.  The 
grounds  of  this  confidence  are  a  reliance  on  my  own  zeal  and 
perseverance,  and  a  perfect  conviction  that  no  such  materials 
for  forming  an  invincible  army  ever  existed,  as  the  volunteers 
which  have  marched  from  Kentucky  on  the  present  occasion. 

Fort  Wayne  is  in  imminent  danger.  Governor  Meiggs  is  col- 
lecting a  body  of  mounted  men  at  Urbanna,  and  I  suppose  will 
send  them  to  relieve  Fort  Wayne,  before  I  can  get  up  with  the 
infantry.  I  dispatched  Garrard's  troop  this  morning,  with  orders 
to  join  any  corps  (at  Piqua)  which  may  be  destined  for  that 
object.  The  three  regiments  of  infantry  marched  also  this 
morning ;  I  shall  follow  and  overtake  them  to-morrow.  Should 
the  relief  of  Fort  Wayne  not  have  been  attempted,  or  the 
attempt  have  failed,  it  will  be  my  first  object  upon  my  arrival  at 
Piqua.  I  have  made  every  arrangement  in  my  power  to  facili- 
tate the  march  of  the  regiments  which  are  expected  from  Ken- 
tucky, after  they  shall  arrive  here,  but  I  fear  that  I  shall  be 
obliged  to  advance  from  Piqua  without  them.  With  the  assist- 
ance of  a  number  of  mounted  men,  however,  which  Governor 
Meiggs  can  supply,  I  may  do  pretty  well.  With  troops  that  are 
awkward,  and  who,  of  course,  maneuver  slowly,  mounted  men 
are  absolutely  indispensable  to  mask  their  evolutions. 

I  am  so  much  interrupted,  that  I  can  only  add  that  I  am  your 
friend,  etc. 


22  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

CINCINNATI,  August  30,  1812. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — After  having  been  absent  from  home  for  so 
many  months  you  will  no  doubt  think  it  unreasonable  that  you 
should  be  asked  to  take  a  considerable  journey,  and  that  on  an 
occasion  entirely  foreign  to  your  ordinary  public  duties.  I  know 
you,  however,  too  well,  not  to  believe  that  sacrifices  of  private 
convenience  will  be  always  made  to  render  service  to  your 
country.  Without  further  preamble  then,  I  inform  you  that 
in  my  opinion,  your  presence  on  the  frontier  of  this  State 
would  be  productive  of  great  advantages.  I  can  assure  you 
that  your  advice  and  assistance  in  determining  the  course  of 
operations  for  the  army  (to  the  command  of  which  I  have 
been  designated  by  your  recommendation),  will  be  highly  use- 
ful. You  are  not  only  pledged  in  some  manner  for  my  con- 
duct, but  for  the  success  of  the  war — for  God's  sake,  then,  come 
on  to  Piqua  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  let  us  endeavor  to  throw 
off  from  the  administration  that  weight  of  reproach  which  the 
late  disasters  will  heap  upon  them.  If  you  come,  bring  on 
McKee  with  you,  whom  you  will  overtake  upon  the  road.  An 
extract  from  this  letter  will  be  authority  for  the  commanding 
officer  of  his  regiment  to  let  him  come. 


JAMES    MONROE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  September  IT,  1812. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  several  let- 
ters from  you  in  relation  to  our  affairs  to  the  westward,  and  I 
hope  that  one  which  I  wrote  you  on  the  receipt  of  the  first,  has 
long  since  reached  its  destination.  Every  effort  has  been  made 
by  the  government  to  remedy  the  shameful  and  disastrous  loss 
of  the  army  and  fort  at  Detroit,  and  I  hope  the  best  effects  will 
result  from  them.  In  aid  of  the  force  which  has  so  generously 
volunteered  its  service  from  Kentucky  and  Ohio,  fifteen  hundred 
are  ordered  from  Pennsylvania,  and  a  like  number  from  Virginia, 
so  that  I  think  you  will  have  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Erie,  early 
in  the  next  month,  eight  thousand  or  ten  thousand  men,  well 
equipped,  prepared  to  march  on  to  recover  the  ground  lost,  and  re- 
sume the  conquest  of  Upper  Canada.  I  have  the  utmost  confi- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  23 

dence  in  the  success  of  the  expedition  which  is  set  on  foot,  be- 
cause the  spirit  of  the  people  appears  to  be  roused  to  that  state 
which  is  best  adapted  to  manly  and  heroic  achievements.  I  am 
willing  to  trust  to  their  sense  of  honor  and  to  their  patriotism,  to 
efface  the  stigma  which  has  been  fixed  on  our  national  character. 
I  hope  they  will  exhibit  a  noble  contrast  to  that  degenerate  spirit 
which  has  of  late,  and  continues  to  exhibit  itself  to  the  eastward, 
in  the  dominant  party  there.  The  command  of  this  force  is  com- 
mitted to  Governor  Harrison,  who,  it  is  believed,  will  justify  the 
favorable  expectation  entertained  of  him  by  those  who  are  best 
acquainted  with  his  merit.  You  and  our  other  friends  in  Ken- 
tucky will  find  that  the  utmost  attention  has  been  paid  to  your 
opinions  and  wishes  on  all  these  subjects. 

A  large  park  of  heavy  artillery  is  sent  on  to  Pittsburg,  to  be 
forwarded  thence  toward  Cleveland,  for  the  use  of  the  army, 
whose  duty  it  will  be  to  retake  Detroit,  and  expel  the  British 
from  Maiden  and  Upper  Canada.  In  short,  every  arrangement  is 
made  to  give  effect  to  our  operations  in  that  quarter  that  has  ap- 
peared to  be  necessary. 

On  the  intelligence  of  the  surrender  of  Detroit,  the  President 
expressed  a  desire  to  avail  himself  of  my  services  in  that  quarter, 
and  had  partly  decided  so  to  do.  He  proposed  that  I  should  go 
in  the  character  of  a  volunteer,  with  the  rank  of  major  general, 
to  take  the  command  of  the  forces.  I  expressed  my  willingness 
to  obey  the  summons,  although  it  was  sudden  and  unexpected, 
as  indeed  the  event  which  suggested  the  idea  was.  On  mature 
reflection,  however,  he  concluded  that  it  would  not  be  proper  for 
me  to  leave  my  present  station  at  the  present  juncture.  I  had  no 
opinion  on  the  subject,  but  was  prepared  to  act  in  any  situation 
in  which  it  might  be  thought  I  might  be  most  useful. 

From  the  northern  army  we  have  nothing  which  inspires  a 
confident  hope  of  any  brilliant  success.  The  disaffection  in  that 
quarter  has  paralyzed  every  effort  of  the  government,  and  ren- 
dered inoperative  every  law  of  Congress  ;  1  speak  comparatively 
with  what  might  have  been  expected.  On  the  public  mind, 
however,  a  salutary  effect  is  produced  even  there,  by  the  events 
which  have  occurred.  Misfortune  and  success  have  alike  dimin- 
ished the  influence  of  foreign  attachments  and  party  animosities, 
and  contributed  to  draw  the  people  closer  together.  The  surren- 
der of  our  army  excited  a  general  grief,  and  the  naval  victory  a 
general  joy.  Inveterate  Toryism  itself  was  compelled,  in  both 


24  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

instances,  to  disguise  its  character  and  hide  its  feelings,  by  ap- 
pearing to  sympathize  with  those  of  the  nation.  If  Great  Britain 
does  not  come  forward  soon  and  propose  honorable  conditions,  I 
am  convinced  that  the  war  will  become  a  national  one,  and  will 
terminate  in  the  expulsion  of  her  force  and  power  from  the  con- 
tinent. 

Should  you  see  my  old  and  venerable  friend,  General  Scott,  I 
beg  you  to  present  my  best  regards  to  him. 


MR.  CLAY'S  PASSPORT  TO  GOTTENBURG. 

To  all  who  shall  see  these  presents,  greeting : 

The  President  of  the  United  States  of  America  having  ap- 
pointed the  Honorable  Henry  Clay,  late  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary  and  Extraordinary, 
in  conjunction  with  John  Q,uincy  Adams,  James  A.  Bayard,  and 
Jonathan  Russell,  Esquires,  to  negotiate  and  sign  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  Great  Britain  ;  and  the  said  Henry  Clay,  who  is  the 
bearer  hereof,  being  now  on  his  way  to  Gottenburg,  in  the  king- 
dom of  Sweden,  for  the  purpose  of  fulfilling  the  objects  of  his 
mission ;  These  are  to  request  all  officers  of  the  United  States 
aforesaid,  civil  and  military,  the  officers  and  subjects  of  powers 
in  amity  with  the  said  United  States,  and  all  others  whom  it 
may  concern,  not  to  offer  to  the  said  Henry  Clay  any  hinderance 
or  molestation  whatsoever ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  to  afford  to 
him  and  to  his  secretaries  and  attendants,  with  their  baggage,  all 
necessary  aid,  comfort,  and  protection. 

In  faith  whereof,  I,  James  Monroe,  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
United  States  of  America,  have  hereunto  subscribed  my  name 
and  affixed  the  seal  of  my  office. 

Given  at  Washington  City,  this  4th  day  of  February,  A.  D. 
1814,  and  in  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  American  Independence. 


MRS.  CLAY  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  March  10. 

MY  DEAR  HUSBAND, — Mr.  Barker  called  to-day  to  let  me  know 
that  he  has  an  opportunity  of  sending  letters  to  Gottenburg,  alid 
offered  to  take  charge  of  one  for  you.  I  heard  the  other  day 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  25 

from  Lexington  that  it  is  more  sickly  than  it  ever  has  been. 
Nelly  Hart  had  twelve  negroes  sick  ;  Theodore  wrote  me  that 
all  our  family  were  well.  The  children  that  I  have  with  me  are 
all  well,  and  Henry  is  always  talking  of  you,  he  comes  up  and 
kisses  me  for  his  papa.  I  long  very  much  to  be  at  home  with 
my  family,  for  I  am  very  dreary  here  as  I  do  not  pay  visits ;  in- 
deed I  found  I  could  not  go  out  without  you  in  the  evening,  but 
I  do  all  in  my  power  to  keep  me  from  being  melancholy.  Our 
suit  in  this  ctnirt  was  tried  the  other  day ;  I  have  not  heard  that 
it  is  decided.  Mr.  Wickliff  started  on  Sunday  last  for  Kentucky. 
Mrs.  Brown  has  at  last  made  up  her  mind  to  go  home  with  me 
and  spend  the  summer.  Judge  Todd  and  his  lady  have  been 
very  polite  to  me  since  you  left  this  ;  the  Judge  called  the 
other  day  to  examine  the  light  wagon  we  were  to  have  got  from 
Mr.  L.  but  he  found  it  so  completely  worn  out  that  I  determined 
not  to  take  it ;  we  shall  I  hope  get  on  without  it.  Mr.  Bibb  paid 
me  the  $500  as  soon  as  he  got  here.  You  need  not  make  your- 
self the  least  uneasy  on  our  account,  for  I  believe  we  shall  do 
very  well.  Mr.  Granger  has  been  turned  out  of  office.  A  great 
many  blame  Mr.  Madison.  Susan  and  Ann  send  their  love  to 
you.  May  God  spare  you  to  us.  Do  take  care  of  yourself  for 
our  sakes 


MR.  CRAWFORD   TO  MR.  CLAY. 

PARIS,  April  8,  1814. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  events  which  have  within  a  few  days 
passed  in  this  city,  and  in  its  neighborhood,  have  changed  every 
thing  in  France  but  the  character  of  the  Parisians,  and  perhaps 
of  Frenchmen  in  general. 

On  the  30th  ult.  a  battle  was  fought  in  the  vicinity  of  Paris 
by  the  French  troops  under  the  Duke  of  Ragusa,  amounting  to 
between  fifteen  and  twenty  thousand  men,  and  the  grand  allied 
army.  The  loss  was  considerable  on  both  sides,  but  that  of  the 
Allies  was  more  than  double.  It  is  estimated  from  eight  to  ten 
thousand  men.  The  disparity  in  the  loss  was  the  result  of  the 
strong  positions  of  the  French  troops,  and  the  desire  of  the  Allies 
to  get  possession  of  the  capital  before  the  arrival  of  the  Emper- 
ot  Napoleon,  who  was  advancing  by  rapid  marches  upon  their 
rear.  This  desire  was  so  predominant  that  they  made  no  attempt 


26  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

to  turn  these  positions,  but  marched  directly  up  to  the  intrench- 
ments,  where  they  were  repulsed  four  or  five  times.  The  battle 
commenced  about  4  o'clock  A.  M.  and  finished  about  the  same 
time  in  the  evening.  The  Duke  of  Ragusa  entered  into  a  con- 
vention by  which  he  agreed  to  evacuate  the  city,  taking  with 
him  all  his  baggage,  ammunition  and  artillery. 

The  next  day  the  Emperor  of  Russia  and  King  of  Prussia  en- 
tered Paris  at  the  head  of  about  fifty  thousand  of  the  finest  troops 
in  the  world.  The  remainder  of  their  immense  army  either  defiled 
on  the  north  or  south  side  of  the  city,  or  remained  in  their  po- 
sitions on  the  east,  which  was  the  field  of  battle.  The  Emper- 
or of  Russia,  with  his  Minister  of  Foreign  Relations,  went  di- 
rectly to  the  house  of  the  Prince  of  Benevento,  who  convened 
the  Senate  the  same  evening,  and  had  himself  and  three  of  his 
friends,  with  one  devoted  Bourbonite,  named  to  the  provisional 
government.  The  Senate  had  deposed  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  and 
directed  the  provisional  government  to  form  a  Constitution,  which 
has  been  accomplished,  and  accepted  by  the  Senate  and  the  small 
portion  of  the  Legislative  corps  who  are  now  in  Paris.  The  Moni- 
teiir  of  this  day  contains  this  Constitution,  which  you  will  prob- 
ably see  before  you  receive  this  letter.  The  monarchy  is  declared 
to  be  hereditary  in  the  house  of  Bourbon  in  the  male  line.  The 
present  Senators  remaining  Senators  of  the  realm  by  the  same 
tenure.  The  Senate  to  consist  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  at  least, 
and  not  more  than  two  hundred.  The  ancient  and  new  nobility  to 
remain.  All  Frenchmen  to  be  capable  of  filling  all  the  offices  of 
the  government.  The  members  of  the  legislative  corps  to  hold 
their  offices  for  five  years,  and  to  be  elected  directly  by  the  people. 

The  proceedings  of  the  Senate  and  of  the  provisional  govern- 
ment, have  overturned  the  authority  of  the  Emperor  with  his 
army,  and  especially  with  his  ablest  generals.  He  seems  to  have 
sunk  without  an  effort,  at  least  without  an  effort  corresponding  in 
any  degree  with  his  former  fame.  Such  at  least  is  the  conclu- 
sion which  I  draw  from  the  facts  which  are  communicated  to  the 
public.  It  is  possible  that  these  facts  may  be  misrepresented.  I 
believe,  however,  that  it  is  certain,  that  he  has  agreed  to  retire 
with  his  family  to  the  Isle  of  Elba  upon  a  pension  of  six  mil- 
lions of  livres.  From  the  moment  that  he  saw  that  it  was  im- 
possible for  him  to  reign  he  ought  to  have  died.  The  manner 
was  in  his  election.  A  strange  infatuation  seems  to  have  in- 
fluenced his  conduct  during  the  last  six  months.  Still  relying 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  27 

upon  his  talents  and  his  power  he  refused,  at  Prague,  to  secure 
at  least  the  neutrality  of  Austria,  by  giving  her  every  thing  she 
required.  After  having  retreated  across  the  Rhine  he  reluctantly 
accepted  the  basis  which  the  Allies  proposed,  and  which  there  is 
some  reason  to  believe  they  were  sincerely  disposed  to  adopt. 
Lord  Castlereagh's  mission,  however,  according  to  the  best  view 
of  the  subject  which  I  have  been  able  to  take,  was  intended 
solely  to  prevent  this  accommodation.  Time  will  prove  the  ac- 
curacy or  inaccuracy  of  this  opinion.  There  must  have  been 
great  address  employed  in  managing  the  Emperor  of  Austria, 
who  had  rejected  all  idea  of  overthrowing  the  reigning  dynasty. 
The  infatuation  of  the  Emperor,  and  his  arrogance  to  his  father- 
in-law  (if  we  are  to  credit  reports  apparently  well  founded), 
greatly  contributed  to  the  success  of  the  arts  employed  by  the 
British  Secretary.  That  the  Emperor  of  Austria  has  been  duped 
is  clearly  established  by  the  declaration  of  the  Allies  after  the 
breaking  np  of  the  Congress  at  Chatillon,  and  by  the  conduct  of 
Lord  Wellington.  This  declaration  states  that  up  to  the  15th 
of  March  they  were  ready  to  make  peace  with  the  Emperor  Na- 
poleon, whereas  the  address  of  Lord  Wellington,  on  the  2d  of 
February,  declares  Louis  XVIII.  and  raises  the  Bourbon  stand- 
ard. The  introduction  of  the  ancient  dynasty  is  not  accepta- 
ble to  the  great  body  of  the  people  of  Paris.  Even  now,  after 
the  Senate  and.  provisional  government  have  declared  for  that 
dynasty,  there  is  not  one  man  in  a  hundred  who  puts  on  the 
white  cockade.  On  the  day  of  the  entry  of  the  allied  sover- 
eigns, all  the  persons  devoted  to  their  ancient  kings  endeavored 
to  make  themselves  as  conspicuous  as  possible,  and  to  conceal 
the  smallness  of  their  numbers  by  continual  'change  of  place. 
Exertions  were  made  to  excite  popular  feeling  and  popular  tumult, 
but  without  effect.  But  for  the  National  Guard  popular  tumult 
would  have  been  excited,  perhaps,  but  not  in  favor  of  the  Bour- 
bons. If  the  mob  of  Paris  had  been  put  in  motion  it  would 
have  been  in  favor  of  a  free  government. 

The  men  now  in  power  would,  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to 
judge,  have  preferred  the  succession  of  the  King  of  Rome, 
with  a  regency  provided  by  the  Empress;  but  the  Emperor 
Alexander,  who,  under  the  modest  exterior  of  submitting  every 
thing  to  the  will  of  the  French  people,  dictates  to  the  Senate 
and -provisional  government,  at  least  this  article  of  their  Constitu- 
tion. 


28  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

I  did  not  anticipate  precisely  the  manner  in  which  this  Euro- 
pean peace  was  to  be  consummated.  I  most  sincerely  wish  you 
complete  success  in  your  negotiations,  although  I  apprehend  that 
great  difficulties  will  he  presented.  Under  existing  circumstan- 
ces, if  peace  is  made,  I  presume  that  the  treaty  will  be  very 
short,  concluding  nothing  but  peace  and  the  restoration  of  what 
territory  may  be  in  the  hands  of  either  party  by  conquest,  if 
there  is  any  such. 

P.  S.  I  send  this  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Danish  Legation, 
who  sets  out  immediately  for  Copenhagen,  which  gives  me  no 
opportunity  for  reflection  or  revision  of  this  hasty  scrawl,  as  1 
have  just  been  informed  of  the  fact  of  his  setting  out. 


MR.    BAYARD    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

LONDON,  April  20,  1814. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  mail  of  last  evening  brought  the  intelli- 
gence of  your  arrival  at  Gottenburg.  I  present  you  my  con- 
gratulations upon  your  safe  passage  across  the  Atlantic.  Mr. 
Gallatin  and  myself  left  St.  Petersburg  on  the  25th  of  January, 
and  arrived  at  Amsterdam  on  the  4th  of  March.  In  that  city 
we  received  the  first  advice  of  the  direct  negotiation  proposed 
to  be  held  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  at  Got- 
tenburg, and  of  the  intention  of  our  government  to  send  addi- 
tional commissioners  from  America.  Knowing  that  some  time 
would  elapse  before  your  arrival  in  Europe,  and  also  before  the 
appointment  of  commissioners  on  the  part  of  this  Government, 
we  thought  it  likely  that  more  good  might  result  from  spending 
the  interval  in  this  country  rather  than  in  Holland. 

We  came  over  on  the  9th  inst.  at  a  moment  not  very  propi- 
tious for  the  objects  we  had  in  view.  The  Allies  had  taken 
possession  of  Paris,  and  the  next  day  brought  the  news  of  Bo- 
naparte's formal  abdication  of  the  thrones  of  France  and  Italy. 
The  intelligence  completely  turned  the  heads  of  all  ranks  who 
seem  to  have  thought  of  nothing  since,  but  the  means  of  mani- 
festing their  joy  on  the  occasion. 

It  is  much  to  be  apprehended  that  this  great  and  unexpected 
event  will  have  an  unfavorable  influence  upon  the  state  of  affairs 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain.  There  is  reason  to 
think  that  it  has  materially  changed  the  views  of  the  British 


OF  HEXRY   CLAY.  29 

Ministry.  In  fact  the  sudden  reduction  of  their  naval  and  mili- 
tary establishments  would  create  much  embarrassment,  and  the 
American  war  furnishes  too  good  a  pretense  to  avoid  it.  And 
the  great  augmentation  of  their  disposable  force  presents  an 
additional  temptation  to  prosecute  the  war.  You  must  also 
know  that  the  temper  of  the  country  is  highly  excited  against 
us,  and  decidedly  expressed  in  favor  of  the  continuance  of  hos- 
tilities. 

I  do  not  pretend,  however,  to  speak  at  present  with  any  cer- 
tainty of  the  intentions  of  the  Government,  for  we  have  had  no 
communication  with  any  member  of  it. 

I  think  they  have  avoided  any  intercourse  with  us.  but  this 
may  be  attributed  to  the  absence  of  Lord  Castlereagh  and  the 
indisposition  of  the  other  ministers  to  interfere  with  the  affairs 
of  his  department. 

We  can  not  learn  that  any  step  has  yet  been  taken  toward  the 
selection  of  characters  to  be  charged  with  the  negotiation  on 
the  part  of  this  Government.  It  is  stated,  and  upon  such  au- 
thority as  to  deserve  credit,  that  no  appointment  will  be  made 
till  the  Government  is  officially  notified  of  the  appointment  of 
the  American  commissioners  and  of  their  arrival  at  the  place  of 
rendezvous.  Mr.  G.  and  myself  have  thought  it,  therefore,  of 
sufficient  importance  to  dispatch  a  special  messenger  to  apprise 
you  of  the  fact,  and  to  enable  you  by  his  return,  without  loss 
of  time,  to  make  the  official  communication. 

If  there  be  a  discretion  on  the  subject,  we  would  thoroughly 
recommend  that  some  town  in  Holland  should  be  substituted  in 
lieu  of  Gottenburg,  as  the  seat  of  the  negotiation.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  change  would  facilitate  and  accelerate  the 
result.  You  may  rely  upon  the  friendly  dispositions  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  of  which  we  had  distinguished  proofs  during 
a  short  residence  at  Amsterdam. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  Government  of  the  Prince,  was  to 
nominate  a  minister  to  the  United  States. 

I  shall  remain  in  London  till  I  have  the  pleasure  of  hearing 
from  you,  unless  (which  is  not  to  be  expected),  in  the  mean  time 
commissioners  should  be  appointed  on  the  part  of  this  Government. 

This  1  tt:r  will  be  delivered  to  you  by  Colonel  Milligan,  who 
accompanied  me  as  private  secretary  to  St.  Petersburg.  He  is 
deserving  of  your  confidence,  and  I  beg  leave  to  recommend  him 
to  vour  attentions. 


30  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


ALBERT    GALLATIN   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

LONDON,  April  22,  1814. 

DEAR  SIR, — We  have  just  heard  of  your  arrival,  but  have 
received  no  letters,  and  I  am  yet  ignorant  whether  I  am  one  of 
the  new  commission  to  treat  of  peace.  My  arrangements  must 
depend  on  that  circumstance,  and  I  wait  with  impatience  for  the 
official  account  which  you  must  have  brought.  For  that  reason 
Mr.  Bayard  addresses  you  and  Mr.  Russel  in  his  own  name  ;  but 
I  coincide  fully  with  him  in  the  opinion  that  the  negotiations 
should  by  all  means  be  opened  here,  or  at  least,  in  Holland,  if 
this  is  not  rendered  impracticable  from  the  nature  of  the  com- 
mission. If  this  has  unfortunately  been  limited  to  treating  of 
peace  at  Gottenburg,  which  seems  highly  improbable,  there  is 
no  remedy.  But  if  the  commission  admits  of  a  change  of 
place,  I  would  feel  no  hesitation  in  removing  them,  at  least,  to 
any  other  neutral  place,  whatever  may  be  the  language  of  the 
instructions.  For  their  spirit  would  be  fully  answered  by  treat- 
ing in  any  other  friendly  country  as  well  as  if  at  Gottenburg. 
On  that  point  I  feel  great  anxiety,  because  on  account  of  the 
late  great  changes  in  Europe,  and  of  the  increased  difficulties 
thence  arising  in  making  any  treaty,  I  do  believe  that  it  would 
be  utterly  impossible  to  succeed  in  that  corner,  removed  from 
every  interference  in  our  favor  on  the  part  of  the  European  pow- 
ers, and  compelled  to  act  with  men  clothed  with  limited  author- 
ities, and  who  might  at  all  times  plead  a  want  of  instructions. 

You  are  sufficiently  aware  of  the  total  change  in  our  affairs 
produced  by  the  late  revolution,  and  by  the  restoration  of  uni- 
versal peace  in  the  European  world,  from  which  we  are  alone 
excluded.  A  well  organized  and  large  army  is  at  once  .liberated 
from  any  European  employment,  and  ready,  together  with  a 
superabundant  naval  force,  to  act  immediately  against  us.  How 
ill-prepared  we  are  to  meet  it  in  a  proper  manner  no  one  knows 
better  than  yourself;  but,  above  all,  our  own  divisions  and  the  hos- 
tile attitude  of  the  Eastern  States  give  room  to  apprehend  that  a 
continuance  of  the  war  might  prove  vitally  fatal  to  the  United 
States. 

I  understand  that  the  ministers,  with  whom  we  have  not  had 
any  direct  intercourse,  still  profess  to  be  disposed  to  make  an 
equitable  peace.  But  the  hope  not  of  ultimate  conquest,  but  of 
a  dissolution  of  the  union,  the  convenient  pretense  which  the 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  31 

American  war  will  afford  to  preserve  large  military  establish- 
ments, and  above  all  the  force  of  popular  feeling  may  all  unite 
in  inducing  the  cabinet  in  throwing  impediments  in  the  way  of 
peace.  They  will  not,  certainly,  be  disposed  to  make  conces- 
sions, nor  probably  displeased  at  a  failure  of  negotiations.  That 
the  war  is  popular,  and  that  national  pride,  inflated  by  the  last 
unexpected  success,  can  not  be  satisfied  without  what  they  call 
the  chastisement  of  America,  can  not  be  doubted.  The  mass 
of  the  people  here  know  nothing  of  American  politics  but 
through  the  medium  of  federal  speeches  and  newspapers  faith- 
fully transcribed  in  their  own  journals.  They  do  not  even  sus- 
pect that  we  have  any  just  cause  of  complaint,  and  consider  us 
altogether  as  the  aggressors,  and  as  allies  of  Bonaparte.  In  these 
opinions  it  is  understood  that  the  ministers  do  not  participate  ; 
but  it  will  really  require  an  effort  on  their  part  to  act  contrary  to 
public  opinion ;  and  they  must,  even  if  perfectly  sincere,  use 
great  caution  and  run  some  risk  of  popularity.  A  direct,  or  at 
least,  a  very  near  intercourse  with  them  is  therefore  highly  im- 
portant, as  I  have  no  doubt  that  they  would  go  further  them- 
selves than  they  would  be  willing  to  intrust  any  other  person. 
To  this  must  be  added,  that  Lord  Castlereagh  is,  according  to  the 
best  information  I  have  been  able  to  collect,  the  best  disposed 
man  in  the  cabinet,  and  that  coming  from  France  and  having 
had  intercourse  with  the  Emperor  Alexander,  it  is  not  improba- 
ble that  these  dispositions  may  have  been  increased  by  the  per- 
sonal expression  of  the  Emperor's  wishes  in  favor  of  peace  with 
America.  Whatever  advantage  may  be  derived  from  that  cir- 
cumstance and  from  the  Emperor's  arrival  here,  would  be  alto- 
gether lost  at  Gottenburg. 

I  have  confined  my  letter  to  this  single  point,  and  hoping 
soon  to  hear  from  you  and  from  Mr.  Russell  to  whom  you  will 
present  my  best  compliments. 


•    MR.  RUSSELL  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

STOCKHOLM,  April  26,  1814. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  did  not  reach  this  place  until  yesterday,  a  little 
before  noon.  The  roads  were  very  fine,  but  the  weather,  after 
the  first  day,  execrable.  I  have  announced  my  arrival  to  the 
minister,  and  he  has  assigned  one  o'clock  to-morrow  for  our  first 


32  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

interview,  when  I  shall  probably  learn  when  I  may  expect  to  be 
presented  to  the  king.  This  place,  as  far  as  I  have  yet  seen 
it,  promises  to  be  agreeable. 

Mr.  Speyer  received  this  morning  a  letter  from  Mr.  Adams, 
dated  the  llth  of  this  month,  in  which  he  says  he  purposes  to 
leave  St.  Petersburg  about  the  20th  of  this  month,  and  hopes  to 
arrive  somewhere  in  Sweden,  by  the  1st  of  May — probably  at 
Stockholm.  This  route,  he  says,  will  depend  upon  the  ther- 
mometer of  the  next  ten  days. 

I  shall  endeavor  to  complete  my  preparatory  errand  here,  in 
season,  to.  join  Mr.  Adams  in  his  progress  toward  Gottenburg, 
should  he  come  this  way. 

If  you  hear  any  thing  of  our  wandering  colleagues,  please 
communicate  it  to  me,  as  well  as  every  thing  else  of  an  interest- 
ing nature  at  your  residence. 

Please  say  to  our  worthy  secretary,  and  to  Captain  Angus,  that 
I  think  Stockholm  will  fully  indemnify  them  for  the  fatigue  and 
expense  of  a  visit. 

I  shall  occasionally  report  progress,  and  give  you  a  sketch  of 
the  times  here.  Make  my  compliments  to  Mr.  Carroll. 


MR.  RUSSELL  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

STOCKHOLM,  May  8,  1814. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received,  day  before  yesterday,  your  com- 
munication, by  the  Consul  General  of  Portugal,  but  not  in  season 
to  return  an  answer  by  the  mail  of  that  day. 

With  regard  to  our  power  to  enter  into  the  negotiation  else- 
where than  at  Gottenburg,  I  think  the  view  which  you  have 
taken  is  quite  satisfactory.  A  restriction  of  this  power  having 
been  omitted  in  the  commission,  by  the  express  direction  of  the 
President,  appears  to  explain  sufficiently  his  intentions,  and  to 
leave  us  at  liberty,  notwithstanding  the  incidental  insertion  of 
"  Gottenburg"  in  the  instructions,  to  treat  wherever  we  may 
have  the  most  promising  prospect  of  success. 

The  only  point,  therefore,  which  remains  for  consideration,  is 
that  of  expediency,  and  the  reasons  urged  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  Mr. 
Bayard,  and  yourself,  have  great  weight. 

The  apprehension  of  any  serious  evil  from  this  quarter,  occa- 
sioned by  our  change  of  position,  is,  I  trust,  without  foundation. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  38 

I  regret,  however,  that  I  had  not  known  the  opinions  of  Messrs. 
Gallatin  and  Bayard  in  season  to  have  shaped  my  communica- 
tions here  accordingly.  Something  like  a  retrograde  movement 
will  now  be  necessary,  and  it  may  require  some  address  to  recon- 
cile this  Government  to  the  new  arrangement.  I  hope  it  may 
be  in  our  power  to  throw  the  responsibility  on  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, but  am  somewhat  afraid  the  original  proposition  will 
appear  to  have  come  from  our  colleagues. 

My  personal  convenience  and  inclination  are,  indeed,  opposed 
to  the  change,  but  considerations  of  this  kind  must  yield  to  those 
of  public  utility. 

I  am  placed  rather  in  an  awkward  predicament  by  your  com- 
munication, as  the  uncertainty  in  which  it'  leaves  our  ultimate 
location,  disqualifies  me  from  adapting  my  movements  here  with 
sufficient  precision  to  either  alternative.  This  is  a  situation  truly 
diplomatic,  but  I  pray  you  to  relieve  me  from  its  embarrassments 
the  first  moment  it  is  in  your  power  to  do  so. 

I  had,  on  the  29th  ultimo,  my  presentations  successively  to  the 
King,  the  Queen,  the  Duke  of  Sudermania,  and  the  Princess 
Sophia.  The  early  day  assigned  for  this  ceremony  may  be  con- 
sidered as  some  proof  of  a  friendly  disposition  toward  us. 

The  Crown  Prince  was  to  leave  Paris  on  the  23d  ultimo,  and 
will  probably  be  here  by  the  20th  of  this  month.  I  hope,  there- 
fore, to  have  an  opportunity  of  seeing  him  before  my  departure 
from  Stockholm. 

I  wrote  you  soon  after  my  arrival  here,  but  my  letter  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  received  at  the  date  of  yours.  I  hear  noth- 
ing more  of  Mr.  Adams,  but  as  the  navigation  is  now  open  from 
Abo,  he  will  probably  soon  be  in  Sweden. 

Please  remember  me  kindly  to  Mr.  Carroll,  and  Captain  Angus 
and  his  officers. 


MR.  CRAWFORD  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

PARK,  June  10,  1814. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Mr.  Carroll  arrived  a  few  days  ago,  and 
brought  me  your  letters  of  the  10th  and  14th  ultimo.  The 
change  in  the  place  of  the  negotiation  for  peace  will  enable  me 
to  write  to  you  frequently,  and  will  afford  me  the  pleasure  of 
receiving  from  you  the  most  interesting  details  upon  the  advances 
which  you  shall  make  from  day  to  day  in  the  work  of  peace. 

3 


34  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

My  expectations  of  a  happy  result  are  not  strong.  The  arrogance 
of  the  enemy  was  never  greater  than  at  the  present  moment. 
The  infatuation  of  that  nation  excludes  almost  the  possibility  of 
peace.  The  ministry  are  represented  as  being  very  temperate 
and  moderate.  In  my  former  communications  I  have  stated  the 
reasons  which  I  have  for  doubting  the  sincerity  of  their  profes- 
sions of  moderation.  I  may  have  been  wrong  in  my  inferences. 
I  wish  that  the  result  may  correct  me  of  this  error.  Admitting 
the  possibility  that  the'  British  ministers  will  consent  to  make 
peace,  without  deciding  any  thing  upon  the  question  of  impress- 
ment, will  your  instructions  justify  you  in  accepting  it  ?  So  far 
as  I  am  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  those  instructions,  their 
letter  will  not.  But  these  instructions  were  given  at  a  time  when 
the  great  changes  which  have  intervened  in  Europe  were  not 
only  unknown,  but  wholly  unexpected.  What  will  be  the  effect 
which  these  changes  will  produce  upon  the  determinations  of 
the  Government  ?  Will  the  Government,  after  they  are  informed 
of  these  changes,  give  directions  to  conclude  peace,  leaving  the 
question  of  impressment  open  to  further  negotiation  ?  Will  it 
consent  to  a  peace  which  shall  make  no  mention  of  this  question  ? 
£  presume  it  will.  If  the  negotiators  shall  be  of  this  opinion, 
ought  they  to  hesitate  to  accept,  in  the  most  prompt  manner,  of 
a  peace  which  they  are  convinced  the  Government  will  instruct 
them  to  make,  as  soon  as  it  is  informed  of  the  actual  state  of 
things  ?  I  should  answer  promptly,  No.  A  peace  which  omits 
the  question  of  impressment  entirely,  will  leave  the  American 
Government  at  perfect  liberty  to  apply  the  proper  remedy,  when- 
ever the  evil  shall  be  felt.  I  do  not  believe  that  you  will  be 
placed  in  a  situation  to  determine  this  question.  I  believe  they 
will  insist  upon  the  unqualified  admission  of  their  right  to  im- 
press on  board  American  vessels  at  sea.  This,  I  trust,  will  never 
be  conceded.  It  would  be  better  to  return  to  our  colonial  rela- 
tions with  our  mother  country,  than  submit  to  this  condition.  If 
it  must  be  conceded,  a  federal  President  must  make  the  conces- 
sion. As  there  is  but  a  faint  glimmering  of  hope  that  the  nego- 
tiation will  terminate  in  peace,  the  next  important  point  to  be 
obtained  is,  that  it  shall  break  off,  upon  principles  which  will 
convince  the  American  people,  of  all  parties,  that  peace  can  be 
obtained  only  by  the  most  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war.  I 
have  the  most  unlimited  confidence  in  the  skill  and  address  of 
our  negotiators.  I  am  perfectly  satisfied  that  the  negotiation  will 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  35 

be  conducted  with  a  view  to  affect  this  important  point.  I  have 
seen  and  conversed  with  several  Englishmen  in  Paris,  upon  the 
question  of  impressment,  and  find  the  most  of  them  very  ignorant 
and  arrogant.  Sir  Thomas  Baring  is  an  exception  to  this  remark. 
But  his  mode  of  adjusting  this  question  is  wholly  inadmissible. 
He  proposes  that  no  impressment  shall  be  made  in  vessels  en- 
gaged in  the  coasting  trade — that  no  impressment  shall  take 
place  in  vessels  engaged  in  the  foreign  trade,  in  sight  of  the 
American  coast.  He  thinks  the  ministry  will  hardly  go  so 
far.  A  merchant  of  the  name  of  Wilson  says  that  an  ar- 
rangement of  a  different  nature  would  be  satisfactory  to  the 
nation.  It  is  this,  that  when  a  British  officer  should  visit  an 
American  vessel,  and  designate  any  one  of  the  crew  as  a  British 
subject,  and  he  should  admit  the  fact,  that  the  master  or  captain 
of  the  American  vessel  should  deliver  him  up.  If  the  man  should 
deny  that  lie  is  an  Englishman,  and  the  captain  should  refuse  to 
deliver  him,  that  the  visiting  officer  should  endorse  the  ship's 
papers  with  the  name  of  the  sailor,  and  with  his  allegation.  The 
question  of  nationality  shall  be  inquired  into,  at  the  first  port  at 
which  the  vessel  shall  touch,  where  there  is  a  British  consul ;  if 
found  against  the  sailor,  the  captain  shall  pay  a  fine,  or  the  ex- 
penses of  the  investigation,  and  the  sailor  shall  be  delivered  up. 
If  for  him,  the  British  Consul,  or  if  in  England,  the  British  Gov- 
ernment should  be  subject  to  the  same  payment.  He  says,  that 
in  the  case  of  an  admitted  British  subject,  if  the  American  cap- 
tain should  declare  that  the  loss  of  the  man  would  endanger  the 
vessel,  that  he  should  be  kept  on  board  until  the  vessel  entered 
the  port  of  destination,  when  the  captain  should  be  bound  to 
deliver  him  over  to  the  British  Consul,  or  officer  authorized  to 
receive  him.  I  see  no  objection  to  this  plan,  except  that  the 
captain  should  not  be  permitted  to  deliver  any  man  who  denies 
the  charge,  until  it  is  established  against  him.  This  arrange- 
ment will  give  the  enemy  the  absolute  control  over  their  own 
seamen,  as  far  as  the  fact  of  nationality  can  be  established.  It 
at  the  same  time  secures  American  sailors  from  arbitrary  impress- 
ment. If  the  vessel  should  be  bound  to  the  ports  of  a  nation 
at  war  with  England,  it  might  be  made  the  duty  of  the  American 
Consul  at  such  port  to  ship  him  on  board  of  an  American  vessel 
bound  to  England,  to  the  United  States,  or  to  a  neutral  port, 
where  the  fact  should  be  promptly  settled.  I  do  not  believe  that 
this  arrangement  will  be  acceptable  to  the  Government  of  Eng- 


36  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

land,  because  I  do  not  believe  they  will  be  satisfied  with  any 
arrangement  which  will  prevent  their  seizing  upon  the  sailors 
of  other  nations.  If  I  am  correct  in  my  conjecture,  the  proposi- 
tion will  embarrass  them,  and  the  rejection  will  prove,  to  the 
most  prejudiced  mind,  that  they  are  determined  to  make  the 
American  sailors  fight  the  battles  which  are  to  rivet  the  chains 
of  slavery,  which  they  have  been  forging  for  all  maritime  states, 
and  especially  for  the  seafaring  men  of  these  states,  for  a  century 
past.  I  have  thought  that  this  arrangement  ought  to  be  sug- 
gested to  you,  because  it  may  not  have  occurred  to  any  one  of 
our  ministers.  I  think  it  highly  improbable  that  the  English 
negotiators  will  make  any  proposition  of  this  nature.  If  their 
pretensions  shall  be  so  moderate  as  to  afford  rational  ground  for 
discussion,  this  arrangement  may  be  proposed  with  advantage. 

If  their  views  are  so  unreasonable  as  to  exclude  discussion, 
that  of  itself  will  have  the  happy  effect  of  convincing  all  parties 
that  the  peace  must  be  obtained  by  the  sword  alone.  But  even 
in  this  case,  when  the  rejection  of  the  arrangement  will  be  cer- 
tain, I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  proposition,  coming  from 
the  American  ministers,  will  have  a  tendency  to  elucidate  the 
extent  of  the  concessions  which  they  demand  upon  this  point, 
more  satisfactorily  than  any  other  mode  which  has  been  presented 
to  my  mind.  Mr.  Wilson  is  a  true  John  Bull,  but,  I  believe,  a 
very  honest  man,  and,  I  am  sure,  sincerely  desirous  of  peace. 
The  rejection  of  the  arrangement  will  probably  have  some  effect 
upon  the  English  nation  itself.  If  this  principle  will  be  satisfac- 
tory to  Mr.  Wilson,  it  is  probable  that  it  will  be  acceptable  to 
many  others — in  fact,  to  all  reasonable  men — to  all  men  who 
have  not  formed  the  foolish  and  extravagant  idea  of  re-colonizing 
the  United  States. 

I  have  felt  that  it  was  my  duty  to  present  this  subject  to  you 
in  its  fullest  extent.  I  have  verbally  communicated  it  to  Mr. 
Bayard.  It  is  probable  that  Mr.  Wilson  may  have  communicated 
this  idea  to  Mr.  Gallatin,  as  he  made  his  acquaintance,  and  that 
of  Mr.  Bayard's  also,  in  London.  He  had  not  suggested  it  to 
the  latter. 

I  will  obtain  the  necessary  passports  for  you,  and  send  them 
on  to  Ghent,  as  the  Moniteur  of  yesterday  has  notified  that  it 'is 
necessary  to  have  them  to  leave  the  kingdom.  I  suppose  it  is 
equally  necessary  to  enter  it.  From  the  letters  which  I  have 
written  to  you,  you  will  perceive  that  some  of  my  inferences 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  37 

have  been  proved,  by  subsequent  events,  to  be  incorrect.  I 
reasoned  from  the  facts  as  they  were  presented  to  my  mind,  and 
I  feel  no  mortification  at  the  result.  If  it  was  my  duty  to  com- 
municate every  thing  to  you  which  I  knew,  or  believed,  at  the 
moment  of  writing,  I  do  not  feel  any  mortification  that  some  of 
my  conjectures,  some  of  my  inferences,  have  proved  to  be  in- 
correct. 

I  have  authority  to  draw  on  the  bankers  of  the  United  States 
for  diplomatic  intercourse,  and  for  disbursements  for  distressed 
seamen.  Under  the  first  head,  I  can  satisfy  Mr.  Carroll's  ex- 
penses, and  shall  do  it  with  great  pleasure  on  his  own  account, 
as  well  as  upon  your  request.  I  am  well  acquainted  with  his 
father,  and  entertain  the  highest  esteem  for  him. 

This  letter  will  be  delivered  to  you  by  Mr.  Bayard,  who,  I 
am  happy  to  inform  you,  coincides  with  me  in  every  question 
relative  to  the  peace.  He  ""believes  with  me,  if  the  nation 
can  be  united  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  that  the  interest  of 
the  United  States  will  be  promoted  by  the  failure  of  the  negotia- 
tion. He  will  heartily  unite  with  you  in  bringing  the  discussions 
to  a  close  that  will  secure  this  great  object.  I  think,  from  the 
English  papers,  that  no  armistice  has  been  agreed  upon.  I  re- 
joice that  it  has  failed.  It  might  have  done  us  much  injury, 
but  could  not  possibly  do  us  any  good.  God  bless  you,  my  dear 
sir,  and  bless  your  labors,  and  make  them  useful  to  your  country. 
Mine,  I  believe,  are  like  water  spilled  on  the  ground,  that  can 
never  be  gathered.  Adieu. 


MR.    RUSSELL   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

STOCKHOLM,  July  2,  1814. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — 1  have  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  letter 
of  the  27th  ult.  My  distress  at  the  delay  which  our  joint  errand 
has  encountered,  had  almost  become  intolerable,  and  the  kind  of 
comfort  I  have  received  from  Mr.  Adams,  has  afforded  very  little 
relief.  His  apprehensions  are  rather  of  a  gloomy  cast  with 
regard  to  the  result  of  our  labors,  in  which,  I  hope,  however,  he 
will  be  disappointed.  He  will  show  you  a  letter  to  Lord  Castle- 
reagh,  which  I  have  signed.  I  have  done  this  in  the  expectation 
that  the  letter  will  not  be  delivered  without  the  signatures  of  the 
other  gentlemen  composing  the  mission,  and  solely  in  the  case 


88  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

that  the  conferences  be  not  transferred  to  Holland,  on  the  terms 
which  you  proposed,  that  is,  if  Messrs.  Gallatin  and  Bayard,  not 
being  able  to  obtain  your  condition,  and  declining  a  removal 
without  it,  should  again  recur  to  you  at  Gottenburg,  with  new 
propositions.  I  think  indeed  that  the  condition  itself  was  not  of 
importance,  although  you  had  certainly  reason  to  believe  it  to  be 
so.  Things  have,  however,  come  to  my  knowledge  since  my 
arrival  here,  which  have  entirely  altered  my  view  of  the  dispo- 
sition and  policy  of  this  cabinet.  Although  the  condition  be 
not  important,  yet  I  find  Mr.  Adams,  who  also  believes  it  not  to 
be  important,  has  definitively  made  up  his  mind  not  to  remove 
without  it,  and  is  even  uncertain  if  he  will  go  with  it.  His 
reasons  are  that  our  present  instructions  will  not  admit  of  a  ne- 
gotiation on  the  basis  which  will  be  proposed  by  the  adverse 
party,  and  therefore,  the  sooner  we  meet,  the  sooner  shall  we 
know  the  result,  and  be  able  to  act  accordingly.  He  is  decided, 
therefore,  that  Gottenburg  is  to  be  preferred,  unless  Holland 
should  already  be  agreed  on.  I  have  signed  the  above  note  to 
prevent  the  delay  of  applying  to  me,  or  the  necessity  of  acting 
without  me,  should' the  circumstances  occur  in  which  it  can  be 
properly  used. 

I  sincerely  wish  with  you  that  the  twenty  prizes  of  the  Rat- 
tlesnake, in  Norway,  could  be  condemned,  but  to  this  procedure 
there  are  insuperable  difficulties.  I  do  not  recollect  a  single 
instance  of  a  sovereign  having  freely  consented  to  the  institution 
of  a  foreign  court  of  admiralty  within  his  dominions,  and  the 
peculiar  situation  of  Norway  at  this  moment,  presents  additional 
difficulties.  Both  the  contending  parties  must  consider  the 
friendship  of  England  to  be  indispensable  to  their  success,  and 
so  far  from  consenting  to  an  extraordinary  measure  for  the  con- 
demnation of  the  property  in  question,  I  am  not  without  alarm 
that  either  of  them  would  be  willing  to  conciliate  that  friend- 
ship, by  a  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  captor. 

The  prince  will  be  here  to-morrow,  and  I  shall  follow  Mr. 
Adams,  who  will  hand  you  this  letter,  as  soon  as  I  learn  the 
definitive  location  of  the  mission.  I  regret  very  much  to  learn 
the  serious  indisposition  of  Captain  Angus.  Please  present  my 
respects  to  him,  and  assure  him  of  my  best  wishes  for  a  speedy 
and  perfect  recovery. 

It  seems  that  a  mail  from  England  has  at  length  arrived  at 
Gottenburg,  but  I  have  not  yet  learned  if  it  brought  you  any 


OP  HENRY   CLAY.  39 

thing  of  a  decisive  character.  A  letter  from  Mr.  Beasley,  of  the 
13th  May,  informs  me  that  Admiral  Lord  Gambier,  Mr.  Adams, 
and  Mr.  Goulboum,  are  the  persons  who  are  to  meet  us,  and 
that  the  place  of  the  conference  would  be  ascertained  the  next 
day. 


MR.    CRAWFORD    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PARIS,  July  4,  1814. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  but  little  to  add  to  the  contents  of  my 
preceding  letters.  Mr.  Gallatin,  and  the  young  gentlemen  who 
accompany,  or  follow  immediately  after  him,  will  give  you  the 
ephemeral  news  of  this  capital.  There  is  but  little  doing  here 
which  can  interest  an  American  citizen. 

I  am  not  sanguine  in  my  expectations  of  peace.  If  the  failure 
of  your  exertions,  to  put  an  end  to  the  war,  shall  succeed  in  pro- 
ducing unanimity  at  home,  we  shah1  have  no  cause  to  lament 
that  failure.  I  am  thoroughly  convinced  that  the  United  States 
can  never  be  called  upon  to  treat,  under  circumstances  less  aus- 
picious than  those  which  exist  at  the  present  moment,  unless  our 
internal  bickerings  shall  continue  to  weaken  the  efforts  of  the 
Government.  I  sincerely  trust  that  this  will  not  be  the  case.  In 
your  letter  to  Messrs.  Gallatin  and  Bayard,  you  state-  that  the 
elections  in  the  East  had  terminated  against  the  Government, 
but  by  smaller  majorities  than  on  the  preceding  elections.  I 
have  not  yet  received  any  other  information  upon  the  subject, 
than  what  is  contained  in  that  letter.  There  is  a  chasm  in  my 
newspapers,  delivered  by  Mr.  Carroll,  from  the  19th  of  March  to 
the  5th  of  April.  If  you  can  supply  this  chasm,  you  will 
greatly  oblige  me. 

From  what  I  have  lately  discovered  of  the  councils  of  this 
nation,  and  of  the  temper  of  the  principal  maritime  states  of 
Europe,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  time  at  which  they 
may  be  disposed  to  oppose  the  maritime  usurpations  of  our 
enemy,  will  be  more  distant  than  I  had  previously  imagined. 
At  all  events,  I  am  fearful  that  it  will  be  more  distant  than  we 
shall  be  disposed  to  prosecute  the  war,  to  avoid  concessions 
which  they  will  feel  as  severely  as  we  shall. 

In  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  the  great  difficulty  we  shall 
have  to  encounter,  will  be  the  raising  of  money.  The  war  will 
give  us  soldiers,  and  point  out  the  officers  qualified  to  command, 


40  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

but  it  will  neither  coin  money,  or  increase  our  credit.  If  we 
can  get  through  this  campaign  without  any  signal  defeat,  and 
without  the  loss  of  any  of  our  principal  commercial  cities,  and 
can  raise- for  the  ensuing  year  the  sums  necessary  for  the  prose- 
cution of  the  war,  we  shall  find  ourselves  in  much  more  eligible 
circumstances  at  the  close  of  the  next  campaign,  than  we  are  at 
present. 

I  do  riot  look  forward  with  dismay  ;  I  believe  we  shall  rise 
superior  to  all  the  difficulties  with  which  we  are  surrounded.  I 
trust  we  shall  live  to  enjoy  many  happy  celebrations  of  this  anni- 
versary of  our  national  existence. 

Give  my  best  respects  to  your  colleagues,  and  accept  for  your- 
self the  assurance  of  my  warmest  friendship. 

P.  S.  I  will  send  by  Mr.  Todd,  the  passport  necessary  to 
enable  you  to  come  to  Paris,  after  you  close  your  diplomatic 
functions.  I  repeat  my  request  that  you  will  make  my  house 
your  home,  during  your  residence  here.  If  you  wish  to  take  a 
disciple  of  Pestalozzi  with  you  to  the  United  States,  one  can  be 
obtained.  Upon  him  you  can  impose  the  condition  of  teaching 
the  Greek  and  Latin.  You  will  have,  however,  to  maintain  him, 
until  he  learns  English  enough  to  teach.  The  economy  of  Switz- 
erland makes  this  expense  very  inconsiderable.  .  I  have  learned 
with  great  pleasure,  from  the  enemies  of  the  system,  that  it  has 
overcome  the  prejudices  even  of  the  priesthood. 


MR.    CRAWFORD    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PARIS,  July  9,  1814. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  acknowledge  with  much  pleasure  your  very 
interesting  letter  of  the  2d  instant,  by  the  hands  of  Mr.  Connell. 

It  appears  that  we  differ  in  opinion  upon  two  points.  You 
believe  that  the  British  Government  will  not  hesitate  to  make 
peace,  leaving  the  question  of  impressment  wholly  out  of  view. 
You  appear  also  to  believe  that  the  events  of  the  present  cam- 
paign will  have  a  favorable  effect  upon  your  negotiation.  I 
sincerely  wish  you  may  be  right,  but  I  am  strongly  inclined  to 
believe  that  the  result  will  prove  your  opinions  to  be  incorrect. 

When  I  foresaw  that  peace  would  probably  take  place  in  Eu- 
rope, in  the  early  part  of  the  year,  I  did  not  expect  tha*  th<*  taan- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  41 

ner  in  which  the  war  has  terminated  would  so  inflate  the 
arrogance  of  the  enemy  as  it  manifestly  has  done.  I  thought, 
as  you  now  think,  that  England  would  not  hesitate  to  make 
peace  by  waiving  the  question  of  impressment.  I  am  even  now 
convinced  that  her  interest  requires  that  this  course  should  be 
adopted.  There  are,  however,  occasions  in  which  nations,  like 
individuals,  blinded  by  some  momentary  but  predominant  pas- 
sion, turn  a  deaf  ear  to  the  voice  of  interest.  This  I  presume  to 
be  the  case  with  our  enemy  at  the  present  moment.  Various 
facts  which  have  come  to  my  knowledge  have  led  me  to  believe 
that  she  will  now  decidedly  reject  any  proposition  which  you 
can  make,  which  does  not  admit  the  legality  of  her  practice  of 
impressment  on  board  American  vessels  at  sea. 

At  the  moment,  however,  when  I  presented  to  the  joint  em- 
bassy the  idea  of  making  peace,  by  omitting  this  question,  even 
if  your  instructions  did  not  literally  warrant  it,  I  still  believed 
that  England  would  consent  to  this  course.  At  that  time  I  ex- 
pected the  negotiation  to  open  at  Gottenburg,  about  the  1st  of 
May.  I  did  not  expect  that  instructions  could  be  received  from 
the  Government,  founded  on  the  recent  changes  in  Europe,  be- 
fore the  month  of  August.  At  the  date  of  my  letter  to  you  of 
the  10th  ultimo,  my  opinion  of  the  views  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment had  in  some  degree  changed,  but  even  then,  I  expected  the 
negotiation  to  open  a  month  sooner  than  it  probably  will.  I  also 
expected  that  the  change  of  the  seat  of  negotiations  would  prob- 
ably postpone  the  receipt  of  the  instructions  expected  from  the 
United  States.  These  reasons,  together  with  those  which  arise 
from  the  expectation  of  a  different  result  from  our  military 
operations  from  that  which  you  entertain,  aided  by  the  express 
wish  of  Mr.  Bayard  that  I  should  present  the  question  anew  to 
you  individually,  must  plead  my  apology  for  its  intrusion  upon 
your  attention. 

If  there  was  any  rational  ground  to  expect  that  by  a  longer 
prosecution  of  the  war  we  should  ultimately  succeed  in  compel- 
ling the  enemy  to  relinquish,  by  treaty,  the  practice  of  impress- 
ment, I  would  not  hesitate  to  continue  the  war.  I  believe  there 
is  no  such  reasonable  ground  of  expectation,  unless  we  are  dis- 
posed to  bequeath  this  war  as  a  legacy  to  our  sons. 

******* 

The  Russian  officers  now  in  Paris  who  have  been  in  England, 
are  highly  disgusted  with  that  nation.  They  speak  of  a  war 


42  PKIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

with  Austria  as  certain.  In  this  I  think  they  are  mistaken.  If 
war  breaks  out  on  the  continent,  I  presume  England,  in  her 
present  temper,  must  have  a  finger  in  it.  In  this  question,  how- 
ever, as  she  has  no  resentments  to  gratify,  she  will  be  governed 
by  her  interest.  She  will,  therefore,  be  against  that  power 
which  is  most  commercial,  and  the  destruction  of  whose  com- 
merce will  tend  most  directly  to  her  interest. 

I  must  really  apologize  to  you  for  the  length  of  my  letters. 

Present  me  most  respectfully  to  your  colleagues,  and  accept 
yourself  the  assurance  of  my  most  sincere  friendship. 

P.  S.  Mr.  Carroll  leaves  Paris  sooner  than  I  expected.  I  will 
send  your  passport  by  Mr.  Todd. 

Remember  me  to  the  young  gentlemen  of  the  mission. 


MR.    CRAWFORD    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PARIS,  July  19,  1814. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  departure  of  Messrs.  Blanchard  and  El- 
liot, for  Ghent,  enables  me  to  send  you  the  passport  which  I  have 
obtained  for  you.  They  will  be  able  to  give  you  the  ephem- 
eral news  of  this  capital. 

I  dined  a  few  days  ago  in  company  with  the  Marquis  of  Buck- 
inghamshire. We  conversed  long  and  freely  upon  the  subject 
of  the  approaching  negotiation.  The  result  of  our  conversation 
was  that  there  can  be  no  peace.  He  insists  absolutely  that  the 
question  of  impressment  shall  be  settled  in  this  treaty,  and  of 
course,  that  it  shall  be  settled  entirely  in  their  favor.  He  at- 
tempted to  derive  their  right  to  take  (for  he  insisted  upon  drop- 
ping the  word  impressment,  to  which  I  assented)  their  seamen 
from  our  vessels,  from  the  law  of  nations. 


DIPLOMATIC  NOTE  PROPOSED    BY  MR.  CLAY  AT  GHENT. 

The  undersigned,  ministers,  etc.,  have  the  honor  of  recalling 
to  the  attention  of  his  B.  M.  P.  the  note  of  the  undersigned  of 
the  30th  ult.,  and  to  so  much  of  what  has  passed  in  the  subse- 
quent conferences  as  is  deemed  material  to  the  present  communi- 
cation. 

In  that  note  they  stated  that  they  objected  to  one  of  the  altera- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  43 

tions  proposed  by  the  B.  P.  in  the  first  article,  and  to  the  modifi- 
cation which  they  also  proposed  of  the  eighth  article,  of  the  pro- 
ject which  the  undersigned  had  submitted  for  consideration. 

By  the  first  article  of  this  project,  the  undersigned  had  pro- 
posed that  there  should  be  a  mutual  restitution  of  all  territories, 
places  and  possessions,  taken  by  either  party  during  the  war,  with- 
out exception.  The  alteration  in  question,  proposed  by  the  B. 
P.,  contemplates  a  restitution  of  what  belongs  to  either  party. 
The  alteration  would  be  free  from  objection,  if  there  were  no 
places  in  the  occupation  of  either  party,  which  are  claimed  by 
the  other.  In  that  case  the  execution  of  the  treaty  would  de- 
pend upon  the  question  of  who  was  the  possessor  at  the  mo- 
ment when  war  was  declared.  But  there  are  certain  islands  in 
the  Bay  of  Fundy  the  title  to  which  is  claimed  by  both  parties, 
and  other  portions  of  territory  from  that  bay  to  the  Lake  .of  the 
Woods,  the  whole  line  between  which  is  more  or  less  liable  to  dis- 
pute, and  which  may  by  each  party  be  supposed  to  belong  to  him. 
For  the  settlement  of  the  respective  pretensions  of  the  two  parties 
to  those  islands,  and  for  other  purposes,  a  mode  of  decision,  sug- 
gested by  Great  Britain,  has  been  assented  to  by  the  undersigned. 

They  can  not  consent  to  the  proposed  alteration,  first,  because 
by  constituting  each  party  the  sole  judge  of  what  belongs  to  him, 
it  makes  the  restitution  to  depend  upon  his  uncertain  exercise  of 
judgment,  and  not  on  the  precise  principle  of  status  before  the 
war,  on  which  alone  in  this  respect  they  have  repeatedly  stated 
they  can  treat,  and  which  has  been  agreed  to  by  Great  Britain  ; 
and  secondly  because  it  is  repugnant  to  the  principle  on  which 
it  has  been  agreed  to  waive,  at  this  time,  the  determination  of  the 
claims  of  the  parties  to  the  disputed  islands,  and  to  submit  it  to 
an  impartial  tribunal  erected  for  the  purpose.  These  objections 
apply  equally  to  the  alteration  as  proposed  in  general  terms,  and 
to  the  qualification  by  which  it  wouk}  be  limited  in  its  opera- 
tion to  the  territories  in  dispute,  or  to  the  islands  in  Passamaquod- 
dy  Bay.  It  may  be  added  that  it  is  further  objectionable  as  sow- 
ing, in  the  very  instrument  of  pacification,  the  seeds  of  an  im- 
mediate misunderstanding,  the  moment  it  is  carried  into  practical 
execution. 

On  the  other  remaining  subject  of  difference,  the' undersigned 
must  observe  that  the  demand  of  Great  Britain  of  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi,  brought  forward  in  the  form  of  a  modification 
of  the  eighth  article  of  the  project  of  the  undersigned,  was 


44  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

wholly  unexpected  by  them,  after  the  explicit  declaration  made  by 
the  British  Plenipotentiaries  that  their  Government  had  no  de- 
mands to  make  other  than  was  contained  in  their  notes  of  the 

,  etc.,  of  which  this  was  not  one.     As  to  that  modification, 

the  undersigned  have  offered  three  alternatives,  first  to  strike  out 
the  article  altogether,  or  to  strike  out  the  clause  which  grants  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  or  lastly,  retaining  that  clause,  to 
place  the  exercise  of  the  right  under  restrictions  to  prevent  its 
abuse  or  perversion,  in  consideration  of  the  recognition  by  Great 
Britain  of  that  liberty  in  the  fisheries  which  she  considers  abro- 
gated by  the  war.  To  either  of  these  alternatives  the  under- 
signed are  yet  willing  to  assent.  And  it  was  with  some  sur- 
prise that  they  have  been  made  acquainted,  by  the  British  Pleni- 
potentiaries, that  their  Government  declines  to  accept  either  of 
them,- and  offers  as  a  substitute  for  the  second,  a  clause  referring 
to  a  future  negotiation  the  adjustment  of  the  proper  equivalent 
to  be  given  by  the  United  States  for  the  enjoyment  of  the  liberty 
to  the  fisheries  referred  to  ;  and  of  the  proper  equivalent  to  be 
given  by  Great  Britain  for  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 

The  undersigned  can  not  consent  to  this  substitute  because 
it  is  either  useless  in  itself,  in  providing  for  a  future  negotiation 
which  the  two  governments,  without  any  such  provision,  will  at 
all  times,  if  it  be  necessary,  have  it  in  their  power  to  take  up  ;  or 
because  it  supposes,  what  the  undersigned  have  declared  their 
Government  does  not  admit,  that  the  liberty  in  the  fisheries  al- 
luded to  has  been  lost  by  the  war. 

To  a  general  stipulation,  similar  to  the article  of  the 

treaty  of  1794,  the  undersigned  will  not  object. 

All  other  points  having  been  substantially  arranged  either  by 
the  correspondence,  or  in  the  conferences  between  the  Pleni- 
potentiaries of  the  two  countries,  it  remains  only  to  dispose  of 
the  two  existing  topics  of  difference  to  conclude,  so  far  as  de- 
pends on  the  undersigned,  a  treaty  of  peace.  For  this  happy 
result  it  is  quite  unnecessary  to  dwell  on  the  testimony  which,  in 
every  stage  of  the  negotiation,  they  have  constantly  given  of 
their  anxious  desire. 

[The  above  note  is  in  Mr.  Clay's  hand-writing,  endorsed  by 
him  as  follows :] 

Proposed  by  me  in  lieu  of  the  note  which  we  sent  on  the 
day  of  December,  1814.  H.  C. 


OF  HENRY   CLAY. 


SIR  JAMES  MACKINTOSH  TO  MR.   CLAT. 

15  GREAT  GEORGE  STREET,  Monday  Forenoon. 

Sir  James  Mackintosh  is  so  eager  to  have  the  honor  of  Mr. 
Clay's  acquaintance  that  he  ventures  to  request  his  company  this 
evening,  to  a  small  party,  when  Lady  Mackintosh  will  be  most 
happy  to  receive  him,  at  nine  or  ten  o'clock,  with  any  gentle- 
man of  his  suite  who  may  be  so  good  as  to  honor  them  with 
coming. 


M^l.  CLAY  TO  HIS  WIFE. 

LIVERPOOL,  July  14,  1815. 

MY  DEAR  WIFE, — I  expect  to  embark  to-morrow  on  board  the 
Lorenzo,  of  this  port,  for  New  York,  and  hope  to  have  the  pleas- 
ure of  seeing  you  before  this  letter  reaches  you.  As  it  is  possi- 
ble, however,  that  I  may  not,  to  guard  against  any  accidents 
which  may  attend  me,  I  inclose  you  a  copy  of  a  power  of  At- 
torney (accompanied  by  a  copy  of  the  original  certificate)  to 
transfer  to  me  $4,444  44,  in  the  6  per  cent,  stock  of  the  United 
States.  The  original  of  these  copies  is  in  my  possession. 

Messrs.  Baring,  Brothers  &  Oo.,  bankers  London,  have  in 
their  hands  £201  Os.  9d.  sterling  of  my  money. 

On  the  other  side  is  a  memorandum  of  charges  against  the 
United  States,  which  are  to  be  brought  forward  on  settlement  of 
my  account,  besides  my  outfit  and  salary. 

Dr.  the  United  States  to  H.  Clay, 

To  the  sum  lost  by  me  in  the  rent  of  a  house  from  Mr.  Pritz,  of  Gotten- 
burg,  for  one  quarter,  and  which  I  occupied  only  one  month  ;  there  re- 
maining two  months ;  Mr.  Pritz  agreed  to  be  satisfied  with  rent  for  one 

of  them  (see  Mr.  Carroll)  at  $200  per  month $200 

To  expenses  of  my  journey  from  Gottenburg  to  Ghent  in  consequence  of 

the  removal  of  the  seat  of  the  negotiation 500 

To  newspapers  for  one  quarter,  at  Gottenburg,  (see  Mr.  Hall's  a'ccount)     .    £5 
To  newspapers  at  London  ........     £6 

To  stationary  at  Gottenburg  and  London 25 


MR.  ADAMS  TO  MESSRS.  BAYARD,  CLAY,  RUSSELL  AND  GALLATIN. 

GHENT,  January  17,  1815. 

GENTLEMEN, — A  letter  from  Mr.  'Hughes  of  which  I  subjoin  a 
copy,  was  received  by  me  this  morning.  I  presume  you  will  have 
heard  more  directly,  and  before  this  will  reach  you,  what  were  the 


46  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

interruptions  or  difficulties  which  delayed  his  departure  so  long  be- 
yond the  time  he  had  anticipated  by  his  former  letter,  and  occa 
sioned  the  disappointment  of  which  he  complains.  No  inter- 
mediate letter  from  him  has  been  received. 

I  contemplate  leaving  this  city  this  day  week,  and  hope  to 
find  a  passport  from  Mr.  Crawford  at  Bruxelles. 

I  am  with  great  respect,  gentlemen,  your  very  humble  and 
obedient  servant,  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

[Copy.]  ON  BOARD  THE  TRANSIT, 

6th  January,  1815 — Friday,  2  P.M. 

GENTLEMEN, — I  am  at  last  under  way ;  we  are  now  about 
four  leagues  from  Bordeaux ;  I  came  on  board  last  night,  and  am 
in  hopes  that  there  will  be  no  further  interruption  or  difficulty  to 
delay  my  progress  to  the  United  States.  I  am  afraid  I  shall  be 
the  second  or  third  herald,  in  point  of  time  ;  yet  the  news  is  so 
happy  for  the  country,  that  in  the  pleasure  of  contemplating  its 
fine  effect  at  home  I  lose  almost  all  the  mortification  of  the  dis- 
appointment I  have  suffered. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  be  very  respectfully  your  obedient 
servant,  C.  HUGHES,  JR. 

American  Ministers  at  Ghent. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  ADAM  BEATTY.* 

WASHINGTON,  April  23,  1810.' 

DR.  BEATTY, — This  day  was  fixed  by  resolution  of  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress  for  its  adjournment,  but  that  resolution  has 
been  rescinded,  and  the  session  protracted  one  week  longer.  On 
the  great  subject  of  our  foreign  affairs,  I  believe  we  shall  adjourn 
without  adopting  any  efficient  measure.  A  bill  to  augment  the 
duties  fifty  per  cent,  has  passed  the  House  of  Representatives, 
but  I  fear,  like  Macon's  bill,  it  will  not  be  concurred  in  by  the 
Senate.  One  of  its  valuable  effects,  if  it  passes,  will  be  the  en- 
couragement of  our  manufactures.  As  the  increase  is  not  con- 
templated, however,  to  be  permanent,  I  should  prefer  a  smaller 
augmentation,  and  that  it  should  be  durable. 

Two  committees  of  the  House  of  Representatives  are  engaged 

0  The  remaining  letters  of  this  chapter,  from  Mr.  Clay  to  Judge  Beatty,  were 
not  received  iii  time  for  their  proper  place  as  to  date. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  47 

in  investigating  Wilkinson's  conduct  (who  has  at  length  arrived), 
one  into  the  Spanish  conspiracy,  and  the  other  into  the  causes 
of  the  mortality  of  the  army  last  summer.  On  this  latter  subject 
it  is  expected  a  report  will  be  made  this  session  j  upon  the  other 
a  report  will  hardly  be  made  before  the  next. 
Howard  is  appointed  Governor  of  Louisiana. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  ADAM  BEATTY. 

FRANKFORT,  May  31,  1810. 

DR.  BEATTY,— I  received* your  favor,  with  the  specimen  in- 
closed of  your  merino's  fleece,  and  compared  it  with  one  which 
I  took  from  a  full-blooded  merino  of  General  Mason's,  and  find 
very  little  difference  between  them.  If  you  could  send  your 
wool,  or  the  yarn,  to  a  manufacturer  in  Danville,  he  would  make 
you  the  best  piece  of  cloth  that  you  could  obtain  from  it.  I  do 
not  recollect  his  name,  but  he  is  an  Englishman,  accustomed  to 
the  business,  and  has  undertaken,  for  Judge  Todd,  to  make  him 
a  coat  which  he  warrants  shall  not  be  inferior  to  the  best  im- 
ported cloth  in  the  State.  I  propose  sending  mine  to  him.  If, 
however,  you  prefer  having  it  made  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Lexington,  there  will  be  no  difficulty  in  getting  it  wove,  fulled, 
etc. 

I  am  glad  to  learn  tbat  your  election  to  the  Legislature  is 
deemed  certain.  Your  presence  there  will  be  extremely  neces- 
sary. I  am  solicitous  for  it  on  various  accounts.  You  will  have 
heard  that  I  am  no  longer  a  candidate  for  the  Senate,  and  that 
my  successor  will  consequently  be  appointed.  May  not  the 
Federalists  attempt  to  rally  in  support  of  one  of  their  party  ? 
This  should  be  looked  to. 

In  offering  for  the  House  of  Representatives,  I  was  influenced 
by  a  partiality  for  the  station,  and  by  the  wishes  of  some  of  my 
friends,  as  welt  here  as  to  the  East.  I  contemplate,  however 
serving  out  the  term  for  which  I  am  already  appointed  in  the 
Senate,  not  wishing  to  give  the  trouble  of  supplying  my  place 
for  the  ensuing  session,  and  being  desirous  to  prevent  the  pos- 
sibility of  the  State  being  partially  represented  during  a  consider- 
able portion  of  it. 


48  PKIVATE  COEEESPONDENCE   OF  HENEY   CLAY. 

MR.   CLAY  TO  ADAM  BEATTY. 

LEXINGTON,  July  27,  1810. 

DR.  BEATTY, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  24th  June.  The 
nett  yield  of  our  merino  (owing  to  the  neglect  or  fraud  of  the 
shearer  of  him)  was  not  sufficient  to  make  me  a  coat.  Mrs. 
Clay  therefore  determined  to  have  it  spun,  and  either  applied  to 
other  uses,  or  retained  until  we  could  get  an  additional  quantity. 
A  Captain  M'Call,  in  this  neighborhood,  has  undertaken  to  weave 
and  full,  for  Jordan,  some  yarn  spun  from  the  merino  wool ;  and 
if  you  can  not  better  dispose  of  yours,  I  have  no  doubt  Mr. 
Jordan  can  procure  him  to  weave  and  full  yours  also. 

I  learned  with  pleasure  your  decision  in  favor  of  again  offering 
for  the  Legislature.  Your  success,  I  am  told,  is  not  doubted. 
The  Republican  interests  will  require,  and,  I  am  sure,  will  re- 
ceive your  best  support.  Whether  the  Federalists  will  or  will 
not  attempt  a  Senator  of  their  own  kind  depends  on  the  issue  of 
the  election.  I  believe  Daviess  will  not  be  elected  here  ;  and 
even  Humphrey*  dreads  the  result  of  the  Franklin  election. 

P.  S.  I  requested  a  Mr.  Fowke,  of  Baltimore,  to  call  on  you  for 
professional  aid,  which  I  hope  you  will  afford. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  ADAM  BEATTY. 

LIMESTONE,  March  31,  1818. 

Henry  Clay  presents  his  respectful  compliments  to  Mr.  Beatty. 
His  solicitude  to  reach  home  prevents  him  from  having  the 
pleasure  to  see  Mr.  Beatty,  whose  favors  he  ought  to  have  ac- 
knowledged at  the  city.  With  every  disposition  to  serve  Colonel 
C.  B.,  he  regrets  his  inability  to  have  done  so.  Under  the  regu- 
lar establishment  of  the  military  there  were  no  vacancies  worthy 
his  notice.  Under  the  act  for  raising  twenty  thousand  infantry 
for  the  term  of  one  year,  when  Henry  Clay  left  Washington  it 
was  understood  that  but  one  regiment  would  be  allotted  to  K., 
and  the  field  officers  of  that  regiment  were  determined  upon  prior 
to  Mr.  B.'s  application,  although  not  announced.  Henry  Clay 
could  not  interfere  with  the  contemplated  arrangement. 

Henry  Clay  paid  Mr.  Beatty's  last"  year's  subscription  to  the 
"  Intelligencer,"  and  was  reimbursed  before  he  left  K.  What  is 
due  he  forgot  to  pay,  but  will  discharge  on  his  return  to  the  city 
He  can  add  no  news  to  the  public  prints. 

*  Marshall. 


CHAPTER   II. 

CORRESPONDENCE   FROM   1815   TO   183O. 

JAMES  MONROE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  October  30,  1815. 

Mr  DEAR  SIR, — Since  the  overthrow  of  France,  Russia  has 
acquired  the  highest  degree  of  political  importance  in  relation  to 
these  States.  As  a  great  power,  friendly  to  a  liberal  system  of 
neutral  rights,  and  with  whose  dominions  our  commerce  had  be- 
come considerable,  she  held,  before  that  event,  a  distinguished 
rank  ;  but  by  it  her  weight  in  the  general  scale  has  been  much 
augmented.  Russia  forms,  in  effect,  at  this  time,  the  principal 
check  on  the  overgrown  power  of  England,  on  which  account, 
and  many  others,  it  is  immensely  the  interest  of  these  States  to 
cultivate  a  good  understanding  with  her  sovereign.  The  Presi- 
dent is  desirous  of  confiding  to  you  a  mission  to  that  power, 
and  will  be  much  gratified  to  hear  that  it  will  be  acceptable  to 
you.  I  write  you  now  that  you  may  be  enabled  to  consider  the 
proposition  before  you  leave  home,  and  make  the  necessary  ar- 
rangements for  your  departure,  in  case  you  accept  the  trust ; 
though  you  will  not  infer  from  this  intimation  that  all  due  and 
friendly  attention  will  not  be  paid  to  your  convenience  as  to  the 
time. 

It  would  have  been  very  agreeable  to  the  President  as  well  as 
to  me,  to  have  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  and  conferring  with 
you  on  your  arrival,  but  our  absence  from  this  city  and  your 
anxiety  to  join  your  family  after  so  long  a  separation  from  them, 
were  obstacles  not  to  be  surmounted. 

In  the  hope  of  seeing  you  soon,  I  shall  reserve  for  that  occa- 
sion comments  on  other  subjects. 

4 


50  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


THOMAS  VAUGHAN  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

XEAU  CARDIFF,  December  I,  1815. 

MY  GOOD  AND  WORTHY  SIR, — Having  seen  an  account  in  our 
newspapers  of  your  safe  arrival  in  America,  gives  me  great  pleas- 
ure, and  I  hope  this  will  meet  you  in  perfect  health,  and  every 
other  earthly  comfort.  And  I  now  take  the  liberty  of  informing 
you  that  we  have  received  an  account  from  my  son's  wife.  Mrs. 
Vaughan,  of  his  death,  so  long  back  as  the  5th  of  April,  1814. 
We  have  also  an  account  of  it  from  a  relation  of  mine,  living 
near  to  Upper  Bluelick,  but  on  whom  (I  am  sorry  to  say)  we  can 
set  no  dependence  at  all  ;  and  therefore  take  the  liberty  of  beg- 
ging that  you  will  be  pleased  to  have  the  goodness  to  inquire  into 
the  state  of  his  (my  son's)  affairs  and  property,  and,  if  possible, 
to  get  for  his  daughter  (now  with  me  from  an  infant,  and  thirty- 
two  years  of  age)  whatever  is  right,  and  justly  her  due  ;  as  she 
is  a  good,  honest,  and  industrious  young  woman,  and  deserving 
of  every  justice  and  encouragement  that  can  be  lawfully  given 
her ;  and  your  influence  will,  no  doubt,  have  great  weight  in 
settling  it  justly,  and  we  desire  no  other  ;  but,  by  Mrs.  Vaughan's 
account,  there  seems  to  be  but  little  for  her  ;  and  we  are  at  such  a 
distance,  it  is  next  to  impossible  for  us  to  see  into  it  j  but  I  know, 
from  all  my  son's  letters,  it  was  his  intention  to  make  his  daughter 
nearly  equal  to  his  son  ;  and  by  a  letter  of  his  to  me,  as  far  back 
as  the  20th  May,  1807,  he  referred  me  to  you  in  case  of  his 
death  (which  was  the  only  knowledge  I  had  of  his  acquaintance 
with  you,  and  the  reason  I  took  the  liberty  of  writing  to  you  in 
London),  in  the  following  words  :  "  I  will  request  Henry  Clay 
oi'  Lexington,  Esquire,  to  give  you  every  information  respecting 
my  property,  etc.,  etc.  He  is  one  of  our  Senators,  in  Congress, 
which  is  now  sitting  ;  he  is  very  friendly  to  me,  and,  I  am 
sure,  will  do  me  any  reasonable  request,"  etc.,  etc. 

If  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  take  the  trouble  on  you  to 
get  for  her  what  is  right  and  just,  and,  after  deducting  for  your 
trouble  and  every  expense,  will  be  pleased  to  remit  the  remainder, 
directed  as  under,  whenever  it  may  be  convenient,  will  greatly 
oblige  me  and  my  grand-daughter  (who  begs  her  respectful 
compliments  to  you),  and  am,  with  deference  and  respect  (al- 
though unknown),  your  obedient  servant. 

P.  S.  I  am  sorry  we  had  not  the  honor  of  seeing  you  in  Wales, 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  51 

as  we  made  provision  for  your  reception,  after  we  heard,  by  my 
nephew,  of  your  longer  stay  in  London,  and  particularly  as  we 
have  the  largest  iron  and  tin  works  in  this  neighborhood,  that 
are  in  Great  Britain,  and  through  all  of  which  I  could  have  con- 
ducted you,  and  would  have  been  well  worth  your  seeing.  I  have 
\yritten  by  this  packet  to  my  daughter-in-law  at  Bluelick,  telling 
her  I  have  written  to  you  on  the  above  subject,  and  also  to  in- 
vite my  grandson  over  to  England,  as  I  should  be  very  glad  to 
see  him  here,  for  one  whole  year  at  least,  if  I  live  so  long. 

Whenever  convenient,  I  shall  be  very  glad  of  a  few  lines  from 
you,  to  hear  how  matters  go,  and  to  give  me  your  proper  address, 
as  I  am  at  a  loss  whether  to  address  you  as  minister,  or  commis- 
sioner, or  as  a  private  gentleman.  Your  goodness  will  excuse 
any  defects  you  may  meet  with  in  this  scrawl,  from  my  age  of 
eighty-five  years,  and  want  of  memory,  etc.,  although  I  am  as 
healthy  and  as  heart-well  as  ever,  blessed  be  God  for  that,  and  all 
his  other  goodness  to  me.  We  are  in  general  very  happy  to  be 
at  peace  with  America  in  particular,  and  with  the  rest  of  the 
world  ;  but  our  farmers  and  manufacturers  complain  heavily,  the 
former  because  grain,  cattle,  horses,  etc.,  sell  very  low,  and  the 
latter  for  want  of  orders  for  their  wares,  etc.  Almost  every  thing 
is  lowered  very  much  since  you  left  England,  and  the  surrender 
of  Napoleon  ;  but  we  are  in  hopes  of  our  taxes  being  lowered  to 
ease  the  farmers  and  trades,  and  traffic  revived  with  you,  and 
with  other  countries,  to  relieve  our  manufacturers. 

I  pray  God  bless  you  with  good  health,  long  life,  and  every 
other  comfort  that  this  uncertain  world  can  give  you,  are  the 
sincere  prayers  of  your  unknown  friend  and  humble  servant. 


HENRY  GOULBURN  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

DOWNING  STREET,  March  8,  1816. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  really  very  much  obliged  to  you  for 
your  letter  of  the  7th  of  January,  which  I  received  a  short  time 
since,  both  because  it  has  enabled  me  to  relieve  the  anxiety 
which  a  friend  of  mine  in  this  country  (Mr.  Harris)  felt  for  the 
fate  of  the  relation  to  whom  it  particularly  relates,  and  not  less 
because  it  has  assured  me  that,  though  situated  in  so  distant  a 
quarter  of  the  world,  I  nevertheless  bear  a  place  in  your  recol- 
lection. 


52  PRIVATE   CORKESPONDEXCE 

I  had  already  learned  the  death  of  Mr.  Bayard  before  your 
letter  reached  me,  and  although  I  could  not  but  regret  the  event, 
I  was  glad  that  he  had  at  least  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  his 
family  before  his  death. 

I  have  to  congratulate  you  on  your  resumption  of  the  arduous 
and  honorable  situation  which  you  left  in  order  to  meet  us  nt 
Ghent.  I  trust  that  this  is  an  evidence  that  our  joint  work  is 
approved  in  America.  I  assure  you  it  is  so  in  England  ;  and 
whatever  may  be  said  in  the  newspapers  on  either  side  of  the 
Atlantic,  I  have  little  doubt  that  it  will  continue  to  be  approved 
by  all  rational  persons.  You  seem  by  your  papers  to  be  fighting 
the  same  battle  in  America  that  we  are  fighting  here,  namely, 
that  of  putting  peace  establishments  on  a  footing  not  unbecoming 
the  growth  of  the  population  and  the  empire  in  which  they  are 
to  be  maintained.  It  is  impossible  that  either  country  should 
feel  any  jealousy  of  the  other  so  long  as  the  augmentation  does 
not  exceed  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  I  have  not  heard  an 
argument  any  where  to  prove  that  it  does  so  exceed  in  either 
case.  From  all  that  I  know,  I  am  sure  I  can  take  upon  me  to 
relieve  the  apprehensions  which  you  seem  to  entertain  of  hostile 
movements  on  the  part  of  this  country  in  any  quarter  of  the 
globe.  Newspapers  will,  on  subjects  of  this  kind,  propagate  any 
intelligence,  however  false,  which  is  likely  to  excite  an  interest 
on  the  part  of  their  readers,  but  I  am  sure  you  will  agree  with 
me  in  thinking  it  the  duty  of  every  man  to  avoid  giving  the 
authority  of  his  belief  to  any  of  the  rumors  which  they  so  con- 
vert for  their  own  purposes  into  facts. 

When  you  see  Mr.  Gallatin,  may  I  beg  you  to  present  to  him 
my  best  respects,  and  if  at  any  time  I  can  be  of  any  service  to 
you  or  to  him  in  this  country,  I  trust  you  will  have  no  hesitation 
in  commanding  me,  for  I  can  assure  you  that  nothing  could  give 
me  greater  pleasure. 


JAMES    MADISON    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

MONTPELIER,  August  30,  1816. 

DEAR  SIR, — Mr.  Dallas  seems  to  have  made  up  his  mind  to 
retire  early  in  October  from  the  department  in  his  hands,  and  the 
event  may  draw  after  it  a  vacancy  in  the  War  Department. 
Will  you  permit  me  to  avail  our  country  of  your  services  in  the 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  .  58 

latter  ?  It  will  be  convenient  to  know  your  determination  as 
soon  as  you  have  formed  it,  and  it  will  be  particularly  gratifying 
if  it  assent  to  my  request. 


MR.    CLAY   TO   MR.    MADISON. 

ASHLAND,  September  14,  1816. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  last  mail  brought  me  the  letter  which  you 
did  me  the  honor  to  write  on  the  30th  ultimo,  stating  your  ex- 
pectation of  a  vacancy  in  the  Department  of  War,  and  commu- 
nicating your  wish  that  I  would  take  upon  myself  the  discharge 
of  the  duties  of  that  office.  Several  considerations  appear  to  me 
to  require  that  I  should  decline  accepting  the  honor  which  your 
favorable  opinion  has  tendered.  I  regret  the  necessity  of  this 
decision  the  less,  as  I  hope  that  you  will  fill  the  place  equally 
agreeably  to  yourself,  and  I  am  sure  more  advantageously  to  the 
public  interest.  I  pray  you,  however,  to  believe  that  I  shall 
always  entertain  the  highest  sense  of  this  new  proof  of  your 
confidence,  and  that,  with  the  greatest  respect  and  esteem,  I  am 
your  obedient  servant. 


JAMES    MONROE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  March  4,  1817. 

SIR, — I  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  yesterday  last 
night,  advising  me  that  the  chamber  of  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives would  be  put,  by  the  officers  of  the  House,  in  a  condition 
to  receive  me  to-day,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  the  oath  pre- 
scribed by  the  Constitution  for  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
I  have  hastened  to  transmit  the  communication  to  the  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  the  Senate,  and  I  beg  you  to  accept  my 
acknowledgment  for  your  polite  attention. 


LORD    GAMBIER   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

IVER  GBOVE,  January  20,  1818. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  had  much  satisfaction  in  receiving  your  let- 
ter of  the  6th  November,  by  the  hand  of  Mr.  Burgess,  from  whom 
and  from  Mr.  Mills,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  of  your  health 


54  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

and  welfare.  I  return  you  many  thanks  for  the  kind  and  oblig- 
ing terms  in  which  you  are  so  good  as  to  express  yourself  to- 
ward me,  and  can  with  great  truth  assure  you  it  would  afford 
me  much  gratification  if  the  course  of  events  should  approxi- 
mate us  so  that  I  could  have  the  pleasure  of  your  society,  and 
avail  myself  of  any  opportunity  that  might  offer  by  which  I 
could  evince  m'y  regard  and  esteem  personally  for  you.  I  hope 
Messrs.  Burgess  and  Mills  received  every  necessary  assistance 
and  kindness  from  the  several  persons,  Mr.  Wilberforce  and 
others,  to  whom  they  were  introduced,  toward  the  object  of 
their  benevolent  undertaking.  I  regret  their  short  visit  to  this 
country  deprived  me  of  the  pleasure  of  performing  any  kind 
offices  of  hospitality  and  respect  that  their  own  characters  give 
them  claim  to,  and  which  would  have  been  gratifying  to  me  to 
show  to  any  person  in  whose  interest  you  take  a  part. 

If  Mr.  Adams  should  be  near  you  when  this  comes  to  your 
hand,  I  will  beg  of  you  to  communicate  my  best  regards  to 
him. 

With  every  cordial  wish  for  your  health  and  prosperity,  I  re- 
main, my  dear  sir,  in  great  respect,  your  faithful  and  most  hum- 
ble servant. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  April  16,  1818. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — In  great  haste  I  have  to  acknowledge  the  re- 
ceipt of  your  favor  of  the  13th  March.  Walker  would  undertake 
to  explore  your  lands,  and  report  to  you  particularly  their  situa- 
tion, quality,  and  value.  He  would  charge  for  the  service,  only 
his  expenses,  that  is  to  say,  about  $2  per  day,  for  twelve  or 
fifteen  days.  He  is  a  man  of  perfect  integrity,  and  may  be 
relied  on  for  such  an  undertaking.  When  I  spoke,  in  a  former 
letter,  of  him,  I  did  not  mean  to  imply  any  question  of  his  ve- 
racity, but  merely  to  convey  the  idea,  that  he  was  a  laughing, 
talking,  good-natured  sort  of  a  fellow,  who  might  express  him- 
self somewhat  at  random,  unless  he  knew  precision  to  be  neces- 
sary. 

He  himself  recommends  Daniel  Ashley  at  Madisonville  as  a 
person  on  whom  you  may  rely  to  report  the  desired  information. 
Major  Walker's  address  is  "  David  Walker,  Russellville,  Ky." 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  55 


MR.  CLAY  TO  ADAM    BEATTT. 

WASHINGTON,  April  21,  1818. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  contemplated  changes  in  the  judicial  estab- 
lishment of  the  United  States,  were  not  made  during  the  session 
of  Congress  just  terminated.  The  opinion  that  these  changes 
are  necessary  acquires  daily  additional  strength  ;  and  I  think 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  they  will  be  effected  at  the  next 
session. 

I  am  glad  to  learn  that  there  exists  a  prospect  of  doing  some- 
thing towards  turnpiking  in  Kentucky.  I  shall  be  very  happy 
to  co-operate  with  you  in  an  object  so  worthy  of  the  utmost 
exertions. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  ADAM  BEATTY. 

ASHLAND,  July  25,  1818. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  9th.  You  mention 
that  you  have  thought  of  becoming  a  candidate  for  the  Senate, 
and,  justly  viewing  me  as  one  of  your  friends,  you  have  asked 
my  opinion. 

In  the  first  place,  I  beg  leave  to  state  that  I  have  always  felt 
a  most  lively  and  sincere  interest  in  your  welfare,  and  that  it 
would  give  me,  personally,  much  satisfaction  to  see  you  in  the 
situation  suggested.  With  respect  to  your  prospect  of  success  I 
am  not  a  very  good  judge,  having  been  so  much  of  late  years 
out  of  the  State,  and  therefore  knowing  but  little  of  the  weight 
and  standing  of  different  individuals.  I  hinted  at  the  subject  to 
Barry,  who  seemed  to  think  that,  living  in  one  extreme  of  the 
State,  however  much  esteemed  there,  you  were  probably  hardly 
well  enough  known  at  the  other  tc-count  with  any  certainty  upon 
your  success.  I  did  not  mention  it  to  Breckenridge,  because  I 
am  quite  sure  that  he  proposes  to  himself  the  career  of  politics, 
and  I  have  heard,  though  not  from  him,  nor  from  any  one  that 
as  far  as  I  know,  was  authorized  by  him,  that  he  is  looking  him- 
self to  the  situation.  I  should  think  the  event  would  greatly  de- 
pend upon  the  persons  who  might  happen  to  be  your  competitors. 
Should  Colonel  Johnson  offer,  (he  has  been  talked  of,  with  what 
authority  from  himself  I  know  not,)  or  perhaps  Breckenridge, 
you  would  probably  fail. 

I  will  now  give  you,  in  the  frankness  which  is  due  from  the 


56  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

friendship  I  feel  for  you,  my  opinion.  I  do  not  think  you  ought 
to  accept  the  situation,  if  you  had  a  moral  certainty  of  getting  it. 
Although  comfortable  in  your  pecuniary  condition,  you  are  not 
rich,  and  you  have  a  growing  family.  Instead  of  making  addi- 
tions to  your  fortune,  you  would  most  probably  make  annual  sub- 
tractions from  it,  during  your  service.  For  if  your  pay  should 
cover  your  expenses,  while  absent  from  your  family,  affairs  would 
go  on  less  profitably  at  home  than  they  do  now.  Such,  at  least, 
is  my  experience  ;  and  such  I  believe  to  be  in  the  nature  of 
things.  Congress,  too,  has  greater  attractions  at  a  distance  than 
near.  After  the  novelty  wears  off  (which  it  commonly  does  in 
the  course  of  two  or  three  months),  the  interest  which  was  at 
first  felt  is  diminished,  if  not  extinguished,  with  most  of  those, 
at  least,  who  are  not  perfectly  at  their  ease  in  their  circumstances, 
or  who  are  not  in  pursuit  of  place,  and  are  willing  to  venture 
every  thing  on  getting  it,  or,  lastly,  those  few  individuals  whose 
great  attainments  give  them  a  high  degree  of  prominence  in  the 
body  and  in  the  nation. 

With  respect  to  yourself  (I  write,  you  see,  with  the  frankness 
and  freedom  which  you  have  invited,)  your  talents  are  of  the 
most  respectable  kind  ;  but  they  are  better  adapted  to  the  career 
which  you  have  been  wisely  pursuing  than  to  that  of  politics. 
While  you  would  never  fail  to  speak  sensibly,  your  elocution 
would  not  perhaps  procure  for  you  that  high  degree  of  eminence 
which  I  am  sure  you  would  be  ambitious  of  reaching.  Besides, 
you  have  great  reason  to  expect  promotion  in  the  judiciary  of 
either  the  State  or  the  United  States,  when  vacancies  shall  occur. 
While  judicial  appointment  might  also  be  acquired  in  the  situa- 
tion to  which  we  refer,  it  is  perhaps  not  so  direct  a  road  to  it  as 
by  a  faithful  and  enlightened  discharge  of  the  duties  of  your 
present  office.  There  is,  moreover,  always  some  risk  (and  it  is 
greater  as  we  are  more  advanced  in  life)  in  quitting  an  occupation 
with  which  one  is  familiar,  and  entering  upon  another  with  which 
he  is  less  conversant.  The  intimate  alliance  between  law  and 
politics,  and  the  habit  which  is  so  common  in  our  country  of 
participating  in  the  consideration  of  its  political  affairs,  diminishes 
but  does  not  entirely  remove  this  objection. 

I  have  given  you  my  candid  sentiments.  Your  own  better 
judgment  will,  at  last,  guide  you,  as  it  ought ;  and  that  you  may 
be  successful  and  prosperous,  however  you  may  decide,  is  my 
sincere  wish. 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  57 

[In  pursuance  of  the  advice  of  Mr.  Clay,  I  concluded  to  retain 
my  judicial  station,  and  therefore  declined  becoming  a  candidate 
for  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  A.  B.] 


LAFAYETTE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

LAGEANGE,  October  26,  1818. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  letter  of  which  Mr.  Newcomb  was  the 
bearer,  is  the  last  communication  I  have  had  from  you.  Permit 
me  to  solicit  a  more  frequent  correspondence.  In  this  exchange 
of  information  you  may  be  a  loser  as  I  now  am  returned  to  a 
private,  solitary  life,  and  can  hardly  write  any  thing  but  what 
you  will  collect  from  European  papers.  Indeed  the  gazettes  of 
France,  shackled  as  they  are,  to  such  a  reader  as  you,  may  tell, 
and  even  foretell  a  great  deal. 

The  French,  or  rather  the  European  revolution,  had  raised 
against  us  the  passions  and  the  exertions  of  Coblentz  and  Pil- 
nitz.  In  subsequent  excesses,  although  it  had  put  a  stop  to  pros- 
elytism,  it  did  not  so  generally  operate  abroad  as  the  ambitious 
despotism  of  Napoleon  who  estranged  from  France  the  specula- 
tive love  of  freedom,  and  roused  against  her  the  masses  of  the 
people,  our  natural  allies.  In  that  situation  of  universal  oppres- 
sion and  enmity,  Bonaparte  did  twice  squander  away  the  moral 
and  military  resources  of  this  nation,  first  in  Russia,  afterward, 
at  Dresden,  and  Leipsic,  and  brought  in  the  hosts  of  the  coa- 
lition, leaving  on  the  Niemen,  the  Oder,  and  the  Elbe,  the  ma- 
terial means  of  defense  which  he  had  taken  from  our  stores  and 
fortresses.  He  capitulated  for  himself,  while  a  restoration  ush- 
ered by  the  Allies,  and  not  unpleasing  to  the  nation,  was  gener- 
ally considered  as  a  tolerable  transaction  between  old  princes 
and  modern  institutions.  A  month  had  sufficed  to  prepare 
the  people  for  a  change.  It  was  impossible  for  any  combination, 
but  the  folly  of  the  royal  Government,  to  make  Bonaparte 
welcome,  which  proved  to  be  the  case  with  many,  although 
few  could  love  and  trust  him.  But  these  interior  vicissitudes 
were  of  no  effect  upon  foreign  courts  and  foreign  nations.  The 
latter,  having  no  time  to  explain,  were  hurried  again  against 
their  own  interest,  with  revengeful  and  desperate  fury.  The 
courts  were  the  more  eager  to  avail  themselves  of  their  error,  as 
they  saw  that  Napoleon,  unable  to  reassume  his  arbitrary  doc- 


58  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

trines,  had  been  forced  to  acknowledge  the  first  principles  of  the 
Revolution. 

Two  modes  of  resistance  were  left  for  France,  to  launch  out 
of  the  imperial  circle  of  men  and  measures  into  a  national  insur- 
rection :  or  to  support  the  actual  ruler  who,  although  he  was  a 
check  upon  the  exertions  of  a  people  whom  he  did  no  more 
trust  than  he  could  be  trusted  by  them,  was  justly  reckoned  the 
ablest  of  generals,  and  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  a  standing 
army  amounting  to  two  hundred  thousand  men.  The  active 
majority  having  prefered  this  method,  it  remained  for  those  who 
would  have  proposed  a  bolder  and  more  popular  system,  to  slide 
in  with  the  adopted  plan  of  defense,  which  was  done  with  can- 
dor and  determination. 

Two  weeks  after  the  opening  of  the  session,  Napoleon  had 
lost  the  only  army  that  bore  a  proportion  with  the  opposed 
forces,  and  leaving  it  to  its  fate,  he  flew  back  to  the  national 
representation,  not  to  consult,  but  to  dissolve  it,  recurring  to  a 
wild  and  desperate  arbitrariness  which,  while  it  countenanced 
the  attack,  could  not  but  damp  and  dishearten  the  defense.  He 
was  checked  in  the  attempt,  and  with  the  assent  of  his  best 
friends,  obliged  to  abdicate. 

Time  was  short.  An  attempt  to  raise  some  sort  of  pudeur  in 
the  Allies,  and  construe  their  word  of  honor  into  a  suspension 
of  arms  proved  fruitless.  In  the  mean  while  the  troops  being 
rallied  under  the  walls  of  the  capital,  more  divested  of  Bona- 
partism,  more  actuated  by  patriotism  than  they  had  been  said  to 
be,  were  all  alive  to  national  colors  and  national  independence. 
On  my  return  from  the  diplomatic  errand  which  I  could  not  re- 
fuse, I  was  much  disappointed  to  hear  of  the  capitulation.  The 
provisory  Government  and  peers  dissolved  themselves.  The 
House  of  Representatives  were  dissolved  by  force,  but  not  be- 
fore they  had,  in  their  declaration  of  the  5th  of  July,  expressed 
what  I  think  to  have  been  for  five-and-twenty  years  the  true 
sense  of  the  nation. 

Further  resistance  to  foreign  powers  was  impeded.  The 
President  of  the  popular  Government  was  a  minister  of  the  King 
before  he  had  entered  Paris.  The  imperial  system  of  adminis- 
tration having  been,  during  thirteen  years,  calculated  for  absolute 
monarchy  had  precluded  the  means  of  exertion.  A  Royal  Gov- 
ernment being  reinstalled  in  the  capital,  many  trusted  its  influ- 
ence with  the  Allies,  those  who  did  not  were  afraid  the  impend- 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  59 

ing  evils  should  be  imputed  to  their  obstinacy.  And  above  all, 
the  high  powers,  made  a  more  Machiavelian  use  of  the  King's 
name  and  hand  successively  to  undo  all  the  means  of  French 
resistance,  after  which  you  know  what  treaty  has  been  dictated 
by  them. 

Two  administrations  have  been  tried.  That  of  Talleyrand  and 
Fouche,  although  the  former  had  solicited  and  signed  the  coali- 
tion of  Vienna,  and  the  second  put  his  name  to  the  proscription 
of  many  of  his  associates  and  friends,  and  to  the  suppression  of 
the  liberty  of  the  press,  was  not  thought  a  match  for  the  royal- 
ism  of  the  two  new  chambers.  The  present  ministry,  the  head 
of  which,  although  for  twenty-five  years  a  Russian  officer,  is  a 
Frenchman  by  birth,  the  last  of  the  illustrious  family  of  Riche- 
lieu, and  among  whom  our  friend  Barbi  Marbois  is  seal-keeper, 
have  gone  great  lengths  toward  the  spirit  of  reaction.  You  have 
in  the  papers  the  bills  proposed  by  them,  and  their  speeches  in 
both  Houses,  which,  nevertheless,  keep  ahead  of  the  Executive. 
Among  the  influencing  powers  you  may  distinguish  a  British 
and  a  Russian  interest,  to  both  of  which  I  am,  thank  God,  a 
perfect  stranger. 

Unfit  as  I  shall  ever  be  for  such  complicated  politics,  and  hav- 
ing, in  my  doctrines  of  legitimacy,  much  to  say  for  the  rights 
of  men  and  the  sovereignty  of  nations,  I  am  returned  to  my 
retirement  of  Lagrange,  and  my  agricultural  pursuits.  Here  my 
son,  his  wife,  two  daughters,  and  eleven  grandchildren,  are  now 
with  me.  We  expect  in  a  few  days  the  pleasure  to  receive  Gen- 
eral Scott  and  Major  Mercer. 

The  happy  tidings  we  receive  of  increasing  prosperity  in  the 
United  States,  fill  my  heart  with  delight.  I  hope  the  work  of 
liberty  and  independence  in  the  other  parts  of  America,  is  going 
on,  and  am  I  to  be  discouraged  with  respect  to  the  final  establish- 
ment of  freedom  in  the  European  world  ?  The  liberal  part  of 
the  Revolution  shall  not  be  lost. 

You  have  been  pleased,  my  dear  sir,  to  promise  your  kind 
inquiries  and  good  care  with  respect  to  my  Orleans  business. 
The  Pointe  Coupee  lands  have  been  purchased  by  Sir  John  Cog- 
hill,  Mr.  Seymour,  and  the  parish.  The  two  former  gentlemen 
complain  that  M.  Duplansier,  by  refusing  to  answer  some  ques- 
tions relative  to  a  land  tax,  has  exposed  their  property  to  be 
sold.  They  were  ignorant  of  the  duty.  I  hastened  to  write  to 
the  President  and  explain  their  situation. 


60  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

There  remain  five  hundred  and  twenty  acres  to  be  located,  or 
I  rather  think,  located  in  the  vicinity  of  the  town.  Under  the 
pressure  of  my  affairs  I  have  parted  with  one  half  of  those  town 
lots  to  Sir  John,  whose  large  capital,  heing  employed  on  his 
alternate  lots,  would  soon  bring  my  share  to  a  value  much  supe- 
rior to  the  actual  totality.  Should  the  location  be  at  a  distance 
of  more  than  two  miles,  the  space  between  the  bayou  and  the 
town,  it  becomes  a  common  tract  and  the  whole  would  have 
been  paid  above  its  value.  In  the  contrary  case,  one  half  is 
mine.  It  is  true,  Sir  John  might  challenge  me  to  take  back 
this  half  for  the  given  price  and  interest.  But  if  the  location 
was  made  on  the  spot,  I  would,  I  think,  easily  find  a  capitalist 
to  take  Sir  John's  bargain.  Let  me  add  that  he  is  willing,  in 
case  there  was  not  room  for  a  location  of  five  hundred  and  twen- 
ty acres,  to  enter  into  some  arrangements  with  the  claimants,  to 
make  it  complete.  Such  is,  my  dear  sir,  as  far  as  I  know  it, 
the  present  state  of  the  affair.  M.  Duplansier,  who  has  been 
very  unfortunate  in  his  own  concerns,  has  not,  for  several  years, 
written  to  me.  M.  Allen  Michel  had  the  powers  of  Sir  John 
who  has  since,  I  believe,  sent  a  relation  of  his.  The  President, 
to  whose  kind  concern  in  my  behalf,  I  am  highly  obliged,  knows 
probably  more  of  my  affairs  than  myself. 

This  letter  will  be  delivered  by  Mr.  Lakanal,  member  of  the 
French  Institute  of  the  Academy,  and  Rector  General  of  the  Med- 
ical System  with  a  handsome  treatment,  all  which  he  abandons 
for  a  settlement  in  the  neighborhood  of  Lexington,  State  of 
Kentucky.  The  high  rank  he  holds  in  the  scientific  world,  and 
his  having  been  a  distinguished  member  of  our  former  assem- 
blies will  recommend  him  to  your  notice.  But  I  have  presumed 
to  engage  in  your  name  you  would  favor  him  with  your  good 
advice,  and  with  letters  of  introduction  to  the  country  which 
he  intends  to  inhabit.  I  know  you  will  be  so  kind  as  to  render 
him  in  that  way,  the  services  which  I  beg  leave  to  solicit  on 
account  of  his  own  merit  and  my  earnest  desire  to  oblige  him. 
Permit  me  to  depend  upon  you  to  ask  the  same  favor  from  our 
friends,  Mr.  Monroe,  and  Crawford,  and  others  who  may  recom- 
mend him  to  public  and  private  characters  in  the  State. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  61 

MR.   CLAY  TO  ADAM  BEATTT. 

WASHINGTON,  January  22,  1820. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  favor  of  the  10th  inst., 
from  Frankfort,  and  thank  you  for  the  friendly  feelings  toward 
me  of  which  it  furnishes  the  evidence.  On  the  subject  of  the 
next  Governor  I  had  communicated  my  views,  prior  to  the  re- 
ceipt of  your  letter,  to  several  friends  at  Frankfort,  from  whom 
you  must  have  learned  them  before  you  left  that  place.  I  have 
regretted  exceedingly  my  inability  to  conform  to  the  wishes  of 
those  whose  kindness  has  made  them  look  to  me  for  that  office. 

I  am  glad  to  find  that  the  course  which  it  seems  to  me  fitting 
for  this  country  to  pursue,  in  respect  to  Spanish  affairs,  meets  with 
your  concurrence.  The  extraordinary  one  recommended  by  the 
President  excited  much  surprise  in  Congress,  and  has,  I  think, 
very  few  of  that  body  disposed  to  adopt  it.  The  general  em- 
barrassments throughout  the  country,  the  deficit  in  the  Treasury, 
arid  other  causes,  have  communicated  their  influence  to  Congress, 
and  produced  the  effect  of  great  repugnance  to  war  and  to  any 
augmentation  of  the  national  expenditure.  Add  to  which  the 
various  alternatives  which  the  failure  of  Spain  to  ratify  the  treaty 
presents  to  our  choice,  and  I  should  not  be  surprised  if  the  result 
should  be  that  Congress  will  do  nothing  on  Spanish  affairs,  but 
leave  them  where  it  found  them.  I  should  regret  this  very  much, 
because  I  think  it  would  be  precisely  the  result  most  gratifying 
to  Spain. 

At  present  Spanish  affairs,  manufactures,  and  every  other  mat- 
ter of  public  concern,  have  given  way  to  the  Missouri  question, 
which  engrosses  the  whole  thoughts  of  the  members,  and  con- 
stitutes almost  the  only  topic  of  conversation.  It  is  a  most  un- 
happy question,  awakening  sectional  feelings,  and  exasperating 
them  to  the  highest  degree.  The  words,  civil  war,  and  disunion, 
are  uttered  almost  without  emotion,  and  a  Senator  of  the  United 
States,  in  his  place,  as  I  understand,  said  the  other  day  that  he 
would  rather  have  both  than  fail  in  the  resolution.  I  witnessed 
yesterday  a  display  of  astonishing  eloquence,  in  the  Senate,  on 
the  part  of  Mr.  Pinkney  of  Indiana  against  the  restriction.  In 
that  body  the  majority  is  with  us;  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives it  is  doubtful. 

I  think  nothing  will  be  done  by  Congress  respecting  the  cur- 
rency. 


62  PRIVATE  COKKESPONDEXCE 


LAFAYETTE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

PAUIS,  June  9,  1821. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Permit  me  to  entreat  your  kind  welcome  and 
good  advice  in  behalf  of  M.  Pette  and  M.  Menardi,  who  are  going 
to  settle  in  the  State  of  Ohio.  Their  partner,  M.  La  Barthe, 
is  already  fixed  near  New  Athens,  and  there  enjoys  the  freedom 
which  old  Athens  now  struggles  to  obtain.  Our  cause  has  been 
unfortunate  in  Italy,  but  can  not  fail  ultimately  to  prevail.  Euro- 
pean liberty  chiefly  depends  on  the  interior  politics  of  France. 
I  hope  our  American  newspapers  take  their  paragraphs  from  the 
"  Constitutional,"  the  "  Courier,"  or  at  least  the  semi-official 
"Moniteur,"  in  what  relates  to  the  debates  of  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  ;  all  the  other  journals  make  it  a  point  to  disfigure  them 
scandalously.  Where  M.  Pette  and  M.  Menardi  will  find  you  I 
do  not  know,  but  am  sure  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  give 
them  all  the  advice  and  recommendation  in  your  power. 


PETER  B.  PORTER  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

ALBANY,  January  29,  1822. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  arrived  two  days  ago  at  this  place,  where  not 
only  the  members  of  our  Legislature,  but  most  of  the  active  po- 
litical talent  and  mischief  of  the  State  are  now  congregated.  I 
have  not,  during  this  period,  been  inattentive  to  the  great  ques- 
tion that  at  present  engages  the  speculations  of  the  politicians 
throughout  the  Union,  and  I  think  I  do  not  deceive  you  when  I  say 
that  your  prospects  here  are  highly  flattering.  You  are  probably 
aware  that  some  six  or  eight  months  ago  there  was  a  partial  un- 
derstanding and  commitment  among  some  of  our  most  active 

politicians  in  favor  of  Mr.  C d,  and  it  is  to  this  class  that  my 

conversations  and  views  have  been  principally  directed.  Many 
of  them  are  now  ready  to  change  their  ground,  and  even  the 
most  zealous  are  willing  to  lie  still  at  present,  and  eventually  to 
be  governed  by  future  and  clearer  indications  of  public  sentiment 
on  this  subject 

You  will  see  Mr.  Van  Buren  in  Washington,  and  I  beg  you  to 
pay  him  some  attention.  I  am  decidedly  of  opinion  that  he  will 
yet  be  for  you.  His  best  and  strongest  friends  here  are  so,  and 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  63 

I  know  that  his  own  views  have  been  essentially  changed  since 
last  spring.  He  will  not,  I  presume,  avow  his  preference  of  any 
candidate  during  the  present  session  of  Congress,  and  perhaps  it 
is  desirable  that  lie  should  not.  Be  civil  also  to  Rochester  of 
our  State,  who  is  a  very  clever  young  man,  and  strongly  your 
friend.  A  rumor  is  in  circulation  here  that  you  and  D.  Clinton 
are  playing  in  concert,  and  that  you  and  he  will  run  on  the  same 
ticket.  I  need  not  tell  you  that  such  a  rumor,  once  believed, 
would  prostrate  all  your  hopes  here.  The  recent,  and  all  but 
unanimous,  rejection  of  the  Clintonian  judges  by  our  Senate, 
shows  the  temper  of  the  State  in  regard  to  that  class  of  politi- 
cians. Can  you  with  propriety  say  something  in  a  letter  to  me 
on  the  subject  of  this  supposed  coalition  which  I  may  show  con- 
fidentially to  two  or  three  persons  ?  It  might  be  attended  with 
good  consequences.  Noah,  the  Advocate  man,  is  now  here.  I 
have  had  several  conversations  with  him.  and  although  his  pre- 

delections  are  still  for  Mr.  C d,  his  zeal  and  confidence  have 

greatly  abated.  He  finds  that  the  State  is  not  disposed  to  go 
with  him,  and  expresses  a  willingness  to  be  quiet,  until  the  senti- 
ments of  the  old  republican  party  shall  be  more  fully  developed. 


JOSE  M.  DEL  REAL  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

BORDEAUX,  February  23,  1822. 

SIR, — Both  by  honor  of  my  country  and  duty  of  friendship,  I 
think  myself  obliged  to  make  over  to  posterity  the  image  of 
Don  Josef  M.  Garcia  de  Toledo,  my  particular  friend,  and  the 
first  defender  of  the  rights  of  his  country,  and  as  I  was  favored 
with  the  honor  of  your  acquaintance  in  London,  and  convinced 
as  I  am  of  a  great  deal  of  interest  you  lay  hold  of  for  the  liberty 
and  independence  as  well  as  for  all  that  belongs  to  the  glorious 
revolution  of  South  America,  I  take  the  liberty  of  sending  you 
six  stamps  of  his  portrait,  which  I  entreat  you  to  have  the 
goodness  of  accepting  as  an  acknowledgment  of  my  duty  to 
you. 

After  a  few  days  I  shall  embark  to  Carthagena,  where,  if  it  is 
in  my  way  to  render  you  any  service,  I  should  be  very  glad  to 
be  honored  with  your  commands. 


64  PRIVATE   CORKESPONDENCE 


R.    M.    JOHNSON    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  April  1,  1822. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  seen  the  President,  who  has  again  assured  me 
that  he  would  get  Mr.  Wirt  to  re-examine  your  claim,  and  he  will 
bring  the  thing  to  a  close.  I  see  that  Fielder  has  republished  a 
piece  from  the  "  Franklin  Gazette,"  in  favor  of  Mr  Calhoun.  and 
some  letters  from  our  friends  who  dislike  his  course.  I  do  not 
know  his  motive  in  doing  this.  I  have  not  written  a  word  to 
him  on  the  subject  of  the  next  President.  I  saw  a  letter  of  his 
to  Mr.  Johnson,  in  which  he  says  he  is  for  you.  It  is  very  pos- 
sible that  some  of  your  particular  friends  may  think  that  as  I  am 
intimate  with  him,  I  may  have  some  influence  in  this  respect, 
and  knowing  the  disposition  with  some,  to  place  every  thing  to 
my  account,  I  hope  you  will  not  only  believe  me  incapable  of 
promoting  any  thing  unfavorable  to  you,  but  whenever  a  differ- 
ent sentiment  is  communicated  or  hinted  to  you,  my  feelings 
may  be  explained.  I  intend,  in  this  business,  to  keep  a  straight- 
forward course,  and  while  I  consider  it  my  duty  to  be  on  terms 
of  personal  friendship  with  others,  if  I  find  it  reciprocal,  no 
person  shall  doubt  my  course  where  I  can  be  of  any  service 
to  you. 


ITUBBIDE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

MEXICO,  May  6,  1822. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Through  the  means  of  the  captain  of  the 
navy,  Don  Eugenic  Cortes,  I  have  been  informed  of  the  great 
services  by  which  you  have  furthered  the  success  of  his  com- 
mission, and  contributed  to  the  prosperous  advantages  that 
resulted  from  it ;  this  generous  course,  the  fruit  of  this  enlight- 
ened age,  excites  my  gratitude,  and  obliges  me  to  give  you  my 
most  sincere  thanks,  and  offer  you  my  friendship  ;  for  this  phi- 
lanthropic conduct  that  emanates  from  a  liberal  education,  and 
whose  end  is  the  civilization  of  nations,  though  it  relates  to  the 
whole  Mexican  Empire,  if  its  success  should  be  in  proportion  to 
its  promise,  I  offer  you  the  gratitude  which  is  due  to  you  by  all, 
and  my  most  particular  thanks  for  the  present  of  books,  and  for 
the  value  you  set  on  my  portrait.  In  exchange  for  it,  I  am 
waiting  for  yours,  which  is  announced  by  our  common  friend 
Cortes,  and  without  seeing  it,  it  gives  me  a  satisfaction,  from  that 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  65 

common  effect  which  can  not  be  explained,  in  which  men  recip- 
rocally lo/ve  without  knowing  each  other,  in  which  the  mind 
forms  favorable  prepossessions,  and  gives  to  the  person  (for  so  it 
delights  in),  as  many  virtues  as  it  pleases,  takes  for  true  what  it 
conjectures,  and  goes  so  far  as  to  give  to  the  portrait  expression 
and  gestures.  But  our  case  is  different  from  this — your  works 
are  distinguished,  my  correspondence  is  a  debt  of  justice  to  their 
merit,  and  I  promise  myself  the  continuance  of  duties  so  praise- 
worthy, and  protest  to  render  you  the  same  in  like  circumstances. 


EUGENIO  CORTES  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  19,  1822. 
THE  HONORABLE  HENRY  CLAY  : 

I  have  the  honor  to  deliver  to  you  the  inclosed  letter  from 
the  supreme  chief  of  the  Mexican  Empire,  who  directed  me  to 
present  it  to  you  personally,  as  a  testimony  of  the  gratitude,  es- 
teem, and  distinction,  which  the  supreme  chief  of  the  Mexican 
nation  entertains  for  the  virtues,  talents  and  services  displayed 
by  you  in  favor  of  the  just  cause  sustained  by  all  the  States  of 
South  America,  to  gain  their  independence. 

This  occasion  affords  me  the  opportunity  of  offering  to  you 
my  respects,  and  of  assuring  you  that  I  am  your  most  faithful 
obedient  servant. 


PETER   B.    PORTER    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BLACK  ROCK,  July  8,  1822. 

DEAR  SIR, — It  has  been  the  misfortune  of  this  State,  that  for 
a  number  of  years  past,  its  political  concerns  have  been  man- 
aged, or  rather  distracted,  by  a  few  ambitious  men,  whose  views 
have  extended  only  to  their  own  personal  aggrandizement,  and 
on  almost  every  great  national  question,  our  strength  has  been 
scattered  and  wasted  by  premature  and  unadvised  commitments, 
made  by  these  headlong  and  selfish  politicians.  As  regards  the 
interesting  question  which  is  the  subject  of  your  letter,  a  new 
and  more  circumspect  course  of  proceeding  has  been  adopted. 
A  mutual  understanding  now  exists  among  the  principal  repub- 
licans of  the  State,  that  it  is  yet  too  early  to  act  on  this  ques- 
tion, and  that,  whatever  may  be  the  private  sentiments  and  pre- 
dilections of  individuals,  it  would  be  imprudent  at  present  to 
5 


66  PRHrATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

promulgate  them.  Whenever  the  proper  time  shall  arrive  (and 
perhaps  the  next  winter  session  of  our  Legislature  may  be  se- 
lected as  such),  a  full  and  friendly  consultation  and  interchange 
of  sentiments  will  take  place,  and  we  are  not  without  hopes  of 
producing,  by  this  course,  a  unanimity  that  will  insure  to  this 
State  (what  it  has  never  possessed),  an  influence  proportioned  to 
its  reputation  and  wealth.  Whoever  may  be  the  candidate  fairly 
designated  by  the  majority,  I  shall  consider  myself  bound,  as  a 
republican,  to  give  him  my  support.  I  have  indeed  been  one 
of  the  advisers  of  this  cautious  and  circumspect  policy,  because 
I  have  deemed  it  the  wisest  that  this  State,  under  present  cir- 
cumstances, could  pursue.  If  we  had  a  favorite  candidate  in 
one  of  our  own  citizens,  it  would  afford  a  fair  apology  for  our 
taking  the  field  early,  but  we  have  none,  and  you  are  aware  of 
the  jealousy  that  exists,  particularly  at  the  South,  against  the 
growing  power  of  the  great  State  of  New  York,  and  if  we 
were  to  manifest  our  solicitude,  by  making  an  early  selection, 
that  very  circumstance  might  weaken  the  chance  of  our  candi- 
date, and  perhaps  throw  him  into  a  minority. 

The  Republicans  of  this  State  have  been  so  often  and  shame- 
fully deceived  and  abused  by  the  professed  friendship,  as  well 
as  open  hostility  of  the  opposite  party,  that  the  first  requisite  in 
their  candidate  will  be,  that  he  be  a  Republican  of  the  old  school, 
and  I  know  of  no  one  who,  in  addition  to  so  many  other  splendid 
qualifications,  can  better  sustain  the  integrity  of  this  character, 
than  my  friend  from  Kentucky. 

I  expect  to  see  a  number  of  my  political  friends  at  my  house 
during  the  summer,  and  among  them,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  of  the 
Senate.  The  subject  of  the  next  Presidency  will  of  course  be 
canvassed,  and  I  will,  in  a  future  letter,  give  you  my  impressions 
in  regard  to  the  prevailing  views  of  the  Republicans  of  this 
State. 

Mrs.  P.  is  in  excellent  health,  and  desires  her  best  respects  to 
you. 


LANGDON    CHEVES    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  27,  1 822. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  the  5th  instant  was  duly  re- 
ceived. I  have  put  your  brother  in  nomination,  and  his  and 
your  wish  will  be  duly  and  respectfully  considered.  The  ap- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  67 

pointments  for  the  Orleans  office  will  be  made  on  the  27th  No- 
vember next,  at  which  time  I  will  be  merely  nominally  an  officer 
of  the  bank,  as  I  have  determined  to  leave  it  a  few  weeks  after. 
I  perceive  you  are  again  a  candidate  for  Congress,  in  which  I 
suppose  you  are  right.  The  great  question  seems  to  be  but  little 
agitated  yet.  You  will  perceive  from  the  "  Sentinel"  of  this 
city,  which  is  one  of  the  oraeles  of  the  democratic  party  in  this 
part  of  the  State — the  "  Franklin  Gazette"  is  the  other — that 
there  is  a  schism  among  the  active  men.  The  "  Sentinel"  ap- 
pears to  incline  to  Crawford.  New  York  appears  to  be  completely 
undecided,  and  apparently  asking  for  an  offer  ;  but  I  really  know 
nothing  about  it,  and  hear  little. 


PATRICK    HENRY   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

August  21,  1822. 

DEAR  SIR, — You  must  make  Clinton  President,  which,  with 
your  force  and  talents,  public  and  private,  you  can  accomplish. 
He  has  pretensions  in  every  respect — a  man  of  business,  is  bold 
and  honorable — an  elegant  scholar — deeply  read — liberal  alto- 
gether in  his  ideas.  He  would  return  the  favor  with  fidelity. 
He  has  no  sneaking,  tricky  vices.  You  would  be  the  next 
President,  from  character,  pretensions,  experience,  and,  coming 
from  the  West,  you  would  be  expected  and  attended  to  by  the 
nation.  You  would  be  Vice-President  or  Secretary  of  State. 
The  former  would  keep  you  out  of  turmoil  and  responsibility, 
and  perhaps  be  the  safest  place.  You  would  be  happy  in  it,  hon- 
ored and  supported  by  every  body. 

Clinton  has  name,  fame,  talents,  and  useful  and  lasting  honors 
to  sustain  him  for  any  or  in  any  station  he  may  fill.  It  would 
be  worthy  of  Clay  and  Kentucky  to  join  New  York  and  Clinton 
in  so  glorious  a  career  in  saving  the  Union. 


LAFAYETTE   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

PARIS,  November  5,  1822. 


MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  too  happy  in  an  opportunity  to  keep  our  j\ 
friendly  acquaintance,  and  would  be  still  happier  to  converse  I 
with  you  on  the  business  of  freedom,  as  it  relates  to  both  sides  •// 


68  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

of  the  Atlantic.  You  have  had  the  pleasure,  in  which  I  was  long 
ago  ready  to  sympathize,  of  the  acknowledgment  of  Columbian 
independence  by  the  United  States.  May  every  part  of  that 
continent  be  also  free,  independent,  and  universally  acknowl- 
edged !  It  is  to  be  expected  the  nonsense  of  an  American  em- 
peror can  not  last  long.  Bat  while  I  rejoice  in  the  emancipation 
of  what  was  called  the  Spanish  dominion,  while  I  lament  the 
hesitation  of  the  Cortes  in  the  acknowledgment  which  policy  and 
necessity  point  out  to  them,  I  would  be  very  sorry  to  hear  of  a 
serious  quarrel  between  Spain  and  the  United  States.  The  em- 
bers of  European  freedom  are  now  to  be  cherished  in  the  penin- 
sula. Old  Governments,  England  particularly,  employ  a  great 
deal  of  cunning  in  fomenting  divisions  among  the  nations,  and 
in  every  nation  among  the  parties,  nay,  the  individuals  who  en- 
list in-  the  cause  of  mankind.  Their  friendship  is  almost  as  bad 
as  their  enmity.  The  British  papers,  Whig  and  Tory,  seem  to 
vie  in  recommending  an  intervention,  under  the  form  of  protec- 
tion, in  the  affairs  of  this  very  Greece  against  whom  Great  Brit- 
ain and  Austria  have  acted  so  cruel  and  dishonorable  a  part. 
How  happy  should  I  be  to  see  an  American  squadron  in  those 
seas !  The  American  flag  should  be  the  natural,  disinterested 
protector  for  the  Grecian  confederacy.  Should  the  Ottoman 
navy  prove  impertinent,  it  might  be  crushed  at  once.  A  Grecian 
citizen  who  has  left  Corinth  with  orders  from  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, tells  me  that  two  millions  of  dollars,  two  ships  of  the 
line,  or  three  Or  four  large  frigates,  could  they  obtain  that  sum 
and  naval  means  from  mercantile  enterprise,  would  suffice  to  in- 
sure the  liberties  of  that  classic  country.  It  is  to  be  feared  the 
assistance  will  be  either  withheld  or  lent  with  interested  views, 
if  not  under  degrading  conditions.  The  decisions  of  the  Vienna 
Congress  are  every  day  expected.  While  a  common  antipathy 
to  the  rights  of  men  and  nations  link  them  together,  the  old  sys- 
tems and  potent  views  of  each  Cabinet  interfere  with  the  general 
plan  of  the  Holy  Alliance.  The  situation  of  France  under  its 
counter-revolutionary  Government  is  better  understood  by  a 
series  of  intelligences  lately  collected  from  the  papers  of  both 
parties,  than  I  could  explain  in  a  letter.  An  actual  invasion  of 
Spain  by  foreign  troops  may  be  postponed  from  the  .fear  of  unit- 
ing the  whole  people  in  the  defense  of  the  country  ;  but  every 
countenance  and  protection  will  more  and  more  be  afforded  to 
the  enemies  of  the  Constitution ;  and  if  the  patriots  are  driven 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  69 

to  excesses,  in  consequence  of  their  provoked  irritation  it  will 
become  a  pretense  against  them,  against  the  liberals  of  every 
country,  and  the  cause  itself,  much  depends  on  the  spirited  re- 
sistance of  Spain  in  the  present  crisis. 

I  have  been  requested  by  my  former  aid-de-camp  in  the  na- 
tional guards,  and  constant  friend,  M.  de  la  Rue,  to  mention  to 
you  a  claim  of  his  lady,  Beaumarchais'  daughter,  now  under  the 
examination  of  Congress.  Their  wish  is  that  the  affair  may  be 
referred  to  a  judicial,  I  suppose  the  Supreme  Court.  It  does  not 
belong  to  me  to  decide  on  the  propriety  of  the  measure,  nor  the 
circumstances  of  the  claim,  further  than  to  say,  I  have  been  a  wit- 
ness to  very  active  exertions  of  Beaumarchais  in  the  first  period  of 
our  American  contest ;  but  I  owe  it  to  those  remembrances,  and  to 
my  affection  for  M.  de  la  Rue,  to  make  to  you  the  mention  of  this 
affair,  very  important  to  him  and  family.  It  appears  that  Ameri- 
can claims  upon  France  are  on  the  point  of  being  examined  in 
this  country.  I  much  wish  justice  may  be  rendered  on  all  sides. 

I  have  often  the  pleasure  to  talk  of  you  with  two  amiable 
friends  of  ours,  Miller  and  Wright,  who  are  now  in  France,  and 
most  of  the  time  in  our  family  colony  of  Lagrange. 


B.  W.  LEIGH  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

RICHMOND,  November  9,  1822. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  had  the  happiness  to  receive  your  letter  of 
the  29th  October  this  morning,  and  I  am  heartily  thankful  to 
you  for  it.  It  was  the  more  welcome,  as  it  served  to  assure  me 
of  the  re-establishment  of  your  health.  The  newspapers  repre- 
sented you,  some  weeks  ago,  as  very  dangerously  ill ;  and  one 
of  them  killed  you  outright — which  your  distant  friends  regard 
as  a  very  unpardonable  abuse  of  the  freedom  of  the  press. 

It  was  considerate  and  kind  in  you  to  send  me  your  report  of 
our  arrangements  to  the  Legislature  of  Kentucky — the  more  so 
since  I  must  plead  guilty  to  the  charge  of  having  broken  my 
promise  to  write  to  you  on  my  return  home.  The  truth  is,  that 
when  I  got  home,  I  had  to  write  so  many  letters  which  I  was 
obliged  to  write,  that  I  soon  came  to  a  conclusion  to  write  none 
but  such  as  were  absolutely  indispensable.  I  trust  to  your  own 
experience  in  like  cases  to  estimate  the  worth  of  this  apology. 

As  to  yourself  in  particular,  I  shall  take  this  occasion  to  say, 


70  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

that  there  was  no  part  of  your  conduct  in  regard  to  the  peculiar 
state  of  your  local  politics  (and  I  was  very  observant  of  it  all), 
which  impressed  me  with  such  high  respect,  and  excited  so  warm 
a  sentiment  of  approbation,  as  the  constant  effort  I  saw  you  mak- 
ing to  impress  it  upon  all  parties,  that  there  was  no  desperation 
either  in  the  distemper  of  the  State,  or  in  the  remedies  that  had 
been  applied,  and  that  it  behooved  all  men  to  treat  them  both  with 
patience,  temper,  and  moderation,  as  well  as  frankness  and 
steadiness. 

Tell  my  friends  in  Kentucky  that  I  remember  them  as  I  ought. 
Have  the  goodness  to  present  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

COLUMBUS,  OHIO,  January  8,  1823. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  will  have  seen  a  note  which  I  addressed 
to  the  editors  of  the  "  Intelligencer,"  on  the  subject  of  the  busi- 
ness of  Ghent.  I  wish  to  say  one  word  to  you  on  it.  To  those 
who  have  attentively  read  the  controversial  papers  between 
Messrs.  Russell  and  Adams,  and  particularly  the  appendix  to  the 
book  of  the  latter,  it  must  be  apparent  that  the  honorable  secre- 
tary has  labored  to  draw  me  into  the  controversy,  by  the  manner 
in  which  he  has  alluded  to  my  name,  and  the  inconsistency 
which,  on  one  occasion,  he  imputes  to  me.  I  had  but  one  al- 
ternative, either  to  acquiesce,  by  my  silence,  in  all  misrepresenta- 
tions ;  or,  by  a  sort  of  protest,  to  reserve  to  myself  the  right  of 
correcting  errors  on  some  future  fit  occasion.  I  might,  indeed, 
have  rushed  into  the  controversy  between  those  two  gentlemen,  or 
commenced  a  new  one  ;  but  I  hope  my  friends  will  believe  me 
incapable  of  committing  such  an  indiscretion,  as  I  conceive  that 
would  be,  of  doing  at  this  time  the  one  or  the  other.  I  chose 
the  latter  because  of  the  alternative  stated,  and  I  hope  you  will 
approve  of  the  step  I  have  taken.  My  purpose  is  answered,  my 
ground  is  taken,  and  those  who  know  me  will  not  want  to  be 
assured  that  I  will  adhere  to  both.  I  shall  write  no  more  until 
I  think  the  period  has  arrived  which  I  have  indicated.  The 
honorable  secretary  seems  to  deplore  its  possible  distance.  I 
shall  remain  unmoved  by  any  regrets  he  may  feel  on  account  of 
the  want  of  fresh  aliment  for  new  strife. 

The  newspapers  will  communicate  to  you  the  events  which 


OF  HENEY  CLAY.  71 

have  occurred  here.  As  they  chose  to  have  a  second  caucus,  I 
was  glad  it  took  place  before  I  reached  Columbus.  Considering 
the  great  efforts  made  from  without  to  prevent  any  legislative 
expression  of  public  opinion,  the  proof  which  is  afforded  by  the 
vote  here  is  extremely  strong.  My  friends  believe  that  from 
eighty  to  ninety  out  of  the  one  hundred  and  three  members,  who 
compose  the  General  Assembly,  are  in  my  favor  ;  and  there  is 
among  the  former  the  greatest  zeal,  animation,  and  confidence. 

I  am  anxious  to  learn  the  names  of  your  commissioners.  Ex- 
pecting to  reach  Washington  by  the  22d  instant,  I  shall  be  glad 
to  have  the  pleasure  of  hearing  from  you  on  my  arrival  there. 


MB.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  81,  1823. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  obliging  favor  of  the 
29th  instant.  The  considerations  were  so  many  and  so  power- 
ful, calling  upon  your  State  to  ratify  the  convention  with  Ken- 
tucky, that  I  confess  to  you  frankly  I  did  not  anticipate  the 
event  which  you  say  will  probably  happen.  In  that  event  I 
shall  deeply  regret  that  Virginia  ever  again  opened  the  negotia- 
tion, after  respecting  the  professions  which  Mr.  Bibb  and  I  sub- 
mitted to  your  Legislature  last  winter.  Why  did  Virginia  ask 
a  reference  of  the  claim  of  her  State  limit  ?  Could  she  suppose 
that  Kentucky  would  refer  it  and  leave  herself  exposed,  after  the 
decision  of  the  referees,  to  the  claim,  as  if  it  had  never  been 
submitted  to  arbitration  ?  Could  she  think  that  the  mockery  of 
creating  a  tribunal  was  to  be  presented  to  decide  a  controversy, 
respecting  which  the  parties  were  to  be  as  free  and  unbound  after 
the  decision  as  before  the  reference.  If  she  had  no  power  to 
refer ;  if  she  had  no  authority  to  bind  her  constituents,  then  she 
ought  not  to  have  moved  in  the  business ;  and  the  first  error  was 
committed  at  Richmond,  and  not  at  Lexington.  For  my  part 
I  believe  the  State  line  bound  by  the  decision,  and  that  the 
guaranty  is  the  mere  expression  of  a  fair  implication  from  the 
whole  transaction  without  it.  And  it  was  only  to  render  the 
convention  more  explicit,  and  to  preclude  the  necessity  of  resort- 
ing to  any  interpretations  about  which  disputes  might  arise,  that 
it  appeared  to  me  to  be  expedient  to  insert  the  clause  of  guaranty. 
Upon  the  whole  I  must  say,  that  if  you  reject  the  convention, 


72  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

I  think  the  impartial  world'  will  look  upon  you  as  being  clearly 
in  the  wrong. 

I  am  extremely  sorry  to  find  that  any  of  my  friends  believe 
that  I  was  not  called  upon  to  address  the  note  which  was  re- 
cently published  in  the  Intelligencer,  respecting  certain  questions 
arising  at  Ghent.  Had  Mr.  Adams,  either  before  or  after  his 
several  publications,  designed  to  consult  me  about  the  use  which 
he  has  freely  made  in  them  of  my  name  ;  had  he  said  to  me  "  Mr. 
Clay,  I  have  imputed  to  you  such  and  such  opinions,  and  made 
statements  about  the  part  you  acted  at  Ghent ;  if  I  am  inaccu- 
rate in  any  of  them  I  will  take  pleasure  in  correcting  the  error," 
I  should  have  felt  myself  required  to  address  Mr.  Adams  person- 
ally, and  not  the  public.  But  he  never  communicated  to  me 
any  one  of  his  publications,  and  I  never  had  an  opportunity  even 
of  seeing  his  book  until  my  arrival  here.  Having  chosen,  with- 
out my  knowledge  or  consent,  to  usher  my  name  into  the  public 
journals ;  having  imputed  to  me,  as  he  does  in  his  appendix,  in- 
consistencies, and  by  an  innuendo  insinuated  that  I  was  the  author 
of  an  editorial  article  in  Kentucky,  which  I  never  saw  until  I 
read  it  in  the  paper  in  which  it  was  printed,  I  felt  myself  ab- 
solved from  all  obligation  to  make  any  direct  appeal  to  Mr. 
Adams  himself.  In  addressing  the  note  which  I  did  to  the  pub- 
lic, it  was  my  intention  merely  to  enter  a  caveat  against  the  cor- 
rectness of  all  his  statements,  and  to  exhibit  a  public  reservation 
of  a  right  on  my  part  to  rectify  mistakes,  when  the  proper  occa- 
sion should  arrive.  Considering  the  relation  in  which  both  of 
us  now  stand  to  the  public,  I  thought  the  present  an  unsuitable 
moment  even  to  hazard  any  controversy  with  him ;  and  if  I 
could  prostrate  him  in  the  dust  I  would  not  write  at  this  time. 

I  thank  you  for  your  kind  information  respecting  the  state  of 
the  public  mind  in  Virginia.  *  * 

I  look  upon  this  struggle  with  all  the  philosophy  which  I  ought 
to  do.  On  one  resolution  my  friends  may  rest  assured  I  will 
firmly  rely,  and  that  is,  to  participate  in  no  intrigues,  to  enter 
into  no  arrangements,  to  make  no  promises  or  pledges  ;  but  that, 
whether  I  am  elected  or  not,  I  will  have  nothing  to  reproach 
myself  with.  If  elected  I  will  go  into  the  office  with  a  pure 
conscience,  to  promote  with  my  utmost  exertions  the  common 
good  of  our  country,  and  free  to  select  the  most  able  and  faithful 
public  servants.  If  not  elected,  acquiescing  most  cheerfully  in 
the  better  selection  which  will  thus  have  been  made,  I  will  at 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  73 

least  have  the  satisfaction  of  preserving  my  honor  unsullied,  and 
my  heart  uncorrupted. 

I  shall  remain  here  during  the  greater  part  of  the  term  of  .the 
Supreme  Court,  in  which  I  have  some  professional  business,  par- 
ticularly the  cause  between  the  bank  and  the  State  of  Ohio. 

I  shall  be  glad  that  your  leisure  may  allow  you  to  give  me 
the  pleasure  of  again  hearing  from  you. 

P.  S.  What  course  does  Virginia  mean  to  take  after  refuting 
the  guaranty  ?  Does  she  intend  again  to  open  the  negotiation  ? 
To  propose  that  the  Board  of  Commissioners  shall  now  proceed 
without  the  clause  of  guaranty  ?  Or  to  make  a  rupture  of  all 
negotiations  and  fly  to  arms  ?  I  mean  forensic  arms. 


B.    W.    LEIGH    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

RICHMOND,  Feb.  12, 1823. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  truly  kind  and  friendly 
letter.  Far  from  being  surprised  at  the  indignation  which  the 
conduct  of  the  Virginia  Legislature,  in  respect  to  the  convention 
agreed  on  between  us  last  summer,  has  excited  in  your  breast,  I 
unite  in  the  sentiment ;  but  my  indignation  is  aggravated  by  the 
sense  of  personal  mortification  at  such  a  defeat  of  my  best  efforts 
for  the  public  service,  and  of  burning  shame  for  the  ridicule  and 
dishonor  which  Virginia  has  brought  on  herself.  If  you  be  thus 
indignant,  what  must  be  the  feelings  of  your  colleague,  Mr. 
Rowan  ?  I  fancy  I  can  see  his  resentment,  disdain,  and  con- 
tempt. Yet,  my  dear  sir,  this  deed  must  not  be  imputed  to  us, 
the  people  of  Virginia,  nor  even  to  the  body  of  her  representa- 
tives— it  must  lie  at  the  door  of  a  bare  majority  of  the  Senate. 
I  am  not  sure  that  Kentucky  is  bound  to  take  the  distinction,  but 
I  hope  you  will.  I  believe  that  the  sentiment  of  the  people  of 
Virginia  toward  Kentucky,  is  the  same  with  my  own  individu- 
ally, and  that,  I  am  sure,  is  what  it  ought  to  be. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  what  our  assembly  means  to  do  in  this 
business.  Some  answer  must  be  given  to  Kentucky.  What  it 
will  be,  or  how  it  can  be  agreed  on,  considering  the  difference 
of  opinion  between  the  two  houses,  I  am  wholly  at  a  loss  to 
conjecture.  The  majority  in  the  Senate  for  the  present,  so  far 
as  I  can  learn,  are  perfectly  careless  about  it.  But  it  is  impos- 


74  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

sible,  I  hope,  that  they  can  continue  so  regardless  of  self-respect, 
so  unconcerned  about  the  comity  due  to  a  sister  State,  as  to  leave 
matters  in  their  present  condition.  Mr.  Johnson  desired  me  a 
day  or  two  ago,  to  tell  you  that  he  did  not  think  it  absolutely 
hopeless,  and  that  the  Senate  will  yet  consent  to  the  ratification 
of  the  convention. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  26,  1823. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  friendly  letter  of  the  19th 
inst.,  as  I  did  the  preceding  one  to  which  it  refers.  The  course 
which  the  business  between  our  respective  States  has  taken,  fills 
me  with  so  much  regret  and  concern,  that  I  will  not  dwell  upon 
it,  especially  as  it  has  probably  terminated  finally,  and  had,  there- 
fore better  be  forgotten  as  soon  as  it  can  be.  What  is  done  can 
not  be  changed,  and  it  is  not  conformable  to  my  temper  or  habit, 
to  indulge  in  unavailing  regrets.  I  prefer  always  looking  to  the 
future.  I  observe  what  you  state  with  respect  to  the  condition 
of  the  public  feeling  in  Virginia,  in  regard  to  the  next  Presidency. 
I  ever  thought  that  the  line  of  conduct  which  the  Virginia  gen- 
tleman had  marked  out  for  that  State,  that  is,  to  take  no  forward 
part  in  the  ensuing  election,  but  rather  to  leave  the  decision  of 
it  to  the  residue  of  the  Union,  was  wise  and  discreet.  It  would 
have  been  thought  that  Virginia  was  dictatorial,  if  after  ceasing 
to  furnish  a  chief  magistrate,  she  should  have  displayed  any  early 
and  anxious  solicitude  about  the  successor  of  Mr.  Monroe.  But 
has  Virginia  acted  in  consonance  with  this  avowed  purpose  ?  Has 
not  that  point,  which  heretofore  has  invariably  indicated  her  pleas- 
ure, distinctly  taken  its  ground  ?  Has  it  not  been  confidently  pro- 
claimed, and  been  believed,  everywhere  out  of  Virginia,  that  her 
choice  was  fixed  ?  May  not  the  effect  of  all  this  be,  to  jeopard- 
ize, not  only  that  preference,  if  it  be  actually  made,  but  also  the 
election  of  him  who  would  be  her  second  choice  ? 

Virginia  may  possibly  decide  the  election  by  bestowing  her  suf- 
frage on  the  gentleman  referred  to,  though  I  doubt  it  extremely. 
But  she  certainly  can  decide  it  by  lending  her  support  to  him 
who  is  said  to  be  her  second  choice.  She  will,  of  course,  as  she 
ought  to,  determine  as  she  pleases  in  such  contingences.  *  * 

In  saying  that  it  is  my  firm  conviction  that  Mr.  Adams  is  at 
present  the  most  formidable,  I  pray  you  to  believe  that  I  do  not 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  75 

mean  (far  from  it),  to  indicate  any  preference  for  him,  nor  am  I 
moved,  at  Mr.  Crawford's  expense,  by  the  desire  of  advancing 
my  own  interests.  *  * 

Connect  yourselves  with  the  West,  and  are  you  not,  whether 
the  election  is  won  or  lost,  on  the  vantage  ground  ?  You  see, 
my  dear  sir,  that  I  write  you  with  all  the  freedom  of  an  ancient 
friendship,  which  could  alone  excuse  the  presentation  to  you  of 
views,  which,  I  dare  say,  have  often  been  taken  by  you. 

I  pray  you  to  give  my  best  respects  to  your  associate,  Judge 
Green,  whose  acquaintance  I  had  the  pleasure  of  making  last 
winter,  and  for  whose  character  I  have  a  high  regard. 


MB.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  9,  1823. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  will  have  seen  that  the  Supreme  Court 
has  decided  against  the  validity  of  our  occupying  claimant  laws. 
The  dissatisfaction  which  will  be  felt  by  the  people  of  Ken- 
tucky, with  the  decision,  xvill  be  aggravated  in  no  little  degree, 
by  the  fact,  that  the  decision  is  that  of  three  judges  to  one,  a  mi- 
nority, therefore,  of  the  whole  court ;  and  this  aggravation  will 
be  further  increased  by  considerations  which  belong  to  either  of 
these  three  judges. 

At  the  moment  of  some  vexation  about  this  unhappy  result  of  a 
cause,  the  effects  and  possible  consequences  of  which,  fill  me 
with  extreme  concern,  I  wrote  you  my  last  letter,  and  I  fear  that 
I  expressed  myself  in  it,  on  some  points,  in  a  manner  which  I 
ought  not  to  have  done,  even  to  one  whom  I  have  ever  regarded 
as  one  of  my  best  friends.  I  must  pray  you,  therefore,  to  com- 
mit it  to  the  flames,  and  its  contents  to  oblivion.  * 

I  shall  leave  this  place  in  a  few  days,  for  Kentucky,  by  the  way 
of  Philadelphia,  and  I  shall  be  glad  to  have  the  pleasure  of 
hearing  from  you,  when  I  reach  home. 


M.    DE    MENOU   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

MARCH  17, 1823. 

M.  de  Menou  has  the  honor  of  presenting  his  respects  to  Mr. 
Clay,  and  while  acknowledging  his  polite  note  of  yesterday, 
begs  leave  to  thank  him  for  his  attention  to  the  affair  of  Apollon 
which  he  regrets  was  not  tried  this  term.  He  hopes  Mr.  Clay 


76  PKIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

will  have  the  goodness  to  give  it  his  continued  support  next 
year. 

Should  Mr.  Clay  have  no  further  use,  at  present,  for  the  differ- 
ent papers  relating  to  that  business,  and  think  fit  to  send  them  to 
M.  de  Menou,  he  would  keep  them  in  readiness  to  be  returned 
to  Mr.  Clay  on  his  return  to  Washington. 


REPUBLIC    OF    COLOMBIA   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

FAVOKITA,  December  31,  1822. 

The  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  begs  leave  to  offer 
his  best  respects  to  Colonel  Todd,  and  will  have  the  greatest 
pleasure  in  presenting  to  the  Executive  of  Colombia,  the  portrait 
of  the  Honorable  Henry  Clay,  to  whom  the  Continental  States 
of  the  ci-devant  Spanish  America,  are  so  much  indebted  for  his 
perseverance  and  enlightened  sagacity. 

The  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Relations,  entertains  no 
doubt  but  that  the  Executive  will  accept  a  present  which  will 
at  every  moment  recall  to  his  mind,  an  American  politician  and 
a  sincere  friend  of  humanity.  He  does  not  hesitate,  by  antici- 
pation, to  offer  to  Colonel  Todd  his  best  thanks  for  his  goodness 
and  the  particular  confidence  with  which  he  distinguishes  him. 


BOGOTA,  April  23,  1823. 

C.  S.  Todd  offers  his  respects  to  the  Honorable  Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia, 
and,  as  a  testimony  of  his  esteem  for  the  first  Constitutional 
Congress,  has  the  honor  to  present  an  engraved  portrait  of  his 
distinguished  friend  and  connection,  Henry  Clay,  the  eloquent 
advocate  of  the  liberty  of  both  Americas. 


LA  FAVORTTA,  December  31,  1822. 

C.  S.  Todd's  respects  to  Dr.  Gual,  Secretary  of  State  for  For- 
eign Affairs,  and  begs  leave  to  present,  as  a  slight  testimony  of 
his  esteem,  an  engraved  portrait  of  his  distinguished  friend  and 
connection,  Henry  Clay ;  to  be  disposed  of  in  such  manner  as 
Dr.  Gual  may  deem  most  complimentary  to  the  Executive  De- 
partment of  Colombia. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  77 


REPUBLIC  OF  COLOMBIA. 

v  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  IN  BOGOTA, 

April  25,  1823. 

To  Ma.  C.  S.  TODD,  Charge  tf  Affaires — 

The  House  of  Representatives  has  received  with  the  most 
lively  sense  of  gratitude  the  valuable  present  you  have  had  the 
goodness  to  offer.  It  duly  appreciates  the  generous  sentiments 
manifested  in  the  address  with  which  you  accompanied  it ; 
sentiments  very  worthy  of  the  country  of  Washington  and  of 
Franklin. 

The  House  will  not  fail  to  pay  that  profound  tribute  of  re- 
spect which  is  due  to  the  Honorable  Henry  Clay,  the  intrepid 
advocate  of  the  cause  of  Colombia ;  and .  while  it  reserves  to 
itself  the  occasion  of  manifesting  in  a  more  conspicuous  manner, 
the  high  esteem  of  which  he  is  worthy,  you  will  condescend  to 
communicate  to  him,  the  wishes  which  the  House  cherishes  for 
the  prosperity  of  the  United  States.  God  preserve  you. 

DOMINGO  CAYCEDO,  President  of  the  House. 


C.    S.    TODD   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BOGOTA,  May  8,  1823. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  had  the  pleasure  of  addressing  you  a  short 
note  from  Merida,  in  December  last,  and  avail  myself,  now,  of 
the  return  of  the  Swedish  Consul-General  to  Philadelphia,  to 
transmit  a  correspondence  with  the  authorities  here,  produced 
by  the  presentation  of  some  of  Tyler's  engravings  of  you,  three 
copies  of  which  I  had  procured  for  the  purpose ;  the  receipt  of 
that  presented  to  General  Soublette,  Intendant-General  at  Car- 
acas, has  not  been  acknowledged.  The  correspondence  was 
originally  in  Spanish,  and  you  will  see  in  the  translation  that  I 
have  made  some  progress  in  a  language,  which,  besides  its  pre- 
eminent beauties,  may  become  emphatically  that  of  America. 

I  hope  you  know  me  sufficiently  to  be  aware  that  I  have  not 
received  with  indifference,  the  account  of  the  indications  in 
Kentucky,  Ohio,  and  Missouri,  and  in  the  prints  of  other  States, 
favorable  to  your  pretensions  to  the  next  Presidency.  Death 
and  some  Siberian  Missions  may  lessen  the  number  of  your 
competitors,  and  whatever  may  be  the  feeling  of  the  United 


78  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

States  singly  on  the  subject,  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  the 
united  voice  of  continental  America  would  elevate  you  to  a 
station  full  of  unexampled  responsibility  and  of  unrequited 
solicitude.  I  am  persuaded,  however,  that  you  are  yourself  too 
national  in  your  feelings,  to  give  all  the  point  which  the  people 
and  Governments  in  the  New  States  of  Spanish  America  would 
wish  to  convey  by  their  unqualified  approbation  of  your  con- 
duct in  relation  to  their  supposed  interests ;  since  it  has  been 
made  the  occasion  and  the  pretext  for  indulging  in  cold  and  un- 
worthy feelings  toward  our  Government,  and  extending,  in  a 
much  greater  degree  than  we  could  wish,  even  to  our  people 
and  institutions. 

I  might  refer  you  to  Colonel  Duane  for  detailed  information 
with  respect  to  the  state  of  affairs  here  ;  and  his  opinions  would 
be  entitled  to  great  consideration,  having  devoted  many  years  to 
the  acquisition  of  an  extensive  knowledge  of  the  country,  and 
in  support  of  the  cause  which  the  people  supposed  they  were 
maintaining.  Being  myself  in  the  diplomatic  service  and,  more- 
over, under  the  immediate  eye  of  a  statesman,  who  is  character- 
istically known  never  to  express  more  than  he  means  to  say,  I 
may  be  excused  from  giving  an  opinion  on  the  condition  of 
things ;  but  Colonel  Duane,  if  he  were  to  meet  with  you,  would 
undeceive  you  with  respect  to  many  matters  about  which,  he 
says,  he  has  been  heretofore  under  misapprehensions.  He  would 
tell  you  that  though  the  county  is  separated  from  Spanish  do- 
minion and  misrule,  yet  that  Spanish  duplicity  in  the  Governors, 
and  Spanish  superstition  in  the  people  are  but  too  painfully  prev- 
alent ;  while  the  hopes  of  the  public  councils  are  directed  to 
Europe,  and  especially  Great  Britain,  in  the  vain  delusion,  that 
it  is  by  those  powers  alone,  their  interests  can  be  promoted. 

I  need  not  say,  dear  sir,  that  any  communication  you  may 
find  it  convenient  to  make  me,  will  be  peculiarly  acceptable. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

LEXINGTON,  August  28,  1823. 

I  received,  my  dear  sir,  your  very  obliging  letter  of  the  14th 
instant,  and  I  pray  you  to  believe  that  I  do  not  place  less  value 
on  your  friendship  because  you  have  nothing  to  communicate 
"  more  favorable  to  my  prospects."  On  the  subject  to  which  you 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  79 

allude,  I  assure  you  most  sincerely  I  look  with  great  calmness, 
and  with  a  most  perfect  determination  to  acquiesce  cheerfully  in 
whatever  choice  the  nation  may  make.  It  would  be  a  poor  com- 
pliment to  our  institutions,  to  say  that  their  solidity,  or  the  public 
happiness,  materially  depended  upon  any  election  that  shall 
take  place.  I  really  think,  however,  that  Virginia  can  not  jus- 
tify herself  to  the  Union  for  the  apathy  which  you  say  prevails 
there  on  the  question.  Judging,  as  I  have  done  at  this  distance, 
from  the  "  Enquirer"  and  other  Virginia  prints,  I  had  supposed 
that  great  interest  was  felt  and  generally  taken  in  its  decision, 
and  that  there  was  even  danger  of  her  overstepping  the  line  of 
cautious  circumspection,  which  her  leading  politicians  were  un- 
derstood to  have  'marked  out  for  her. 

This  indifference,  you  say,  arises  from  the  absence  of  any 
pledge  that  the  great  interests  of  the  people  of  Virginia  will  be 
taken  care  of  by  any  of  the  competitors  for  the  chief  magistracy. 
If,  indeed,  no  such  pledge  is  to  be  found  in  the  principles,  integ- 
rity, and  characters,  as  heretofore  developed,  of  either  of  the 
candidates,  it  is,  I  should  think,  quite  too  late  in  the  day  now 
for  any  pledge  to  be  given  or  received.  But,  my  dear  sir,  what 
interests  have  Virginia  and  the  South  separate  from  the  Union  ? 
You  have  mentioned  a  single  subject  only,  that  of  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  Federal  judiciary  on  State  rights  ;  and,  as  connected 
with  tli  is,  the  "  broad  doctrine  now  inculcated,  that  Congress  has 
the  right  to  extend,  not  to  regulate  only,  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Federal  Courts."  On  that  subject  I  am  entirely  at  a  loss  to  con- 
ceive any  peculiar  interest  in  the  State  of  Virginia,  and  the 
Southern  States.  All  are  equally  concerned  in  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  State  sovereignties.  All  would  be  equally  affected  by 
Federal  usurpation.  But  I  must  confess  that  it  is  the  first  time 
that  I  ever  heard  asserted  such  a  doctrine  as  you  say  is  now  in- 
culcated. The  limit  of  the  Federal  judiciary  is  to  be  found  in 
the  Constitution,  and  Congress  can  vest  in  it  no  power  which  is 
not  there  found.  If  such  a  doctrine  as  you  state  is  really  at- 
tempted to  be  inculcated,  you  will  find  Kentucky  now,  as  in  the 
epoch  of  1799,  in  spite  of  all  your  unkindness  toward  her,  ready 
to  co-operate  with  you  in  opposing  it,  and  no  man  in  the  Union 
will  be  more  prompt  than  I  shall  be  to  second  the  opposition. 
I  can  not  suppose  you  to  refer  to  the  power  that  is  claimed  for 
the  general  Government,  to  give  effect  to  its  laws  through  its  own 
judiciary.  For,  without  that  power,  without  Federal  means  to 


80  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

effectuate  the  constitutional  resolves  of  the  Federal  will,  there  is 
an  end  to  the  general  Government — that  is  inevitable,  if  not  in- 
stantaneous anarchy. 

But,  my  dear  sir,  on  this  subject  of  the  Federal  judiciary  and 
State  rights,  I  mean  to  say  a  few  words  to  you,  in  the  spirit  of 
Virginia  independence,  and  in  the  frankness  of  sincere  friendship. 
Has  not  Virginia  exposed  herself  to  the  imputation  of  selfishness, 
by  the  course  of  her  conduct,  or  of  that  of  many  of  her  politicians  ? 
When,  in  the  case  of  Cohans  and  Virginia,  her  authority  was 
alone  concerned,  she  made  the  most  strenuous  efforts  against  the 
exercise  of  power  by  the  Supreme  Court.  But  when  the  thun- 
ders of  that  Court  were  directed  against  poor  Kentucky,  in  vain 
did  she  invoke  Virginian  aid.  The  Supreme  Court,  it  was  im- 
agined, would  decide  on  the  side  of  supposed  interests  of  Vir- 
ginia. It  has  so  decided  ;  and,  in  effect,  cripples  the  sovereign 
power  of  the  State  of  Kentucky  more  than  any  other  measure 
ever  affected  the  independence  of  any  State  in  this  Union,  and 
not  a  Virginia  voice  is  heard  against  the  decision.  The  Supreme 
Court  is  viewed  with  complacency,  and  as  a  very  different  sort 
of  tribunal  from  that  Supreme  Court  which  decided  Cohans' 
case. 

Again  :  of  all  the  irregular  bodies,  none  can  be  more  so  than 
a  Congressional  caucus  at  Washington.  None  have  a  more  con- 
solidating tendency.  Indeed,  it  is  espoused  upon  the  principle 
of  preventing  the  exercise  of  State  or  Federal  rights  through  the 
medium  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  Yet  the  Virginia 
politicians  (at  least  if  we  are  to  judge  from  the  papers)  warmly 
advocate  the  constitution  of  such  a  caucus.  Will  it  not  be  said 
that  they  are  influenced  by  the  consideration,  not  of  preserving 
unimpaired  State  rights,  but  of  giving  to  the  State  power  of 
Virginia  the  utmost  effect  of  which  it  is  capable  ?  Or  that  of 
securing  the  election  of  the  alleged  favorite,  who,  without  the 
instrumentality  of  such  an  assemblage,  is  in  danger  of  losing  the 
election  ?  It  is  in  vain  to  speak  of  the  inconveniences  of  a 
warmly-contested  election.  They  are  incident  to  our  system, 
and  are  happily  provided  for  by  it.  And  the  transitions  from  a 
Congressional  caucus  to  a  pretorian  cohort  or  hereditary  mon- 
archy, to  escape  from  those  vexations,  are  not  so  great  as  we 
might  at  first  imagine. 

I  am  aware  that  on  two  subjects  I  have  the  misfortune  to 
differ  with  many  of  my  Virginia  friends — internal  improvements 


OF  .HENRY   CLAY.  81 

and  home  manufactures.  My  opinion  has  been1  formed  after  ; 
much  deliberation,  and  my  best  judgment  yet  tells  me  that  I  am  ' 
right.  I  have  not  time,  nor  would  it  be  fitting  as  regards  your 
comfort,  now  to  discuss  the  policy  or  the  power  of  fostering  these 
interests.  I  believe  Virginia  and  the  Southern  States  as  much 
interested,  directly  or  indirectly,  as  any  other  parts  of  the  Union, 
in  their  encouragement.  When  the  Government  was  first  adopted 
we  had  no  interior.  Our  population  was  inclosed  between  the 
sea  and  the  mountains  which  run  parallel  to  it.  Since  then  the 
west  part  of  your  State,  the  western  parts  of  New  York  and 
Pennsylvania,  and  all  the  Western  States,  have  been  settled. 
The  wars  of  Europe  consumed  all  the  surplus  produce  on  both  ' 
sides  of  the  mountains.  Those  wars  have  terminated,  and  emi- 
gration has  ceased.  We  find  ourselves  annually  in  possession  of 
an  immense  surplus.  There  is  no  market  for  it  abroad  ;  there  is 
none  at  home.  If  there  were  a  foreign  market,  before  we,  in  the 
interior,  could  reach  it,  the  intervening  population  would  have  sup- 
plied it.  There  can  be  no  foreign  market  adequate  to  the  con- 
sumption of  the  vast  and  growing  surplus  of  the  produce  of  our 
agriculture.  We  must,  then,  have  a  home  market.  Some  of  us 
must  cultivate  ;  some  fabricate.  And  we  must  have  reasonable 
protection  against  the  machinations  of  foreign  powers.  On  the 
sea-board  you  want  a  navy,  fortifications,  protection,  foreign 
commerce.  In  the  interior  we  want  internal  improvements, 
home  manufactures.  You  have  what  you  want,  and  object  to 
our  getting  what  we  want.  Should  not  the  interests  of  both 
parties  be  provided  for  ? 

It  has  appeared  to  me,  in  the  administration  of  the  general 
Government,  to  be  a  just  principle  to  inquire  what  great  interests 
belong  to  each  section  of  our  country,  and  to  promote  those  in- 
terests, as  far  as  practicable,  consistently  with  the  Constitution, 
having  always  an  eye  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole.  Assuming 
this  principle,  does  any  one  doubt  that  if  New  York,  New  Jer- 
sey, Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  the  Western  States 
constituted  an  independent  nation,  it  would  immediately  protect 
the  important  interests  in  question  ?  And  is  it  not  to  be  feared 
that,  if  protection  is  not  to  be  found  for  vital  interests,  from  the 
existing  systems,  in  great  parts  of  the  confederacy,  those  parts 
will  ultimately  seek  to  establish  a  system  that  will  afford  the 
requisite  protection  ?  I  would  not,  in  the  application  of  the  prin- 
ciple indicated,  give  to  the  peculiar  interests  of  great  sections  all 


82  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

the  protection  which  they  would  probably  receive  if  those  sec- 
tions constituted  separate  and  independent  States.  I  would, 
however,  extend  some  protection,  and  measure  it  by  balancing 
the  countervailing  interests,  if  there  be  such,  in  other  quarters  of 
the  Union. 

I  concur  entirely  with  you  in  thinking  that  the  north  and 
east,  but  particularly  New  England,  have  laid,  in  a  great  meas- 
ure, the  other  parts  of  the  Union  under  contribution.  And  of 
all  the  ill-advised  measures,  of  all  the  wasteful  expenditures  of 
public  money,  the  Revolutionary  pension  list  pre-eminently  takes 
the  lead.  Never  was  there  more  public  money  spent,  with  less 
•practical  benefit.  But  who  proposed  it  ?  Your  own  Monroe. 
I  thought  of  it  then  as  I  think  of  it  now  ;  but  opposition  would 
have  been  silly  and  vain. 

You  will  oppose  my  election,  I  suppose,  in  Virginia.  I  have 
no  right  to  complain.  Silence  and  submission  are  my  duty.  You 
will  oppose  me  because  I  think  that  the  interests  of  all  parts  of 
the  Union  should  be  taken  care  of ;  in  other  words,  that  the  in- 
terests of  the  interior,  on  the  two  subjects  mentioned,  as  well  as 
that  of  the  maritime  coast,  ought  to  be  provided  for.  You  will 
give  your  suffrages  to  Mr.  Crawford  or  Mr.  Adarns ;  and  if  Mr. 

i  Crawford  or  Mr.  Adams  be  elected,  I  venture  to  predict  that  we 
shall  find,  either  in  his  inaugural  speech,  or  in  the  first  message 
or  speech  (perhaps  the  latter  mode  of  communication  may  be  re- 
vived) to  Congress,  a  recommendation  of  efficient  encouragement 
to  domestic  manufactures  and  internal  improvements. 

1  am  afraid  that  you  will  think  me  in  a  very  bad  humor.  Far 
from  it.  I  repeat  that  I  never  enjoyed  more  perfect  composure. 
My  health,  it  is  true,  is  extremely  bad,  and  I  am  now  confined 
at  home  by  the  endeavor  to  re-establish  it.  But  it  neither  affects 
r-  my  tranquillity  or  gives  me  the  spleen.  In  regard  to  the  election, 
as  to  which  I  will  make  no  professions  of  affecting  an  indiffer- 
ence, which  I  do  not  feel,  my  friends  continue  to  be  very  confi- 
dent ;  and  my  own  opinion  is  that  my  prospects  are  not  sur- 
passed by  those  of  either  of  the  other  gentlemen,  still  I  am  not 
unaware  that  all  things  are  uncertain  ;  and  I  therefore  continue 
resolved  to  preserve  my  philosophy,  my  principles,  and  my  con- 
L-  .  science,  be  the  event  what  it  may. 

Has  not  our  friend  Southard  been  rapidly  advanced  ?  He 
certainly  has  merit,  and  his  friend,  the  Secretary  of  War,  has 
discernment. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  83 

It  would  have  given  me  great  pleasure  to  see  you,  as  it  will 
to  meet  you  any  where  again.  Can  you  not  run  up  to  Washing- 
ton next  winter  ?  To  a  close  observer  there  will  be  a  scene 
there  exhibited  worth  surveying.  Wherever  you  are,  I  pray  you 
to  be  persuaded  that  my  best  wishes  attend  you. 

P.  S.  I  send  you  my  effusions  as  they  are  poured  out  through 
a  mercurial  course,  on  which  the  doctors  have  put  me  ;  and  wish 
no  copy  for  others.  I  write  for  yourself  alone. 


LAFAYETTE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

LAGRANGE,  October  13,  1823. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  been  applied  to  by  the  amiable  Madame 
de  la  Rue  for  a  letter  of  introduction  to  my  friend  Mr.  Clay  j 
she  is  daughter  of  the  celebrated  Beaumarchais,  whose  name 
has  been  connected  with  the  five  years  of  our  American  contest ; 
she  is  the  wife  of  one  of  my  faithful  and  zealous  aides-de-camp 
in  the  National  Guard  ;  two  motives  which  make  it  a  very  agree- 
able duty  for  me  to  present  her  to  you. 

Madame  de  la  Rue  has  a  claim  upon  the  public  treasury,  long 
debated  in  Congress,  the  documents  of  which  have  been  laid  be- 
fore you.  It  does  not  belong  to  me  to  anticipate  your  opinion 
in  a  matter  upon  which  you  have  more  data  than  I  could  offer ; 
but  I  find  a  pleasure  in  contributing  to  gratify  Madame  de  la 
Rue's  wishes  to  be  introduced  to  your  personal  acquaintance. 


PETER  B.  PORTER  TO   MR.   CLAY. 

BLACK  ROCK,  November  17,  1823. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  September  some  days 
ago. 

The  singular  results  in  our  late  elections,  with  the  speculations 
on  them  in  our  newspapers,  will  show  you  the  uncertainty  of  the 
ultimate  vote  of  this  State  on  the  presidential  question.  The 
zeal  and  pertinacity  with  which  Van  Buren  and  his  friends  have 
pushed  Mr.  Crawford  (who  has  no  substantial  popularity  here) 
without  any  other  argument  in  his  favor  than  the  necessity  of 
party  discipline,  have  disgusted  the  Republicans  of  this  State, 
and  produced  great  dissatisfaction  and  division  in  our  ranks. 


84:  PRIVATE   COKKESPONDEISrCE 

The  cleverest  fellow  in  our  delegation  is  Dudley  Marvin,  a 
new  member  from  Ontario,  to  whom  I  have  given  a  letter  of 
introduction  to  you.  He  was  from  New  England,  and  educated 
a  Federalist,  but  is  a  Republican  in  principle  and  practice,  and 
has  for  some  time  been  in  the  confidence  of  our  party.  He  pos- 
sesses a  heart  as  well  as  a  head  of  the  first  order.  I  hope  you 
will  notice  him  in  public  as  well  as  in  private,  and  I  am  confident 
your  attentions  will  be  amply  repaid  in  the  pleasure  you  will 
derive  from  his  acquaintance. 


P.  P.  BABBOUR  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  December  4,  1823. 

DEAR  SIR, — In  answer  to  your  note  of  this  evening,  I  beg 
leave  to  say,  that  I  should  regret  exceedingly,  as  far  as  I  am 
personally  concerned,  to  give  you  the  slightest  difficulty  in  the 
arrangement  of  committees.  My  own  individual  wish  would  be 
decidedly  to  be  on  no  committee  ;  but  as  that  might  possibly 
give  rise  to  some  misconstruction,  I  now  so  far  modify  my  wish 
as  to  desire  to  be  put  upon  none  whose  labor  is  very  great ;  and 
further,  not  to  be  chairman  of  whatsoever  committee  I  may  be 
placed  on— above  all,  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  I  should 
most  object  to.  Wheresoever  your  general  arrangement  may  make 
it  convenient  to  place  me,  I  assure  you  in  sincerity  I  shall  be  per- 
fectly satisfied. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  20,  1823. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — A  friend  informs  me  that,  at  Richmond,  my 
arrangement  of  the  committees  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
has  been  the  subject  of  some  animadversion,  in  consequence  of 
Mr.  Barbour,  late  Speaker,  not  being  at  the  head  of  any  com- 
mittee. The  truth  is,  that  it  was  my  intention  to  have  appointed 
him  chairman  of  one  of  the  most  prominent  committees  of  the 
House,  but  he  entreated  me  not  to  put  him  at  the  head  of  any 
committee,  nor  on  any  committee,  which  might  require  much  of 
his  time,  as  he  wished  to  employ  it  exclusively  in  study.  I  should 
certainly  not  offer,  even  to  a  friend,  any  explanation  of  my  official 
conduct  in  such  a  matter,  if  it  were  not  to  prevent  misconception 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  85 

of  my  motives  in  respect  to  a  gentleman  between  whom  and 
myself  unfortunately  some  competition  existed.  I  am  sure  if  he 
were  apprised  (he  is  now  absent  from  Washington)  of  the  erron- 
eous impression  existing  at  Richmond,  he  would  himself  hasten 
to  correct  it.  I  have  a  full  share  of  human  frailties ;  but  a  want 
of  consideration  for  a  competitor,  in  relation  to  any  object,  does 
not,  if  I  know  myself,  happen  to  be  one  of  them. 

Did  you  get  a  lengthy  letter  that  I  wrote  you  in  August  or 
September  last  ? 


W.  B.  ROCHESTER  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

BATE,  STETJBEN  COUNTY,  K  Y.,  December  20,  1823. 

My  DEAR  SIR, — Your  election  as  Speaker,  considering  the 
majority,  and  that  you  were  opposed  by  a  professed  friend  of  Mr. 
Crawford,  has  had  the  effect  of  making  the  few  friends  of  the 
last-named  gentleman,  whom  I  have  since  conversed  with,  admit 
that  he  is  not  so  strong  a  man  throughout  the  Union  as  they  had 
previously  supposed.  You  were  right  in  taking  it ;  had  you 
declined,  you  would  have  been  charged  with  chaffering  ;  indeed, 
Rufus  King's  paper,  in  New  York  city,  has  already,  in  substance, 
charged  you  with  having  graduated  some  of  the  first  of  your 
official  acts  (ex.  qr.  appointments  of  committees),  with  a  view  to 

serve  private  views.     That  editor,  Mr. ,  ^s  a  sad  fellow, 

for  it  is  only  about  a  twelvemonth  since  he  avowed  to  me  his 
preference  of  you,  and  ever  since  he  has  been  totis  viribus,  for 
Adams ! 

The  hollow  apology  which  he  made  to  me,  was  your  publica- 
tion disavowing  any  co-operation  with  Mr.  Russell  in  his  affair 
with  Mr.  Adams. 

In  answer  to  the  inquiry  in  your  favor  of  the  6th  instant, 
whether  I  correspond  with  Mr.  Van  Buren,  I  reply  affirmatively, 
though  I  have  not  as  yet  heard  directly  from  him  since  his  ar- 
rival^at  Washington. 

I  have  just  finished  a  hasty  letter  to  him,  which  lies  before 
me,  arid  shall  be  forwarded  by  the  same  mail  which  takes  this. 

I  repeat  to  you  that  Mr.  V.  B.'s  preference  will  be  of  vast  im- 
portance to  his  favorites  in  this  State,  let  the  choice  be  made  as 
it  may. 

I  am  told  your  health  has  been  poor,  and  as  your  duties  are 


86  PRIVATE   COKRESPONDENCE 

doubtless  arduous,  let  me  once  more  beg  of  you  to  believe  that  I 
do  not  write  with  a  view  of  extracting  answers.  I  need  hardly 
say  that  my  letters  to  you  are  written  for  the  indulgent  eye  of 
friendship  only.  I  have  not  time  to  transcribe  and  to  correct,  but 
shall  occasionally  drop  you  a  hasty  scroll  as  the  tide  moves  on. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  22,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  Sm,^-I  duly  received- your  obliging  letter  of  the  18th 
instant.  I  am  glad  to  hear  of  the  probability  of  the  recovery  of 
Colonel  Taylor's  health.  With  respect  to  his  opinions  on  the 
subject  to  which  you  refer,  whatever  they  may  be,  they  can  not 
diminish  that  habitual  veneration  for  him  which  I  have  ever 
cherished. 

On  the  point  of  a  caucus,  in  a  spirit  of  perfect  desperation,  a 
continual  effort  is  making  to  get  one  up.  It  will  be  defeated, 
you  may  rely,  either  by  being  voted  down,  in  a  general  attend- 
ance of  the  Republican  members,  or  by  a  resolution  of  a  large 
majority  of  them  not  to  attend.  If  they  make  one,  it  will  be  a 
faction — a  cabal.  My  friends  say,  that  on  the  score  of  mere  ex- 
pediency, they  have  no  objection  to  a  caucus  which  shall  be 
composed  of  the^Republican  members  generally ;  that  they  have  no 
fears  of  the  result  of  such  a  caucus ;  but  that  they  have  no  idea 
of  consenting  to  make  part  of  a  caucus  in  which  they  should  act 
the  part  of  mexejiguranti,  which  would  be  the  case  if  the  friends 
of  other  candidates,  who,  it  is  well  known,  would  not  attend, 
should  be  absent.  *  *  *  *  *  * 

With  great  regard,  I  am  faithfully  your  friend. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  23,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — It  is  some  time  since  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
hearing  from  you.  In  tho  interval,  several  events  of  importance 
have  occurred.  The  miserable  attempt  at  a  caucus,  you  will 
have  seen  accounts  of.  Mr.  Crawford  never  could  have  been 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  87 

elected,  but  I  venture  to  predict  that  the  mere  fact  of  seeking, 
by  means  of  a  caucus  so  got  up,  and  so  constituted,  will  de- 
stroy whatever  prospects  he  ever  had.  Mr.  Calhoun  has  with- 
drawn. This  has  been  produced  by  events  in  Pennsylvania, 
evincing,  beyond  all  doubt,  the  determination  of  that  State  to 
support  General  Jackson.  The  circle  of  competition  is  thus 
much  circumscribed,  and  you  may  rely  upon  it,  that  you  will 
have,  as  your  next  President,  Adams,  Jackson,  or  myself.  You 
will  have,  in  Virginia,  to  choose  between  these  three  evils.  It 
is  madness,  it  is  perfect  infatuation,  to  think,  at  this  time,  of  any 
body  else.  Our  intelligence  from  New  York,  continues  to  be 
favorable  to  the  hopes  of  my  friends.  Still  we  shall  have  noth- 
ing absolutely  decisive  from  that  quarter,  until  time  has  elapsed 
to  enable  us  to  hear  what  the  consequences  there  will  be  of  the 
caucus.  The  present  moment  is  one  of  great  importance  to  me 
in  Virginia.  Now  is  the  time  to  make  a  demonstration  for  me 
there,  if  ever.  My  friends  accordingly,  I  understand,  contem- 
plate the  formation  of  an  electoral  ticket  for  me,  at  Richmond, 
and  think  of  putting  you  at  the  head  of  it,  if  you  consent. 
Such  a  ticket,  announced  at  this  time,  whatever  may  be  its  ulti- 
mate fate  to  Virginia,  will  have  the  very  best  effects  out  of 
Virginia. 

As  soon  as  I  hear  from  New  York,  I  will  communicate  to 
you.  In  the  mean  time,  I  should  be  glad  to  hear  from  you.  Mr. 
Crawford's  friends  will  make  an  effort  as  long  as  they  adhere  to 
him,  to  exclude  me  from  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  the 
hope  that  my  Western  friends  will  take  him,  if  they  can  not 
get  me.  They  utterly  deceive  themselves.  If  they  accomplish 
that  object,  and  bring  him  into  the  house  with  Adams  and  Jack- 
son, to  my  exclusion,  he  can  not  be  elected.  As  I  have  told  you 
before,  the  north-western  States  will  go  for  Mr.  Adams,  if  they 
can  not  get  me.  They  will  vote  for  no  man  residing  in  a  slave 
State  but  me,  and  they  vote  for  me  because  of  other  and  chiefly 
local  considerations,  outweighing  the  slave  objections.  On  that 
you  may  depend.  Mr.  Adams,  then,  will  have  the  six  New 
England  States,  and  three  north-western  States,  with  the  chance 
(and  the  best  chance),  for  New  York  (if  I  am  out  of  the  way), 
New  Jersey,  Maryland,  to  say  nothing  of  Alabama,  Mississippi, 

.d  Louisiana. 


88  PRIVATE   COKPESPONDEXCE 

MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE 

WASHINGTON-,  February  26,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — During  your  sojourn  at  home,  I  did  not  write 
you  any  letter  except  one,  which  I  addressed  to  you  some  days 
ago,  at  Fredericksburg,  with  a  direction  to  the  post-master  at  that 
place,  to  forward  it  to  you  at  Richmond,  if  you  had  gone 
thither.  I  hope  it  has  safely  come  to  hand.  I  am  glad  that 
you  have  returned  to  the  metropolis.  Inclosed,  I  transmit  to  you 
two  letters  which  I  have  received  to-day  from  New  York,  which 
you  may  return  or  destroy,  after  perusing  the  contents.  Other 
letters,  to  other  persons,  have,  from  Albany,  corroborated  their 
statements,  and  represent,  first  that  Mr.  Crawford  can  not  pos- 
sibly obtain  the  vote  of  New  York ;  secondly,  that  great  dissat- 
isfaction prevails  at  Albany,  with  such  a  caucus  as  was  held 
here,  and  especially  with  the  person  nominated  as  Vice-President; 
and  thirdly,  that  there  is  no  contest  in  New  York,  but  between 
Mr.  Adams  and  me.  Pennsylvania  has  gone  inevitably  to 
Jackson. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  6,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  the  three  last  letters  which 
you  have  done  me  the  favor  to  write  to  me.  On  the  subject  to 
which  they  relate,  there  appears  to  be  an  eddy  at  this  moment. 
We  shall  soon  see  which  way  the  currents  will  break  out.  In- 
formation from  every  quarter  assures  us  that  the  caucus  here  has 
impaired,  instead  of  advancing  Mr.  Crawford's  prospects.  The 
convention  at  Harrisburg,  no  doubt,  the  day  before  yesterday, 
recommended  General  Jackson ;  and  they  probably  forebore  to 
make  any  recommendation  of  a  Vice-President ;  or,  if  they  did 
make  any,  I  think  it  was  Mr.  Calhoun.  At  Albany  they  are 
probably  looking  to  Harrisburg,  and  waiting  for  events.  It  is 
now  believed,  that  the  Senate  of  New  York  will  reject  the  Elec- 
toral Bill,  the  committee  of  that  body  having  made  a  report 
against  it.  But,  rest  assured,  that  all  inferences  derived  from 
that  fact  in  favor  of  Mr.  Crawford  are  utterly  fallacious.  He 
can  not  obtain  the  vote  of  that  State. 

I  concur  with  you  in  thinking  that  my  friends  at  Richmond 


OF  HENKY  CLAY!  89 

and  in  Virginia  ought  to  avoid,  if  possible,  all  niisunderstanding 
with  those  of  Mr.  Crawford ;  and  a  temperate  and  conciliatory 
character  would  therefore  be  best  to  be  given  to  any  appeal  made 
to  the  people  in  my  behalf. 

I  have  just  heard  that  De  Witt  Clinton  has  arrived  here.  I 
pray  you  not  to  think  it  necessary  to  answer  every  letter  which 
I  may  address  to  you.  I  should  be  glad  to  hear  from  you  occa- 
sionally, and  when  perfectly  convenient. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  16,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  favor  of  the  14th. 
The  ticket  formed  by  my  friends  at  Richmond,  appears  to  me, 
upon  the  whole,  to  be  extremely  judicious ;  and  its  good  effect 
elsewhere,  I  think  I  am  not  deceived  in.  The  Senate  of  New 
York,  has  by  a  vote  of  seventeen  to  fourteen,  postponed  the 
Electoral  Bill.  The  first  and  most  certain  effect  of  that  note  is 
to  prevent  Mr.  Clinton  from  being  a  candidate  ;  and  I  have  no 
doubt  that  that  was  the  principal  object  with  the  majority.  If 
there  had  been  a  popular  election  of  electors,  he  would  probably 
have  come  out,  and  very  likely  would  have  obtained  the  vote 
of  that  State. 

The  course  of  Mr.  Randolph's  friends  about  Richmond  sur- 
prises me.  My  conscience  acquits  me  entirely  of  all  blame 
toward  that  gentleman.  Throughout  all  our  acquaintance  he 
has  ever  been  the  assailant.  I  have  ever  been  on  the  defensive. 
The  House  of  Representatives  has  ever  taken  part  with  me,  and 
against  him,  in  every  collision  that  I  ever  had  with  him. 


JAMES    MADISON    TO  MR.   CLAY. 

MONTPELIEE,  April  24,  1824. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  a  copy  of  your  speech  on  "  Ameri- 
can Industry"  for  which  I  pray  you  to  accept  my  thanks.  I  find 
in  it  a  full  measure  of  the  ability  and  eloquence  so  often  wit- 
nessed on  preceding  occasions.  But  while  doing  this  justice  to 
the  task  you  have  performed,  \vhich  I  do  with  pleasure  as  well 
as  sincerity,  candor  obliges  me  to  add  that  I  can  not  concur  in 


90  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

the  extent  to  which  the  pending  bill  carries  the  tariff,  nor  in 
some  of  the  reasoning  by  which  it  is  advocated. 

The  bill,  I  think,  loses  sight  too  much  of  the  general  princi- 
ple which  leaves  to  the  judgment  of  individuals  the  choice  of 
profitable  employments  for  their  labor  and  capital ;  and  the  argu- 
ments in  favor  of  it  drawn  from  the  aptitudes  of  our  situation 
for  manufacturing  establishments,  tend  to  show  that  these  would 
take  place  without  a  Legislative  interference.  The  law  would 
not  say  to  the  cotton-planter,  you  overstock  the  market,  and 
ought  to  plant  tobacco  ;  and  to  the  planter  of  tobacco  you  would 
do  better  by  substituting  wheat.  It  presumes  that  profit  being 
the  object  of  each,  as  the  profit  of  each  is  the  wealth  of  the 
whole,  each  will  make  whatever  change  the  state  of  the  markets 
and  prices  may  require.  We  see,  in  fact,  changes  of  this  sort 
frequently  produced  in  agricultural  pursuits  by  individual  sagacity 
watching  over  individual  interest.  And  why  not  trust  to  the 
same  guidance  in  favor  of  manufacturing  industry,  whenever  it 
promises  more  profit  than  any  of  the  agricultural  branches  ;  or 
more  than  mercantile  pursuits,  from  which  we  see  capital  readily 
transferred  to  manufacturing  establishments  likely  to  yield  a 
greater  income  ? 

With  views  of  the  subject  such  as  this,  I  am  a  friend  to  the 
general  principle  of  "free  industry"  as  the  basis  of  a  sound  sys- 
tem of  political  economy.  On  the  other  hand,  I  am  not  less  a 
friend  to  the  legal  patronage  of  domestic  manufactures,  as  far  as 
they  come  within  particular  reasons  for  exceptions  to  the  general 
rule,  not  derogating  from  its  generality.  If  the  friends  of  the 
tariff,  some  of  them  at  least,  maintain  opinions  subversive  of  the 
rule,  there  are  among  its  opponents  views  taken  of  the  subject 
which  would  exclude  the  fair  exceptions  to  it. 

For  examples  of  these  exceptions  I  take,  first,  the  case  of 
articles  necessary  for  national  defense.  Second,  articles  of  a  use 
too  indispensable  to  be  subjected  to  foreign  contingences.  Third, 
cases  where  there  may  be  sufficient  certainty  that  a  temporary 
encoucagement  will  introduce  a  particular  manufacture,  which, 
once  introduced,  would  flourish  without  that  encouragement. 
That  there  are  such  cases  is  proved  by  the  cotton  manufacture, 
introduced  by  the  impulse  of  the  war  and  the  patronage  of  the 
law,  without  which  it  might  not  for  a  considerable  time  have  ef- 
fectually sprung  up.  It  must  not  be  forgotten,  however,  that  the 
great  success  in  this  case  was  owing  to  the  advantage  enjoyed  in 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  91 

the  raw  material,  and  to  the  extraordinary  abridgment  of  manual 
labor  by  mechanical  agency.  Fourth,  a  very  important  exception 
results  from  the  frequency  of  wars  among  the  manufacturing  na- 
tions, the  effect  of  a  state  of  war  on  the  prices  of  their  manufac- 
tures, and  the  improbability  that  domestic  substitutes  will  be 
provided  by  establishments  which  could  not  outlast  occasions  of 
such  uncertain  duration.  I  have  not  noticed  any  particular  refer- 
ence to  this  consideration  in  the  discussions  which  have  been 
published,  the  greater  cheapness  of  imported  fabrics  being  as- 
sumed from  their  cost  in  times  of  peace.  Yet  it  is  clear  that  if 
a  yard  of  imported  cloth,  which  costs  but  six  dollars  in  peace, 
costs  eight  dollars  in  war,  and  the  two  periods  should  be,  as  for 
the  last  two  centuries  taken  together  they  have  been,  nearly 
equal,  a  tax  of  nearly  one  dollar  a  yard  in  time  of  peace  could 
be  afforded  by  the  consumer,  in  order  to  escape  the  tax  im- 
,posed  by  the  event  of  war. 

Without  looking  for  other  exceptions  to  the  general  principle 
restraining  legislative  interferences  with  the  industrious  pursuits 
of  individuals,  those  specified  give  sufficient  scope  for  a  moderate 
tariff  that  would  at  once  answer  the  purpose  of  revenue  and 
foster  domestic  manufactures. 

With  respect  to  the  operation  of  the  projected  tariff,  I  am  led 
to  believe  that  it  will  disappoint  the  calculations  both  of  its 
friends  and  of  its  adversaries.  The  latter  will  probably  find  that 
the  increase  of  duty  on  articles  which  will  be  but  partially  manu- 
factured at  home,  with  the  annual  increment  of  consumers,  will 
balance  at  least  the  loss  to  the  Treasury  from  the  diminution  of 
the  tariffed  imports  ;  while  the  sanguine  hopes  of  the  former 
will  be  not  less  frustrated  by  the  increase  of  smuggling,  par- 
ticularly through  our  east  and  north  frontiers,  and  by  the  attrac- 
tion of  the  laboring  class  to  the  vacant  territory.  This  is  the 
great  obstacle  to  the  spontaneous  establishment  of  manufactures, 
and  will  be  overcome  with  most  difficulty  wherever  land  is 
cheapest,  and  the  ownership  of  it  most  attainable. 

The  tariff,  I  apprehend,  will  disappoint  also  those  who  expect 
it  to  put  an  end  to  unfavorable  balances  of  trade.  Our  imports, 
as  is  justly  observed,  will  not  be  short  of  our  exports.  They 
will  probably  exceed  them.  We  are  accustomed  to  buy  not  only 
as  much  as  we  can  pay  for,  but  as  much  more  as  can  be  obtained 
on  credit.  Until  we  change  our  habits,  therefore,  or  manufac- 
ture the  articles  of  luxury  as  well  as  the  useful  articles,  we  shall 


92  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

be  apt  to  be  in  arrears,  to  a  certain  extent,  in  our  foreign  deal- 
ings, and  have  the  exchange  bearing  against  us.  As  long  as  our 
exports  consist  chiefly  of  food  and  raw  materials,  we  shall 
have  the  advantage,  in  a  contest  of  privations,  over  a  nation  sup- 
plying us  with  superfluities.  But  in  the  ordinary  freedom  of  in- 
tercourse, the  advantage  will  be  on  the  other  side  ;  the  wants  on 
that  being  limited  by  the  nature  of  them,  and  on  ours  as  bound- 
less as  fancy  and  fashion. 

Excuse  a  letter  which  I  fear  is  much  too  long,  and  be  assured 
of  my  great  esteem  and  sincere  regard. 

P.  S.  Mrs.  Madison  desires  me  to  offer  the  proper  return  for 
the  kind  wishes  expressed  in  your  note  introducing  Mr.  Ten 
Eyck,  who  with  his  companion  made  the  time  very  agreeable 
which  they  passed  with  us. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  May  19,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  favor  of  the  16th  inst. 
I  did  not  become  acquainted  with  Colonel  Gooch  while  he  was 
here.  An  incident  that  occurred  may  serve  to  explain  the  charge 
to  which  you  refer.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  Speaker  to  admit 
stenographers.  Mr.  Stevenson  said  to  me,  "  Colonel  Gooch  is 
here,  and  probably  would  like  to  take  down  the  debates,  etc., 
for  the  "  Enquirer"  during  his  stay,  but  I  am  not  authorized  to 
apply  for  his  admission."  I  replied,  if  Colonel  Gooch  wants  a 
seat  within  the  hall,  bond  fide  for  that  purpose,  he  shall  be  ad- 
mitted ;  but  that  I  could  not  consent  to  his  admission  merely 
to  give  him  a  comfortable  place,  without  reference  to  the  duties 
of  a  stenographer.  Mr.  Stevenson  said  he  should  advise  him 
not  to  apply,  etc.  He  did  not  make  an  application.  I  after- 
ward understood  that  he  complained  ;  but  I  was  also  told  that, 
after  an  explanation  with  Mr.  Stevenson,  he  left  here  entirely 
satisfied  with  my  conduct. 

I  inclose  you  the  extract  of  a  letter  which  has  been  sent  me 
from  New  York,  respecting  a  contemplated  call  of  the  Legis- 
lature. I  have  very  little  doubt  that  such  a  measure  has  been 
determined  on,  and  will  take  place,  unless  the  Governor  changes 
his  intention.  If  my  efforts  on  the  tariff  have  injured  me  in 
Virginia,  they  have  benefited  me  in  other  quarters. 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  93 

MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  May  28,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  state  of  Mr.  Crawford's  health  is  such  as 
scarcely  to  leave  a  hope  of  his  recovery.  It  is  said  that  he  has 
sustained  a  paralytic  stroke.  His  friends  begin  to  own  that  his 
death  is  now  but  too  probable,  and  that  in  any  event  he  can  no 
longer  be  held  up  for  the  presidency. 

I  conjecture  that  a  visit  which  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Governor 
Dickinson,  of  New  Jersey,  are  about  to  make  to  Virginia,  is  con- 
nected with  this  circumstance,  and  that  they  are  about  to  take 
measures  for  a  fresh  campaign.  I  thought,  prior  to  my  departure 
to-morrow,  I  would  put  you  in  possession  of  these  matters. 

Be  pleased  to  make  my  best  respects  to  Mr.  Call,  and  believe 
me  ever  faithfully  your  friend. 


SIR  JAMES  MACKINTOSH  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

LONDON,  June  3,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — This  note  will  be  presented  to  you  by  Mr. 
Stanley,  a  grandson  of  the  Earl  of  Derby,  a  young  gentleman 
who  has  already  shown  in  Parliament  talents  equally  brilliant 
and  solid,  and  whom  I  can  hardly  be  mistaken  in  considering 
as  destined  to  perform  a  great  part  in  the  public  affairs  of  this 
country.  He  is  accompanied  by  three  other  gentlemen,  one  of 
whom  (Mr.  Wortley)  I  know  and  highly  value,  and  the  other 
two  I  know  to  be  most  respectable.  I  know  that  you  will  con- 
sider this  first  visit  of  such  a  body  of  English  travelers  to  the 
United  States  as  an  event  which  ought  to  interest  and  gratify 
the  friends  of  both  countries.  I  hope  that  I  may  venture  to  ask 
your  good  offices  in  guiding  the  inquiry  and  aiding  the  observa- 
tion of  Mr.  Stanley,  and  in  procuring  access  for  him  and  his 
friends  to  those  individuals  and  societies  which  may  afford  them 
sufficient  specimens  of  the  great  English  commonwealth  in  which 
you  perform  so  distinguished  a  part. 

The  enlightened  curiosity  of  Mr.  Stanley  will  direct  his  com- 
prehensive understanding  to  your  laws,  and  government,  and 
manners  ;  to  the  state  of  industry,  wealth,  and  knowledge,  and 
to  the  effect  of  all  those  on  the  virtue  and  happiness  of  the  people 


94  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

There  is  no  one  more  able  than  yourself  to  aid  him  in  so  difficul 
a  study.  I  intended  to  have  taken  the  same  liberty  with  Mr. 
Adams  and  Mr.  Crawford.  But  I  am  so  very  much  hurried 
(besides  being  indisposed)  at  this  moment,  that  I  am  reduced  to 
the  necessity  of  requesting  that  you  would  introduce  Mr.  Stanley 
to  them  as  holding  the  first  place  among  those  who  are  the  hope 
of  this  country.  After  this  sincere  testimony  to  his  extraordinary 
merit,  it  is,  perhaps,  presumptuous  in  me  to  add  that  I  should 
consider  their  attention  to  him  as  a  most  pleasing  mark  that  they 
have  not  forgotten  the  degree  in  which  I  have  had  the  pleasure 
of  enjoying  their  society. 


MB.    CLAY    TO    J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  June  15,  1824. 

DEAR  SIR,— I  transmit  you  the  inclosed  just  as  I  have  received 
it.  The  person  who. writes  it  (and  whose  acquaintance  I  would 
like  you  to  make,  if  convenient)  became  known  to  me  at  Colum- 
bus, in  Ohio,  in  January,  1823.  He  traveled  with  Judge  Bur- 
nett and  myself  from  that  place  to  Wheeling,  and  interested  us 
both  by  the  variety  and  extent  of  his  information,  particularly  in 
regard  to  characters  now  on  the  stage.  He  subsequently  mani- 
fested a  good  deal  of  zeal  in  my  behalf,  and  has  frequently  writ- 
ten me  letters,  to  which  I  have  sometimes  replied,  respectfully  but 

cautiously.  If  the  communication  from  Mr.  is  to  be 

considered  in  the  nature  of  an  overture,  there  can  be  but  one 
answer  given.  I  can  make  no  promises  of  office,  of  any  sort,  to 
any  one,  upon  any  condition  whatever.  Whatever  support  shall 
be  given  to  me,  if  any,  must  be  spontaneous  and  unbought.  I 

can  not  but  believe  that  Mr. 's  friend  must  have  allowed 

his  zeal  to  cary  him  further  than  was  authorized. 

We  have  nothing  new  in  this  quarter.  All  that  we  believed 
in  respect  to  the  favorable  disposition  toward  me  is  welt  founded. 

Be  pleased  to  make  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Johnston. 

N.  B.  The  endorsement  on  the  letter,  supposed  to  be  by  Mr. 
Johnston,  is — "  Mr. wanted  a  foreign  embassy." 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  95 

MR.    CLAY    TO    J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  June  21,  1824. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  favor  of  the  7th  instant 
from  Philadelphia,  with  the  proclamation  of  the  Governor  of 
New  York  inclosed.  I  was  of  course  prepared  to  expect  that 
measure,  the  only  effect  of  which  will  be,  should  the  Legislature 
pass  the  proposed  law,  to  place  the  vote  of  that  State  to  some 
candidate  other  than  Mr.  Crawford. 

We  have  nothing  new  at  the  West,  where  I  find  every  thing 
to  be  as  I  expected.  You  will  see  candidates  announced  for 
election  in  this  State  for  Mr.  Adams,  General  Jackson,  etc.  This 
is  the  result  of  the  absence  of  all  sort  of  concert  by  means  of 
caucuses,  or  other  nominating  appendages  in  Kentucky.  Every 
body  who  chooses  puts  himself  forward  as  a  candidate.  The 
State  is  divided  into  three  districts,  according  to  which  it  has  given 
its  electoral  vote  for  many  years  past.  No  change  was  made  in 
consequence  of  one  of  its  own  citizens  being  brought  forward, 
because  it  was  known  that  no  change  was  necessary  to  insure 
him  the  entire  vote  of  the  State.  Nor  is  there  a  county,  parish, 
or  a  respectable  neighborhood  in  the  whole  State,  in  which  he 
would  not  obtain  the  majority  over  all  competition.  In  Ohio, 
Indiana,  and  Illinois,  as  well  as  in  Missouri,  the  result  I  believe 
to  be  equally  certain.  I  shall  go  to  Columbus  to  attend  the 
Federal  Court,  which  begins  there  on  the  second  Monday  in  July. 
Should  you  write  to  me  at  any  time  after  the  receipt  of  this 
letter,  and  before  the  20th  of  July,  be  pleased  to  address  me  at 
that  place.  I  am  anxious  to  see  the  indications,  which  will 
shortly  be  given  at  the  South,  of  the  dispositions  of  Mr.  Craw- 
ford's friends,  should  he  be  withdrawn,  of  which  I  do  not  doubt, 
sooner  or  later.  My  interest,  I  think,  will  be  benefited  by  his 
being  continued  to  be  held  up  for  some  time  to  come.  The 
tariff  fever  will  have  then  somewhat  abated.  My  respectful 
compliments  to  Mrs.  Johnston. 


LORD    GAMBIEK    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

IVER  GROVE,  June  29,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  had  great  pleasure  in  receiving  your  very 
friendly  letter  by  the  hand  of  the  worthy  Bishop  Chase,  and  in 
hearing  of  your  well  being  from  him.  I  have  found  him,  as 


96  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

you  truly  describe  him,  a  learned,  pious,  and  highly  estimable 
clergyman ;  he  passed  a  few  days  with  me  here,  on  his  first 
arrival  in  this  country,  and  I  have  had  much  agreeable  commu- 
nication with  him  since  that  time ;  he  gains  the  esteem  and 
affection  of  all  persons  with  whom  he  has  become  acquainted, 
he  is  highly  respected,  and  has  been  received  with  great  kind- 
ness wherever  he  has  gone,  and  I  am  happy  to  say  he  has  been 
very  successful  in  the  important  object  of  his  visit  in  this  coun- 
try. I  very  much  regret  that  he  is  under  the  necessity  of  re- 
turning so  soon  to  his  diocese ;  but  he  leaves  an  excellent  Chris- 
tian savour  among  the  good  and  pious  of  our  land.  I  hope  we 
shall  add  more  to  the  collection  that  has  been  made  for  the  good 
and  laudable  work  in  which  he  is  so  piously  and  zealously  en- 


It  is  a  cause  of  great  satisfaction  to  me  that  so  much  success 
has  attended  the  good  Bishop's  visit  to  this  country,  for  I  greatly 
rejoice  on  every  occasion  that  in  any  way  promotes  mutual 
friendship  and  good  will  between  the  people  of  our  two  coun- 
tries. 

I  feel  very  sensibly  the  kind  and  friendly  expressions  in  your 
letter,  toward  me,  and  happy  in  every  opportunity  of  assuring  you 
of  my  high  esteem  and  sincere  regard. 


BISHOP    CHASE   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

WORTHINGTON,  October  14,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  delayed,  I  fear,  far  beyond  the  proper 
period,  forwarding  to  you  the  inclosed  letter  from  Lord  Gambier. 
My  apology  is  the  very  sincere  wish  I  have  all  along  entertained 
of  a  personal  interview,  on  the  subject  of  which  I  presumed 
the  letter  treated,  namely,  his  lordship's  great  regard  for  you, 
and  the  essential  service,  of  which  your  letter  to  him,  proved 
to  me. 

I  wished  also  to  see  you  (perhaps  at  the  United  States  Court), 
that  I  might  assign  the  reasons  and  obtain  your  pardon,  for  using 
your  name  as  the  umpire,  in  a  certain  deed  of  donation  of  my 
estate  to  the  contemplated  Theological  Seminary,  for  the  edu- 
cation of  young  men  for  the  Christian  ministry.  As  it  is,  I  can 
only  send  you  a  copy  of  that  instrument ;  and  to  it  beg  your 
favorable  attention. 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  97 

The  meeting  of  our  Convention  takes  place,  in  Chillicothe,  on 
the  3d  of  November  next.  Nothing  of  the  kind  could  give  me 
more  pleasure,  than  to  see  you  there,  if  business  or  the  great 
importance  to  posterity  of  our  plans  should  so  incline  you. 

Your  very  sincere  friend,  Charles  Hammond,  who  has  been 
of  such  essential  service  in  the  great  work  of  founding  this 
Seminary  will  be  there,  and,  as  I  trust,  assist  us  with  his  most 
valuable  advice.  Pray  communicate  with  him  on  the  subject 
any  thing  which  you  think  will  do  us  good. 

I  take  the  liberty  of  sending  you  a  letter  addressed  to  Lord 
Kenyon,  on  the  subject  of  my  errand  to  England.  Presuming 
you  have  seen  what  has  preceded  this,  no  apology  is  deemed 
necessary. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  J.   S.  JOHNSTON. 

COLUMBUS,  Ohio,  July  21,  1824. 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  under  date  at  Philadelphia  on  the 
27th  of  June,  has  followed  me  from  Lexington  to  this  place.  I 
thank  you  for  it.  The  position  which  it  portrays  of  the  condi- 
tion of  things  in  New  York,  compared  with  other  modes  of  as- 
certaining its  correctness,  I  should  suppose  faithful.  It  certainly 
offers  every  motive  to  animated  and  persevering  exertion.  I 
concur  with  you  in  thinking,  that  the  appearance  in  my  favor 
of  two  papers  you  have  mentioned,  as  being  willing  so  to  come 
out,  would  be  advantageous.  On  their  part,  it  is  perfectly  vol- 
untary. They  are  unbought.  No  imputation  of  that  kind 
could  possibly  be  made.  None  can  be  made  against  me,  either 
of  Clintonian  or  Federal  taint.  Or  if  such  imputations  were 
made  they  would  not  be  credited  by  the  unbiased  or  impartial, 
who  must  compose  a  large  portion  of  the  American  population. 

Before  I  came  to  this  State,  popular  meetings  in  various  coun- 
ties had  been  held.  Some  have  occurred  since  I  entered  it. 
The  evidence  derivable  from  their  expression  of  preference 
among  the  presidential  candidates,  places  beyond  all  sort  of  doubt, 
the  final  result  here. 

I  shall  leave  this  place  to-morrow,  for  Lexington. 
7 


98  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


J.    S.    JOHNSTON    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

NEW  YOIIK,  Aiigusfc  10,  1824, 

DEAR  SIR, — There  is  little  feeling  in  New  England  for  Adams. 
The  ultra  Federalists  hate  him,  the  moderate  feel  indifference,  the 
Republicans  are  not  cordial.  He  is  supported  merely  on  sec- 
tional grounds.  But  strange — the  ultras  will  join  the  radicals — 
the  extremes  meet. 

General  Lafayette  has  been  received  with  distinguished  hon- 
ors, and  departed  this  morning  for  Boston.  His  whole  jour- 
ney will  be  a  procession.  What  a  glorious  reward !  I  shall 
leave  here  in  a  few  days  for  Philadelphia,  where  I  think  it  im- 
portant to  be. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  J.    S.  JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  August  31,  1824. 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  obliging  favor  of  the  9th  inst.,  dated  at 
Saratoga,  and  those  subsequently  at  New  York,  have  all  safely 
arrived.  They  reached  Lexington  during  my  absence  on  a  short 
excursion  to  one  of  our  watering-places,  from  which  I  am  but 
just  returned. 

I  concur  with  you  in  thinking  that,  considering  all  the  com- 
binations that  may  arise,  and  the  contingences  that  may  happen, 
my  friends  ought  to  persevere  in  their  support  of  me.  That,  I 
believe,  is  the  course  which  they  have  determined  on  generally. 
And  I  think  the  six  States  heretofore  supposed  to  be  disposed  to 
support  me,  may  still  be  relied  on.  You  have  no  doubt  heard 
from  Louisiana.  Your  Governor  elect  passed  through  Lexington, 
and  I  presume  you  will  have  seen  him.  The  information  de- 
rived from  him  and  other  sources,  assures  us  of  the  unaltered 
state  of  Louisiana,  although  in  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  the 
Jackson  ticket  prevailed  in  the  greater  part.  Those  opposed  to 
me  in  that  State,  admit  a  plurality  of  the  Legislature  to  be  for 
me,  while  my  friends  confidently  claim  the  majority.  What  is 
most  to  be  apprehended,  is,  that  my  friends  in  the  West,  or  at 
least  in  some  of  the  more  doubtful  States,  may  become  dis- 
couraged by  the  little  prospect  of  my  being  supported  to  any 
extent  in  the  East,  and  especially  by  the  statements  in  the  "  Na- 
tional Intelligencer,"  and  other  papers,  according  to  which  it 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  99 

would  seem  that  I  have  not  a  friend  in  the  New  York  Legis- 
lature. 

The  anticipated  coalition  in  New  York,  I  should  suppose  was 
very  probable,  unless  it  should  be  prevented  by  the  apprehension 
of  the  imputation  of  corruption,  bargaining,  etc.  Perhaps  thero 
may  be  nerve  enough  to  encounter  all  the  odium  of  those  impu- 
tations, considering  the  quarter  from  which  they  must  emanate. 
If  there  be  a  majority  of  the  Legislature  who  prefer  either  of 
two  candidates  to  a  third,  there  is  surely  reason  in  an  equal  di- 
vision of  its  vote  between  those  two.  The  effect  of  such  a  di- 
vision would  doubtless  be  to  exclude  the  third  from  the  House 
of  Representatives,  and  it  would  lead  to  the  election  of  one  or 
the  other  of  them  most  certainly.  In  the  actual  state  of  the 
circumstances  of  the  election,  New  York  would  have  two 
strings  to  her  bow  by  dividing  her  suffrage,  and  more  certainly 
secure  influence  in  the  new  administration,  than  by  risking  her 
whole  vote  upon  one  of  the  candidates,  since,  if  she  were  so  to 
concentrate  it,  she  could  not  be  sure  of  effecting  his  election. 

What  about  the  Vice-President  ?  Is  New  York  desirous  of 
electing  Mr.  Sanford  ?  Has  he  any,  and  what  interest  there  ? 
In  Ohio  there  is  a  strong  disposition  to  elect  a  Vice-Preside nt 
from  New  York,  and  Mr.  Sanford  has  been  favorably  brought 
forward  there.  Here,  also,  his  name  has  been  advantageously 
announced  to  the  public,  and  there  would  not  be  the  slightest 
difficulty  in  his  obtaining  the  votes  of  both  States,  and  probably 
of  the  other  States  inclined  to  give  me  their  suffrages. 

Be  pleased  to  present  my  respects  to  Mrs.  Johnston,  and  be- 
lieve me  faithfully  and  cordially  your  friend. 


J.    S.    JOHNSTON    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  September  1,  1824. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  now  hand  you  the  letter  of  General  M'Clure 
which  I  promised  you  in  my  last,  when  I  handed  you  the  printed 
letter. 

I  purposely  avoided  seeing  General  M'Clure  at  Albany,  satisfied 
it  was  better  for  Rochester  to  communicate  with  him  than  me, 
and  that  the  objects  and  views  of  your  friends  are  better  accom- 
plished by  a  corresponding  committee.  Besides,  I  was  told  your 


100  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

friends  were  as  firm  and  stanch  as  was  necessary  ;  and,  from  the 
tone  and  tenor  of  this  letter,  I  have  no  doubt.  I  will  now  write 
to  all  of  them,  and  let  them  understand  distinctly  the  views  taken 
of  the  state  of  your  interests  in  New  York. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    J.  S.    JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  September  19,  1824. 

My  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  to-day  your  favor  under  date  the 
4th.  with  its  inclosures,  as  I  did  your  former  letters,  including 
General  M'Clure?s  letter.  I  thank  you  for  them.  I  have  directed 
twenty  copies  of  the  circular  prepared  by  the  Kentucky  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  (which  I  have  not  seen),  to  be  for- 
warded to  you  for  distribution.  Copies  have  also  been  ordered 
to  most  of  our  friends  in  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  Although 
I  have  not  perused  it,  I  presume,  from  the  pen  from  which  it 
issues,  that  it  is  well  composed.  An  address  from  the  same 
quarter  has  been  written  to  Virginia,  intended  for  that  region, 
but  so  guarded  as  to  do  mischief  nowhere,  if  it  be  published, 
which  is  to  be  anticipated.  These  papers  will,  I  think,  contrib- 
ute to  arouse  and  animate  my  friends.  The  remark  which  you 
make  is  but  too  true,  that  there  has  not  been  sufficient  united  ex- 
ertion among  them.  Every  thing  is  yet  going  well  in  the  West. 
It  is  amazing  to  see  the  mistakes  or  misstatements  made  about  it 
at  the  East.  For  example  :  Straiten  was  said  to  be  elected  in 
Missouri,  and  was  claimed  by  the  "  Franklin  Gazette"  for  Gen- 
eral Jackson.  No,  says  the  "  National  Journal,"  although  he  is 
elected,  we  know  he  is  for  Mr.  Adams.  Now,  it  turns  out  that 
Scott  is  elected,  and  that  Stratten  declared  himself  for  me. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  September  3,  1824. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  obliging  favor  of  the  19th 
ultimo,  under  date  at  New  York,  transmitting  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Ingalls,  from  whom  I  had  previously  received  a  duplicate.  I  did 
not,  however,  answer  his  letter.  Eight  months  ago,  I  supposed 
there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  my  election  as  Vice-President,  if 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  101 

my  friends  had  thought  it  advisable  to  press  me  for  that  office. 
It  would  now  be  extremely  difficult,  if  not  impracticable,  to  ef- 
fect that  object,  if  it  were  desirable.  My  friends  in  the  West  do 
not  attach  any  very  great,  perhaps  not  sufficient,  importance  to 
that  station  ;  and  it  would  be,  I  apprehend,  nearly  impossible  now 
to  induce  them  to  divert  their  support  of  me  from  the  first  to  the 
second  office.  And  if  they  could  be  prevailed  on  to  do  it,  the 
electoral  colleges  would  hardly  be  induced,  by  any  possible  ex- 
ertion, to  unite  their  individual  suffrages  on  any  other  candidate 
for  the  Presidency.  There  could,  therefore,  be  no  support  se- 
cured for  me  in  the  Atlantic  States  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  if  it 
depended  on  concert  among  my  Western  friends,  in  regard  to  the 
office  of  President.  And  consequently,  if  I  received  any,  it  must 
be  spontaneous,  without  reference  to  the  direction  which  my  in- 
terest would  take  as  to  the  Presidency.  If  my  Eastern  friends 
think  proper  to  bring  me  forward  for  the  office  of  Vice-President, 
I  wish  it  distinctly  understood,  that  it  is  their  own  movement, 
unprompted  by  me.  If  an  idea  were  taken  up  that  the  office 
was  sought  by  me,  after  all  that  has  occurred,  it  could  not  fail 
to  be  injurious  to  me.  It  would  be  said  to  display  a  most  inor- 
dinate desire  for  office,  which  I  certainly  am  not  conscious  of 
feeling.  It  would  not  look  well,  in  any  respect,  if  it  were  sup- 
posed that  I  was  instrumental  in  the  attempt  to  elect  me.  It  is 
certainly  a  high  and  dignified  office,  such  as  no  American  citizen 
could  readily  decline. 

With  respect  to  the  movement  in  Massachusetts  to  which  Mr. 
Ingalls  refers,  while  I  concur  with  you  entirely  in  the  state  of 
public  feeling  in  New  England  toward  Mr.  Adams,  I  do  not  be- 
lieve that  there  is  the  smallest  prospect  of  diverting  the  vote  of 
Massachusetts  from  him.  There  may  be  some  probability  of 
such  a  diversion  in  other  States  of  that  section,  but  none  what- 
ever, I  apprehend,  in  Massachusetts.  Depend  upon  it,  that  local 
pride,  if  not  attachment,  will  secure  to  each  of  the  candidates 
the  support  of  his  own  State,  doubtless  with  more  opposition  in 
some  instances  than  in  others.  It  would,  therefore,  be  an  act  of 
extreme  indiscretion,  justified  by  no  motive  whatever,  for  me,  or 
for  any  of  my  friends  out  of  Massachusetts,  to  say  to  Mr.  Ingalls, 
and  to  those  who  are  co-operating  with  him,  that  I  am  willing 
to  give  up  all  pretensions  to  the  office  of  President,  and  to  be 
contented  with  that  of  Vice-President. 

By  the  by,  it  has  been  said  here  that  a  feeling  is  prevailing  in 


102  PIUVATE   CORKESPONDENCE 

some  of  the  Atlantic  cities  to  make  the  Marquis  Lafayette  Vice- 
President.  Such  a  disposition  of  the  office  would  be  highly 
creditable  to  the  national  gratitude,  if  it  could  be  made  without 
any  constitutional  impediment. 

I  do  not  anticipate  much  from  the  Philadelphia  meeting.  It 
is  a  little  remarkable,  that  my  support  of  the  tariff  has  excited 
against  me,  in  the  South,  a  degree  of  opposition  which  is  by  no 
means  counterbalanced  by  any  espousal  of  my  cause  in  Pennsyl- 
vania and  other  quarters,  where  the  tariff  was  so  much  desired. 
Is  this  owing  to  the  greater  activity  which  the  losing  party 
almost  always  displays  than  the  gaining  ? 

I  expect  every  day  that  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  ap- 
pointed by  the  Legislature  of  the  State,  will  prepare  their  gen- 
eral circular,  as  suggested  in  my  last.  A  copy  of  it  shall  be  for- 
warded to  you.  Do  you  correspond  with  General  Peter  B. 
Porter  ?  His  residence  is  Black  Rock. 

I  can  not  close  without  expressing  to  you  my  thanks  for  the 
zeal  and  interest  which  you  manifest  in  my  favor  ;  nor  without 
adding,  that  you  have  fulfilled  entirely  all  my  expectations  as  to 
the  discretion  which  you  would  manifest. 


J.  S.  JOHNSTON  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  September  4,  1 824. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  attended  a  meeting  of  your  friends,  to  wit,  Mr. 
Carey  and  son,  Mr.  Hemphill,  Mr.  Tilman,  Mr.  Wharton,  Dr. 
Chapman,  Dr.  Godman,  Mr.  Edward  Ingersoll,  etc.,  to  consult 
about  the  meeting  of  your  friends.  It  was  called  without  their 
knowledge.  They  determined  to  postpone  the  meeting  until 
this  day  week.  Mr.  Carey  consents  to  be  chairman.  A  com- 
mittee of  correspondence  will  be  organized,  and  delegates  ap- 
pointed. I  haT§p  no  doubt  the  meeting  will  be  numerous  and 
respectable.  This  State  might  have  been  secured  at  a  proper 
time,  and  this  State  would  have  secured  you.  Your  affairs  have 
been  trusted  to  providence.  I  send  you  two  letters  from  Boston, 
I  hope  you  have  received  General  M'Clure's. 

The  friends  of  Crawford  are  still  very  anxious  to  make  you 
Vice-President.  Mr.  Elliot  often  speaks  of  it ;  it  is  much  a  sub- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  103 

ject  of  correspondence  among  them.  They  count  confidently 
upon  most  of  your  votes  in  that  event.  They  say  Gallatin 
would  not  be  in  the  way. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  J.   S.  JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  September  10,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — In  respect  to  the  Vice-Presidency,  I  wrote  you 
some  days  ago.  When  my  name  was  brought  forward  seriously, 
I  resolved  neither  to  offer  nor  to  accept  any  arrangement  in  re- 
gard to  myself,  or  to  office  for  others.  I  have  adhered  to  that 
resolution  hitherto,  and  shall  continue  to  abide  by  it  to  the  last. 
I  considered  that  I  was  and  ought  to  be  in  the  hands  of  the 
public,  to  be  disposed  of  as  it  pleased.  Most  undoubtedly  the 
office  of  Vice-President  is  one  of  high  respectability  and  great 
dignity,  preferable,  in  my  opinion,  to  any  place  in  the  cabinet. 
If  the  acceptance  of  it  were  offered  to  me  (I  mean  by  the  public 
having  the  right  to  tender  it),  1  could  not  decline  it ;  but  I  can 
not  seek  it,  much  less  make  any  sacrifices  of  honor  or  duty  to 
obtain  it. 


J.  S.  JOHNSTON  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  September  26,  1824. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  read  with  pleasure  and  with  attention  your 
favor  of  the  10th  September.  We  agree  in  every  particular  with 
regard  to  the  Vice-Presidency.  You  can  not  change  your  posi- 
tion, and  your  friends  are  not  disposed.  You  must  abide  the 
issue.  I  have  uniformly  given  the  same  reply.  It  was  a  strange 
idea  of  Crawford's  friends  to  count  on  the  Western  States  by 
your  withdrawal.  I  have  often  explained  that  to  them  ;  they 
now  see  and  feel  the  truth.  The  object  of  Crawford's  friends 
now  will  be  to  put  down  Adams,  and,  if  possible,  to  present  his 
being  returned,  under  the  idea  that  his  being  withdrawn,  the 
New  England  States  will  vote  for  him. 

We  receive  General  Lafayette  to-morrow.  The  concourse  of 
people  here  is  very  great.  The  preparations  are  very  expensive 
and  very  grand. 

I  presume  he  will  be  received  by  both  Houses  in  the  center 
building. 

There  is  no  idea  of  making  him  Vice-President. 


104  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.   CLAY  TO  J.   S.   JOHNSTON. 

ASULANP,  October  2,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR. — I  duly  received  your  favor  of  the  16th  and 
19th  ult.,  with  the  Philadelphia  address.  I  also  received  one  or 
two  preceding  letters  from  you,  which  I  have  not  before  ac- 
knowledged the  receipt  of.  *  *  *  *  * 
Mr.  Holley,  just  returned  from  an  Eastern  trip,  saw  Mr.  Crawford 
about  a  fortnight  ago,  at  Fredericktown,  on  his  return  from  the 
Springs.  He  says  that  his  gait,  articulation,  and  general  ap- 
pearance indicated  most  clearly  the  paralysis  under  which  he  has 
labored,  and  that  he  appeared  to  be  much  more  infirm  than  Mr. 
Jefferson  at  the  age  of  eighty-two,  whom  he  also  saw. 

I  thank  you  for  your  kind  admonition  about  the  unceitainty 
as  to  the  pending  election,  and  the  utility  of  repressing  a  too 
great  anxiety.  I  hope  you  will  not,  as  you  seem  to  anticipate, 
have  any  occasion  for  philosophical  exertion  on  account  of  your 
own  election.  ****** 

I  have  some  thought  of  passing  through  Virginia,  and  visiting 
Mr.  Jefferson,  Mr.  Madison,  and  Governor  Barbour. 


• TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

ALBANY,  November  17,  1824. 

SIR, — I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  address  you,  as  a  known 
friend  of  Mr.  Clay,  for  the  purpose  of  stating  to  you,  in  a  frank 
and  unreserved  manner,  the  course  of  conduct  pursued  by  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Clay  toward  those  of  Mr.  Crawford,  in  the  choice 
of  presidential  electors.  I  trust,  for  my  apology,  that  the  sub- 
ject will  excuse  my  addressing  you,  without  the  pleasure  of  a 
personal  acquaintance. 

You  will  probably  have  learned  the  result  by  the  time  this 
-reaches  you,  and  will  also  have  learned  that  twenty-five  Adams 
electors  have  been  chosen  by  the  co-operation  of  Mr.  Clay's 
friends  in  the  Legislature.  It  appears  to  me  that  a  full  eqplana- 
tion  is  due  from  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  in  New  York,  to  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Crawford  in  Virginia,  for  this  course.  It  is  true 
that  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  had  a  perfect  right  to  choose  be- 
tween Mr.  Crawford  and  Mr.  Adams ;  but  it  is  also  true,  that  a 
majority  of  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  were  disposed  to  take  up 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  105 

Mr.  Crawford  as  their  second  choice,  if,  from  any  unforeseen  con- 
tingency, the  former  should  be  withdrawn  from  the  contest. 
With  this  feeling  they  came  to  Albany,  and  the  same  feeling 
led  them  to  go  into  caucus  with  the  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford, 
at  the  commencement  of  the  session.  They  were  resolved  to 
support  Mr.  Clay,  because  they  preferred  him,  and  because  they 
really  knew  that  he  was  the  choice  of  three  fourths  of  the  demo- 
cratic party,  among  the  people.  This  led  them,  in  caucus,  to 
assert  his  claims  with  great  zeal  and  force.  But  numbers  was 
the  only  reply  they  received.  The  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford  had 
a  majority  in  caucus,  and  though  neither  party  had  the  majority 
in  the  Legislature,  they,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford,  thought 
proper  to  insist  that  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  should  submit  to 
their  numbers,  and  meekly  yield  to  them,  instead  of  consulting 
their  own  judgment,  and  the  voice  of  the  State.  This  was  re- 
sisted with  becoming  spirit,  and  the  consequence  was,  that  they 
were,  in  effect,  expelled  from  the  caucus.  They  were  treated 
with  the  most  insulting  contumely,  and  threatened  with  the  high 
displeasure  of  the  set  of  individuals  known  here  by  the  name 
and  style  of  the  "  Albany  Regency." 

This  unfortunate  state  of  parties  was,  for  some  days,  produc- 
tive of  no  other  result  than  an  obstinate  adherence,  in  the 
House,  to  the  respective  candidates.  Neither  party  would  yield, 
and  the  consequence  would  have  been,  that  the  vote  of  the  State 
would  have  been  lost.  At  length,  symptoms  of  respect  for  pub- 
lic opinion  began  to  be  manifested  in  the  ranks  of  the  Crawford 
party,  which  alarmed  the  leaders  so  much  that  they  determined 
to  set  their  hopes  upon  the  hazard  of  a  die,  and  to  drive  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Clay  to  the  support  of  Mr.  Crawford.  The  mode 
of  appointing  electors,  by  our  laws,  enabled  them  to  make  this 
desperate  attempt. 

Each  House  nominates  thirty-six  electors.  They  then  meet 
to  compare  their  lists.  If  they  agree,  the  whole  are,  of  course, 
chosen ;  if  not,  they  proceed  to  choose,  from  the  two  lists  only, 
by  joint  ballot.  No  name,  not  on  one  or  the  other  list,  can  be 
voted  for.  Here,  then,  the  leaders  of  the  Crawford  party  rashly, 
and,  according  to  my  ideas  of  honor  and  rectitude,  corruptly  and 
wickedly,  determined  to  vote  for  the  Adams  ticket  in  the  lower 
house,  so  as  to  reduce  the  question  to  Crawford  and  Adams.  A 
fouler  and  more  dishonorable  piece  of  management  could  not,  in 
my  estimation,  be  adopted.  They  did  it,  however,  and  the 


106  PEIVATE  COEEESPONDENCE 

consequence  is  as  might  have  been  apprehended.  The  friends 
of  Mr.  Clay,  indignant  at  this  baseness,  voted  for  the  Adams 
ticket  on  joint  ballot,  with  the  exception  of  seven  Clay  men  on 
the  Crawford  ticket,  and  by  this  operation  have  prostrated  the 
Crawford  ticket,  in  this  State,  forever.  They  were  forced  into 
this  course.  They  could  not,  consistently  with  their  respect  for 
themselves  and  for  public  opinion,  pursue  any  other.  The  con- 
sequences must  rest  upon  the  heads  of  those  who  reduced  them 
to  that  necessity. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  your  obedient  servant. 

[It  is  thought  proper  to  suppress  the  signature  ovi  r  which  the 
above  letter  was  written.] 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

HAHDIN'S,  near  CUAELOTTEVIIXE,  Virginia,  November  26,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  Sm, — I  felt,  in  your  prompt  public  contradiction  of 
the  letter  of  Mr.  Dayton,  stating  that  my  name  had  been  with- 
drawn as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  a  new  proof  of  your 
friendship,  which  I  have  ever  so  highly  valued,  and  at  the  same 
time  a  self-reproach  for  my  not  having  written  to  you  since  the 
adjournment  of  Congress.  The  truth  is,  that  in  the  first  letter 
which  I  received  from  you,  after  I  reached  home,  you  stated 
your  intention  to  visit  the  watering  places,  and  I  did  not  well 
know  where  to  address  you ;  and  the  last  which  you  did  me  the 
favor  to  write,  was  received  but  a  few  days  before  I  sat  out  on 
this  journey.  I  concluded,  therefore,  to  defer  the  pleasure  of 
writing  you  until  I  passed  the  mountains. 

Your  prediction  has  been  well  nigh  verified  as  to  General 
Jackson's  taking  the  Western  vote  from  me.  My  friends  have 
prevailed  over  him  in  Ohio  by  only  about  seven  or  eight  hun- 
dred votes. 

Events  on  this  side  of  the  mountains  have  surprised  me,  par- 
ticularly in  New  York,  and  North  Carolina;  in  the  former  State 
especially.  I  know  not  the  secret  springs  which  have  produced 
such  a  strange  result  as  has  occurred  in  New  York.  I  have 
moved  none  of  them.  I  know  nothing  bat  what  we  see  in  the 
public  prints.  From  those  it  is  evident,  that,  if  the  friends  of 
Mr.  Crawford  and  myself  had  all  amicably  co-operated,  the  vote 
of  that  State  might  have  been  secured  to  one  or  the  other,  or 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  107 

been  divided  between  us.     I  am  uninformed  of  what  prevented 
that  contest. 

I  propose  visiting  Mr.  Jefferson  to-morrow,  and  afterward 
Mr.  Madison.  I  shall  remain  a  day  or  two  with  each  of  them, 
and  expect  to  reach  Fredericksburg  on  my  way  to  the  city  of 
Washington,  on  the  3d  or  3d  of  December. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  5,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  the  29th  October,  addressed  to 
me  at  Lexington,  not  finding  me  there,  has  returned  and  been 
duly  received  by  me  here.  Events  subsequent  to  its  date  render 
it  unnecessary  for  me  to  say  any  thing  in  regard  to  Mr.  Ritch- 
ie's communication  about  the  Vice-Presidency.  I  have  also  re- 
ceived your  obliging  letter  of  the  first  instant.  I  had  before 
learned  the  issue  of  the  electoral  vote  of  Virginia.  I  was  pre- 
pared to  expect  it  by  all  that  I  had  previously  observed.  Two 
weeks  ago  a  course  might  have  been  taken  which  would  proba- 
bly have  prevented  that  result  of  the  Presidential  election  now 
most  likely  to  happen  ;  and  that  was  to  have  prevailed  upon  Mr. 
Crawford  to  withdraw,  which  might  have  been  done,  I  should 
suppose,  without  mortification  to  his  friends,  by  placing  it  on  the 
ground  of  the  continued  precarious  state  of  his  health.  As  it  is, 
I  shall  yield  a  cheerful  acquiescence  in  the  public  decision.  I 
should  indeed  have  been  highly  gratified  if  my  native  State  had 
thought  me  worthy  of  even  a  second  place  in  her  confidence  and 
affection.  The  obligations  and  respect  which  I  owe  her  forbid 
my  uttering  one  word  of  complaint  on  account  of  her  having 
thought  otherwise. 

Mr.  Calhoun  deserves  all  that  you  say  of  him.  He  is  a  most 
captivating  man. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  22,  1824. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  letter  by  your  son,  and  had 
great  pleasure  in  furnishing  him  with  a  letter  of  introduction  to 
Commodore  Rogers. 


108      PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  HENRY  CLAY. 

I  have  also  received  that  of  the  21st  instant,  and  will  examine 
the  claim  to  which  it  refers,  with  all  the  prepossessions  which 
arise  from  your  opinion,  and  my  high  regard  to  you. 

The  result  in  Louisiana  did  not  surprise  or  affect  me.  There 
was  much- misfortune  attending  it  nevertheless.  *  * 
We  must  not  despair  of  the  Republic.  Our  institutions,  if  they 
have  the  value  which  we  believe  them  to  possess,  and  are  worth 
preserving,  will  sustain  themselves,  and  we  shall  yet  do  well. 

A  bill  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  to-day  (166  to  26) 
giving  to  Lafayette  $200,000  and  a  township  of  land. 


CHAPTER   III. 

CORRESPONDENCE   OF    1835    AND   1836. 

MR.  CLAY  TO   FRANCIS  P.  BLAIR. 

WASHINGTON,  January  8,  1825. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — My  position  in  relation  to  the  friends  of  the 
three  returned  candidates  is  singular  enough,  and  often  to  me 
very  amusing.  In  the  first  place  they  all  believe  that  my  friends 
have  the  power  of  deciding  the  question,  and  then  that  I  have 
the  power  of  controlling  my  friends.  Acting  upon  this  supposi- 
tion, in  the  same  hour,  I  am  sometimes  touched  gently  on  the 
shoulder  by  a  friend,  for  example,  of  General  Jackson,  who  will 
thus  address  me,  "  My  dear  Sir,  all  my  dependence  is  upon  you, 
don't  disappoint  us,  you  know  our  partiality  was  for  you  next  to 
the  hero ;  and  how  much  we  want  a  Western  President."  Im- 
mediately after  a  friend  of  Mr.  Crawford  will  accost  me,  "  The 
hopes  of  the  Republican  party  are  concentrated  on  you,  for 
God's  sake  preserve  it.  If  you  had  been  returned,  instead  of  Mr. 
Crawford,  every  man  of  us  would  have  supported  you  to  the 
last  hour.  We  consider  him  and  you  as  the  only  genuine  Re- 
publican candidates."  Next  a  friend  of  Mr.  Adams  comes  with 
tears  in  his  eyes,*  "  Sir,  Mr.  Adams  has  always  had  the  greatest 
respect  for  you,  and  admiration  of  your  talents.  There  is  no 
station  to  which  you  are  not  equal.  Most  undoubtedly  you 
are  the  second  choice  of  New  England,  and  I  pray  you  to  con- 
sider seriously  whether  the  public  good  and  your  own  future 
interests  do  not  point  most  distinctly  to  the  choice  which  you 
ought  to  make."  How  can  one  withstand  all  this  disinterested 
homage  and  kindness  ?  Really  the  friends  of  all  three  gentlemen 

*  A  playful  allusion  to  a  notable  fact.     It  is  all  playful,  though  true. 


110  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

are  so  very  courteous  and  affectionate  that  I  sometimes  almost 
wish  that  it  was  in  my  power  to  accommodate  each  of  them, 
but  that  being  impossible,  we  are  beginning  to  think  seriously 
of  the  choice  which  we  must  finally  make.  I  will  tell  you  then 
that  I  believe  the  contest  will  be  limited  to  Mr.  Adams  and 
General  Jackson.  Mr.  Crawford's  personal  condition  precludes 
the  choice  of  him  if  there  were  no  other  objection  to  his  elec- 
tion. As  the  only  alternative  which  is  presented  to  us  it  is 
sufficiently  painful,  and  I  consider  whatever  choice  we  may 
make  will  be  only  a  choice  of  evils.  To  both  of  those  gentle- 
men there  are  strong  personal  objections.  The  principal  differ- 
ence between  them  is  that  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams  we  shall 
not  by  the  example  inflict  any  wound  upon  the  character  of  our 
institutions,  but  I  should  much  fear  hereafter,  if  not  during  the 
present  generation,  that  the  election  of  the  General  would  give 
to  the  military  spirit  a  stimulus  and  a  confidence  that  might  lead 
to  the  most  pernicious  results.  I  shall,  therefore,  with  great  re- 
gret on  account  of  the  dilemma  in  which  the  people  have  placed 
us,  support  Mr.  Adams.  My  friends  are  generally  so  inclined. 
What  has  great  weight  with  me  is  the  decided  preference  which 
a  majority  of  the  delegation  from  Ohio  has  for  him  over  General 
Jackson.  If,  therefore,  Kentucky  were  to  vote  for  the  General 
it  would  probably  only  have  the  effect  of  dividing  our  friends, 
without  defeating  ultimately  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams.  Three 
of  the  four  States  favorable  to  Mr.  Crawford  are  believed  to  pre- 
fer Mr.  Adams  to  the  General.  Virginia  is  one  of  them.  I  am 
inclined  to  think  that  nearly  three-fourths  of  our  delegation  have 
yielded  to  the  influence  of  these  views,  and  will  vote  for  Mr. 
Adams.  My  friends  entertain  the  belief  that  their  kind  wishes 
toward  me  will  in  the  end  be  more  likely  to  be  accomplished 
by  so  bestowing  their  votes.  I  have,  however,  most  earnestly 
entreated  them  to  throw  me  out.  of  their  consideration  in 
bringing  their  judgments  to  a  final  conclusion,  and  to  look 
and  be  guided  solely  by  the  public  good.  If  I  know  myself, 
that  alone  has  determined  me.  Your  Representative  is  in 
clined  to  concur  with  us  in  these  sentiments  and  views,  and  if 
they  should  meet  your  approbation,  as  I  know  he  has  great  re- 
spect for  your  opinions,  I  would  be  glad  if  you  would  by  the  re- 
turn mail  address  a  letter  to  him  to  strengthen  him  in  his  incli- 
nation. Be  pleased  to  show  this  letter  to  Crittenden  alone. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  Ill 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  28,  1825.* 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — My  position,  in  regard  to  the  Presidential 
election,  is  highly  critical,  and  such  as  to  leave  me  no  path  on 
which  I  can  move  without  censure.  I  have  pursued,  in  regard 
to  it,  the  rule  which  I  always  observe  in  the  discharge  of  my  pub- 
lic duty — I  have  interrogated  my  conscience  as  to  what  I  ought 
to  do,  and  that  faithful  guide  tells  me  that  I  ought  to  vote  for 
Mr.  Adams.  I  shall  fulfill  its  injunction.  Mr.  Crawford's  state 
of  health,  and  the  circumstances  under  which  he  presents  him- 
self to  the  House,  appear  to  me  to  be  conclusive  against  him. 
As  a  friend  of  liberty,  and  to  the  permanence  of  our  institutions, 
I  can  not  consent,  in  this  early  stage  of  their  existence,  by  con- 
tributing to  the  election  of  a  military  chieftain,  to  give  the 
strongest  guaranty  that  the  Republic  will  march  in  the  fatal 
road  which  has  conducted  every  other  republic  to  ruin.  I  owe 
to  our  friendship  this  frank  exposition  of  my  intentions.  I  am, 
and  shall  continue  to  be,  assailed  by  all  the  abuse,  which  parti- 
san zeal,  malignity,  and  rivalry,  can  invent.  I  shall  risk,  with- 
out emotion,  these  effusions  of  malice,  and  remain  unshaken  in 
my  purpose.  What  is  a  public  man  worth,  if  he  will  not  ex- 
pose himself,  on  fit  occasions,  for  the  good  of  his  country  ? 

As  to  the  result  of  the  election,  I  can  not  speak  with  absolute 
certainty ;  but  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  we  shall 
avoid  the  dangerous  precedent  to  which  I  allude. 

Be  pleased  to  give  my  respects  to  Mr. ,  and  believe  me 

always  your  cordial  friend. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    P.    BLAIR. 

WASHINGTON,  January  29,  1825. 

MY  DEAR  BLAIR, — I  received  this  morning  your  very  agreeable 
favor  of  the  17th  instant.  A  letter  from  you  is  always  refresh- 
ing ;  and  I  wish  that  I  could  entitle  myself  to  expect  them  more 
frequently,  by  more  punctuality  and  diligence  on  my  part  in 
our  correspondence.  My  last  letter  informed  you  of  the  unc- 
tion that  was  unceasingly  applied  to  me  by  all  the  returned  can- 
didates for  the  Presidency,  or  rather  their  friends.  Since  then 
I  have  avowed  my  intention  to  support  Mr.  Adams,  under  ac- 


112  PEIVATE   CORRESPOJSTDENCE 

tual  circumstances,  and   thereupon  the   oil  has  been  instantly 

transformed  into  vinegar.     The  friends  of  have  turned 

upon  me,  and  with  the  most  amiable  unanimity  agree  to  vitu- 
perate me.  I  am  a  deserter  from  democracy ;  a  giant  at  in- 
trigue ;  have  sold  the  West — sold  myself — defeating  General 
Jackson's  election  to  leave  open  the  Western  pretensions  that 
I  may  hereafter  fill  them  myself — blasting  all  my  fair  prospects, 
etc.,  etc.  To  these  are  added  a  thousand  other  of  the  most  gen- 
tle and  kind,  and  agreeable  epithets  and  things  in  the  world. 

,  who  are  themselves  straining  every  nerve  to  elect 

Jackson  that  the  claims  of  the  West  may  be  satisfied  and  I  be 
thereby  pretermitted,  are  accusing  me  of  acting  on  their  own 
principles.  The  knaves  can  not  comprehend  how  a  man  can  be 
honest.  They  can  not  conceive  that  I  should  have  solemnly 
interrogated  my  conscience  and  asked  it  to  tell  me  seriously 
what  I  ought  to  do.  That  it  should  have  enjoined  me  not  to 
establish  the  dangerous  precedent  of  elevating,  in  this  early 
stage  of  the  Republic,  a  military  chieftain,  merely  because  he 
has  won  a  great  victory  ?  That  it  should  have  told  me  that  a 
public  man  is  undeserving  his  station  who  will  not,  regardless 
of  aspersions  and  calumnies,  risk  himself  for  his  country?  I 
am  afraid  that  you  will  think  me  moved  by  these  abuses.  Be 
not  deceived.  I  assure  you  that  I  never  in  my  whole  life  felt 
more  perfect  composure,  more  entire  confidence  in  the  resolu- 
tions of  my  judgment,  and  a  more  unshakable  determinati  m  to 
march  up  to  my  duty.  And,  my  dear  sir,  is  there  an  intelligent 
and  unbiased  man  who  must  not,  sooner  or  later,  concur  vith 
me  ?  Mr.  Adams  you  know  well  I  should  never  have  selected, 
if  at  liberty  to  draw  from  the  whole  mass  of  our  citizens  Aor  a 
President.  But  there  is  no  danger  in  his  elevation  now,  or  in 
time  to  come.  Not  so  of  his  competitor,  of  whom  I  can  not  be- 
lieve that  killing  two  thousand  five  hundred  Englishmen  at 
New  Orleans,  qualifies  for  the  various,  difficult,  and  complicated 
duties  of  the  chief  magistracy.  I  perceive  that  I  am  uncon- 
sciously writing  a  sort  of  defense,  which  you  may  possibly  thi  ik 
implies  guilt.  What  will  be  the  result?  you  will  ask  wil.h 
curiosity,  if  not  anxiety.  I  think  Mr.  Adams  must  be  electe  I, 
such  is  the  prevailing  opinion.  Still  I  shall  not  consider  th? 
matter  as  certain  until  the  election  is  over. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  113 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  4,  1 825. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  letter  of  the  1st  inst. 
Although  my  letter,  to  which  it  is  an  answer,  was  not  intended 
for  publication,  I  would  rather  that  it  should  be  published,  and 
speak  for  itself,  than  that  its  contents  should  appear  through  the 
medium  of  Mr.  Ritchie's  representation  of  them.  With  regard  to 
its  publication,  you  will  be  pleased  to  do  as  you  may  think  proper. 
All  that  I  feel  anxious  about  is,  that  the  public  should  not  receive 
an  impression  that  it  was  my  intention  that  it  should  be  published. 

My  condition  at  this  moment  is  most  peculiar.  The  batteries 
of  some  of  the  friends  of  every  man  who  would  now  be  President, 
or  who,  four  or  eight  years  hence,  would  be  President,  are  di- 
rected against  me,  with  only  the  exception  of  those  of  Mr. 
Adams.  Some  of  the  friends  of  General  Jackson,  Mr.  Crawford, 
Mr.  Calhoun.  and  Mr.  Clinton,  with  very  different  ultimate  ends, 
agree  for  the  present  to  unite  in  assailing  me.  The  object  now 
is,  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Crawford  and  General  Jackson,  to  drive  me 
from  the  course  which  my  deliberate  judgment  points  out ;  and 
for  the  future,  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Clinton  and  Mr.  Calhoun,  to 
remove  me  as  an  obstacle  to  their  elevation.  They  all  have  yet 
to  learn  my  character  if  they  suppose  it  possible  to  make  me 
swerve  from  my  duty,  by  any  species  of  intimidation  or  denun- 
ciation. But  I  did  not  expect  that  my  old  friend  Ritchie  would 
join  in  the  general  cry.  He  ought  to  recollect  that  he  is  strug- 
gling for  a  man,  I  for  the  country — he  to  elevate  an  unfortunate 
gentleman  worn  down  by  disease,  I  to  preserve  our  youthful 
institutions  from  the  bane  which  has  destroyed  all  the  republics 
of  the  old  world.  I  might  have  expected,  from  the  patriotism 
of  Thomas  Ritchie,  that  he  would  have  surrendered  his  personal 
predilections,  and  joined  with  me  in  the  effort  to  save  us  from  a 
precedent  fraught  with  the  most  pernicious  consequences.  I  am 
so  far  disappointed  :  I  say  it  with  mortification  and  regret.  But 
all  attempts  to  make  me  unite  with  him,  to  induce  me  to  give 
up  the  defense  of  our  institutions,  that  we  may  elect  a  sick  gen- 
tleman, who  has  also  been  rejected  by  the  great  body  of  the 
nation,  are  vain  and  utterly  fruitless.  Mr.  Ritchie  ought  to 
awake,  should  be  himself  again,  and  love  Rome  more  than  Cassar. 

I  observe  what  you  kindly  tell  me  about  the  future  cabinet. 
My  dear  sir,  I  want  no  office.  When  have  I  shown  an  avidity 


114  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

for  office  ?  Iii  rejecting  the  mission  to  Russia,  and  the  depart- 
ment of  war  under  one  administration  ?  In  rejecting  the  same 
department,  the  mission  to  England,  or  any  other  foreign  mission, 
under  the  succeeding  administration  ?  If  Mr.  Adams  is  elected, 
I  know  not  who  will  be  his  cabinet  ;  I  know  not  whether  I 
shall  be  offered  a  place  in  it  or  not.  If  there  should  be  an  offer, 
I  shall  decide  upon  it,  when  it  may  be  made  according  to  my 
sense  of  duty.  But  do  you  not  perceive  that  this  denunciation 
of  me,  by  anticipation,  is  a  part  of  the  common  system  between 
the  discordant  confederates  which  I  have  above  described  ? 
Most  certainly,  if  an  office  should  be  offered  to  me  under  the 
new  administration,  and  I  should  be  induced  to  think  that  I 
ought  to  accept  it,  I  shall  not  be  deterred  from  accepting  it,  either 
by  the  denunciations  of  open  or  secret  enemies,  or  the  hypocrisy 
of  pretended  friends. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  10,  1825. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  letters  of  the  6th  and  8th  inst. 
In  the  former  was  inclosed  a  ten  dollar  note,  about  which  not 
one  word  was  contained,  in  your  letters.  Was  it  inclosed  by 
mistake  ?  or  did  you  intend  that  I  should  apply  it  to  some  object 
for  you  ?  Be  pleased  to  instruct  me. 

The  "  long  agony"  was  terminated  yesterday,  and  Mr.  Adams 
was  elected  on  the  first  ballot.  Exertions  to  defeat,  and  even  to 
defer  the  result,  of  the  most  strenuous  kind,  were  made  up  to  the 
last  moment.  Without  referring  to  the  issue  of  the  election,  the 
manner  in  which  the  whole  scene  was  exhibited  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  was  creditable  to  our  institutions  and  to  our 
country. 

I  have  not  yet  received  the  "  Enquirer,"  in  which  my  letter 
has  been  published.  It  did  not  arrive  to-day. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  18,  1825. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — When  the  subject  of  the  offer  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  State  to  me  was  first  opened  to  my  congressional  friends, 
there  existed  among  them  some  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  the 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  115 

propriety  of  my  accepting  it.  On  the  one  hand,  it  was  said  that, 
if  I  took  it,  that  fact  would  be  treated  as  conclusive  evidence  of 
the  justice  of  the  imputations  which  have  been  made  against 
me  ;  that  the  House  of  Representatives  was  my  theater  ;  that 
the  administration  would  want  me  there,  if  it  should  prove  itself 
worthy  of  support,  more  than  in  the  cabinet ;  and  that  my  own 
section  would  not  like  to  see  me  translated  from  the  legislative 
hall  to  the  executive  departments. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  urged  that,  whether  I  accepted  or 
declined  the  office,  I  should  not  escape  severe  animadversion ; 
that,  in  the  latter  contingency,  it  would  be  said  that  the  patriotic 
Mr.  Kremer,  by  an  exposure  of  the  corrupt  arrangement,  had 
prevented  its  consummation  ;  that  the  very  object  of  propagating 
the  calumny  would  be  accomplished  ;  that,  conscious  of  my  own 
purity  of  intentions,  I  ought  not  to  give  the  weight  of  a  feather 
to  Mr.  Kremer's  affair  ;  that  there  would  be  much  difficulty  in 
filling  the  administration  without  me  ;  that  either  of  the  other 
candidates,  if  he  had  been  elected,  would  have  made  me  the 
same  offer  ;  that  it  would  be  said  of  me  that,  after  having  con- 
tributed to  the  election  of  a  President,  I  thought  so  ill  of  him, 
that  I  would  not  take  the  first  place  under  him  ;  that  he  was 
now  the  constitutional  head  of  the  Government,  and,  as  such,  I 
ought  to  regard  him,  dismissing  any  personal  objections  which  I 
might  have  heretofore  had  to  him  ;  that  I  had,  perhaps,  remained 
long  enough  in  the  House  of  Representatives  ;  and  that  my  own 
section  could  not  be  dissatisfied  with  seeing  me  placed  where, 
if  I  should  prove  myself  possessed  of  the  requisite  attainments, 
my  services  might  have  a  more  extended  usefulness. 

On  mature  consideration,  those  of  my  friends  who  were 
originally  averse  to  my  entering  the  office,  changed  their 
opinion,  and  I  believe  they  were  finally  unanimous  in  thinking 
that  I  ought  not  to  hesitate  in  taking  upon  myself  its  duties. 
Those  of  Mr.  Adams,  especially  in  New  England,  were  alike 
unanimous,  and  indeed  extremely  urgent  in  their  solicitations. 
Several  of  Mr.  Crawford's  friends  (Mr.  McLane,  of  Delaware, 
Mr.  Forsythe,  Mr.  Mangum,  etc.,  etc.),  and  also  some  of  those  of 
General  Jackson,  in  Pennsylvania,  have  expressed  to  me  their 
strong  convictions  that  I  ought  to  accept.  The  opposition  to 
my  acceptance  is  limited  chiefly  to  the  violence  of  Mr.  Calhoun's 
friends,  and  to  some  of  those  of  Mr.  Crawford  and  General 
Jackson. 


116  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

From  the  first,  I  determined  to  throw  myself  into  the  hands 
of  my  friends,  and  if  they  advised  me  to  decline  the  office,  not 
to  accept  it,  but  if  they  thought  it  was  my  duty,  and  for  the 
public  interest,  to  go  into  it,  to  do  so.  I  have  an  unaffected  re- 
pugnance to  any  executive  employment,  and  my  rejection  of  the 
oifer,  if  it  were  in  conformity  to  their  deliberate  judgment,  would 
have  been  more  compatible  with  my  feelings,  than  its  acceptance. 

But  as  their  advice  to  me  is  to  accept,  I  have  resolved 
accordingly,  and  I  have  just  communicated  my  final  determi- 
nation to  Mr.  Adams.  I  am  not  yet  at  liberty  to  commu- 
nicate the  names  of  the  persons  who  will  fill  the  other  vacant 
departments ;  but  I  will  say  to  you,  that  they  will  be  Republicans. 
I  entertain  a  strong  belief,  and  sanguine  hopes,  that  the  adminis- 
tration will  be  conducted  upon  principles  which  will  entitle  it  to 
liberal  and  general  support.  An  opposition  is  talked  of  here  ; 
but  I  regard  that  as  the  ebullition  of  the  moment,  the  natural 
offspring  of  chagrin  and  disappointment.  There  are  elements 
for  faction ;  none  for  opposition.  Opposition  to  what  ?  To 
measures  and  principles  which  are  yet  to  be  developed  !  Oppo-\ 
sition  may  follow,  it  can  not  precede  the  unknown  measures  of 
administration,  without  incurring  the  denomination  of  faction. 
Mr.  Adams  is  on  his  trial.  Hear  him,  and  then  decide.  This  is 
the  natural  sentiment  of  every  candid  and  impartial  mind.  He 
would  not  have  been  my  President,  if  I  had  been  allowed  to 
range  at  large  among  the  great  mass  of  our  citizens,  to  select  a 
President ;  but  I  was  not  so  allowed,  and  circumscribed  as  I  was, 
I  thought  that,  under  all  circumstances,  he  was  the  best  choice 
that  I  could  practicably  make. 

I  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  16th  instant,  and  I  am  happy 
to  find  that  your  better  judgment  points  to  the  course  which  I 
am  about  to  take.  I  hope  that,  on  further  reflection,  my  other 
Richmond  friends  will  probably  unite  in  sentiment  with  you. 

This  is  not  written  for  publication  in  whole,  or  in  part,  but  I 
request  you  to  show  it  to  Mr.  Call,  Mr.  Leigh,  and  Mr.  Ritchie, 
who  will  have  the  goodness  to  regard  it  in  the  same  confidential 
light. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  117 

J.    J.    CRITTENDEN    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

FRANKFORT,  Feb.  15,  1826. 

DEAR  SIR, — We  are  all  waiting  with  breathless  impatience,  to 
know  the  result  of  the  Presidential  election.  It  was  rumored 
here  a  few  days  past,  that  a  coalition  had  been  formed  between 
Jackson  and  Crawford ;  that  New  York,  Virginia,  etc.,  follow 
into  its  ranks ;  that  it  was  bearing  on  irresistibly  and  triumph- 
antly ;  and  that  you  and  Adams  were  its  destined  victims.  The 
mail  of  last  night,  however,  brought  no  confirmation  of  this 
terrible  rising,  and  we  are  all  settling  down  again  into  the 
opinion  which  has  for  some  time  prevailed  here,  that  Adams  is  to 
be  the  President. 

I  have  seen  the  abuse  that  has  been  heaped  upon  you  in  some 
of  the  newspapers,  and  your  card  in  the  "Intelligencer."  I  con- 
fess that  I  feel  some  apprehension  for  you.  There  are  about 
you  a  thousand  desperadoes,  political  and  military,  following  at 
the  heels  of  leaders,  and  living  upon  expectations,  that  would 
think  it  a  most  honorable  service  to  fasten  a  quarrel  upon  Mr. 
Clay,  and  shoot  him.  And  this  card  of  yours,  evincing  such  a 
spontaneous  and  uncalculating  spirit  of  gallantry,  will  be  a  signal, 
I  fear,  for  some  of  these  fellows  to  gather  about  you,  and  to 
endeavor  to  provoke  you  to  some  extremity.  For  God's  sake 
be  upon  your  guard,  at  least,  as  it  respects  these  subalterns.  As 
for  the  abuse  there  has  been  heaped  upon  you,  you  may  safely 
regard  it  as  the  idle  wind  that  passes  by.  I  expected  to  hear 
you  vilified.  You  occupy  too  lofty  and  imposing  a  stand,  to 
escape.  You  prefer  Mr.  Adams  under  existing  circumstances, 
and  for  that  you  are  calumniated.  And  so  it  would  equally 
have  been,  had  you  announced  your  preference  for  either  of  the 
other  competitors. 

If,  notwithstanding  your  support  of  Adams,  Jackson  should  be 
elected,  that  circumstance  would  certainly  embolden  your  com- 
paratively few  adversaries  in  this  State,  and  enable  them  for  a 
little  while  to  excite  some  petty  clamor  against  you.  But  no 
such  thing  can  displace  you  from  the  hold  you  have  on  the  pride 
and  affections  of  Kentucky.  If  Adams  is  elected,  and  you  will 
accept  a  station  in  his  cabinet,  all  will  be  quieted  in  a  moment. 
This  is  my  view. 

I  think  I  can  see  the  policy  which  dictates  the  charges  which 
are  now  made  against  you  of  "  going  over  to  Mr.  Adams,"  of 


118  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

having  "  made  your  bargain"  with  him,  and  of  a  thousand  other 
horrible  conspiracies,  etc.  It  is  intended  to  intimidate  you,  if 
possible,  from  the  acceptance  of  the  Department  of  State  which 
they  think  Mr.  Adams  must  tender  to  you,  and  where  they 
tremble  to  see  you.  They  wish  to  obstruct  your  passage  to  it 
by  heaping  up  the  way  with  all  the  falsehood  and  calumny  they 
can  create  and  invent.  This  is  the  real  secret  of  the  whole 
business,  as  I  think.  Whether  I  am  right  or  wrong,  I  trust  you 
will  hold  on  your  course  unshaken  and  unaltered  by  all  the  cal- 
umny, falsehood,  and  scandal  of  your  enemies.  It  will  not  be 
long  before  it  will  all  recoil  on  themselves.  I  think  it  is  due  to 
yourself,  to  your  friends  here,  and  to  the  expectation  and  wishes 
of  the  State,  that  you  should  accept  the  office  of  Secretary  of 
State,  if  it  should  be  offered  to  you.  Some  few  of  your  friends 
think  your  present  station  the  more  elevated  and  commanding 
one,  and  of  course  that  you  should  retain  it.  Whatever  may  be 
its  nominal  elevation,  its  practical  importance  and  power  is  not 
to  be  compared  with  that  of  the  Department  of  State.  The  Chair 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  is  undoubtedly  a  very  high  and 
lofty  station,  but  all  its  honors  and  advantages  are  of  the  abstract, 
fruitless  kind,  and  I  am  now  convinced  that  no  man  will  live  to 
see  the  incumbent  of  that  Chair  transferred  at  once  to  the  Presi- 
dency. You  best  know,  however,  what  course  to  pursue.  That 
it  may  be  a  prosperous  and  happy  one,  is  my  earnest  wish. 


W.    CREIGHTON    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

CHIIJJCOTIIE,  February  19,  1S25. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  was  gratified  to  learn  by  the  mail  of  this 
morning  that  the  long  agony  is  over,  and  particularly  that  the 
contest  was  terminated  on  the  first  ballot.  A  protracted  ballot 
could  not  have  failed  to  produce  great  excitement,  both  within 
and  without.  Here  there  is  entire  acquiescence.  The  inflam- 
mable materials  artificially  excited  in  Pennsylvania  and  New 
York,  will  soon  spend  themselves.  Thinking  it  probable.,  in  the 
event  of  Mr.  Adams'  election,  you  might  be  invited  to  the  admin- 
istration, the  question  propounded  in  your  letter  of  the  7th  instant, 
is  one  on  which  I  have  thought  a  great  deal  this  winter,  and 
have  endeavored,  with  the  feeble  lights  I  possess,  to  view  it  in 
all  its  ulterior  bearings.  Necessarily  ignorant  of  many  circum- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  119 

stances, that  may  exist  at  Washington  that  may  have  a  bearing, 
pro  or  con,  my  opinion  is,  if  the  offer  is  made,  you  ought  to 
accept.  This  opinion  is  formed,  regardless  of  the  scurrility  and 
abuse  that  the  election  has  given  rise  to.  If  a  man  could  suffer 
himself  to  be  driven  from  his  purpose  by  means  like  these,  he 
would  always  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  profligate  and  unprincipled. 
In  the  expression  of  this  opinion,  it  is  taken  for  granted  that  Mr. 
Adams  will  pursue  a  liberal  policy,  and  embrace  within  its  scope 
the  great  leading  policy  that  you  have  been  advocating.  By 
uniting  with  such  an  Administration,  you  could  not  be  charged, 
by  the  most  fastidious,  with  a  dereliction  of  principle  for  place. 

I  could  not,  within  the  compass  of  a  letter,  detail  my  reasons 
for  the  opinion  expressed,  and  therefore  shall  not  attempt  it. 
Should  the  invitation  be  given,  your  friends  in  Ohio  will  ac- 
quiesce in  whatever  decision  you  make. 

Will  our  friend  Cheves  be  invited  to  the  Treasury  ? 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  4,  1825. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  the  gratification  to  tell  you  that  all  my 
information  from  the  West  bespeaks  a  satisfied  state  of  the  pub- 
lic mind,  in  relation  to  the  result  of  the  late  election.  In  Ohio 
the  approbation  of  it  is  enthusiastic.  In  Kentucky,  too,  the  ex- 
pression of  public  opinion  evinces  general  acquiescence. 

I  transmit  to  you,  inclosed,  two  letters,  which  are  from  Critteri- 
den  and  Creighton,  two  of  the  most  discreet  men  in  Ohio  and 
Kentucky.  Be  pleased  to  show  them  to  Mr.  Pleasants. 


JOHN    TYLER   TO    MR.    CLAY 

CHARLES  CITY,  March  27,  1825. 

DEAR  SIR, — In  the  midst  of  the  numerous  accusations  which 
have  of  late  been  urged  against  you  from  different  quarters, 
and  from  none  with  more  acrimony  than  from  the  seat  of 
Government  of  this  State,  I  have  deemed  it  proper,  and  in  some 
measure  called  for,  to  make  known  to  you  that  one  of  the  mil- 
lion at  least,  still  regarded  you  as  I  am  satisfied  you  deserve  to 


120  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

be  regarded.  Instead  of  seeing  in  your  course  on  the  late  pres- 
idential question  aught  morally  or  politically  wrong,  I  am  on  the 
contrary  fully  impressed  with  the  belief  that  the  United  States 
owes  you  a  deep  debt  of  gratitude  for  that  course,  resulting  as 
it  did  in  the  speedy  settlement  of  that  distracting  subject.  Be- 
lieving Mr.  Crawford's  chance  of  success  to  have  been  utterly 
desperate,  you  have  not  only  met  my  wishes  (which  would  be 
to  you  of  little  concern),  but  I  do  believe,  the  wishes  and  feel- 
ings of  a  large  majority  of  the  people  of  this  your  native  State. 
I  do  not  believe  that  the  sober  and  reflecting  people  of  Virginia 
would  have  been  so  far  dazzled  by  military  renown  as  to  have 
conferred  their  suffrages  upon  a  mere  soldier — one  acknowl- 
edged on  all  hands  to  be  of  little  value  as  a  civilian.  I  will 
not  withhold  from  you  also  the  expression  of  my  approval  of 
your  acceptance  of  your  present  honorable  and  exalted  station. 
To  have  refused  it  would  have  been  to  have  furnished  your  ene- 
mies with  fresh  ground  of  objection.  Against  an  insiduous  and 
malicious  attack  you  courted  an  investigation  not  only  before  the 
Representatives  of  the  people,  but  by  accepting  the  office,  be- 
fore the  Senate,  and  gave  just  evidence  of  your  purity  by  your 
readiness  to  encounter  your  accusers,  supported  as  they  were  by 
the  virulence  and  intemperance  of  party  feeling  on  the  part  of 
some  of  your  very  judges.  For  a  time  the  tide  may  run  against 
you,  but  when  the  ferment,  excited,  by  the  feelings  of  the  day, 
shall  have  subsided,  and  men  shall  regard  things  with  unpreju- 
diced eyes,  your  motives  and  your  acts  will  be  justly  appreciated 
and  the  plaudits  of  your  country  will  await  you.  This  is  not 
the  language  of  flattery  to  one  lifted  high  in  authority.  As  an 
American  citizen  I  claim  to  be  your  equal.  It  is  the  voluntary 
offering  of  truth  at  the  shrine  of  patriotism,  and  is  called  for  by  the 
circumstance  of  our  having  been,  in  times  past,  fellow  laborers  in 
the  same  vineyard  of  our  common  country,  although  I  was  at  the 
time  an  unprofitable  servant.  When  one,  however,  is  assailed 
by  unjust  reproaches,  the  expression  of  confidence  from  a  quar- 
ter even  the  most  humble  and  the  most  retired  can  not  but  be 
acceptable.  It  is  under  the  influence  of  this  feeling  and  of  this 
belief  that  I  have  thus  ventured  to  address  you. 

I  pray  you  to  accept  assurances  of  my  sincere  regard  and  un- 
shaken confidence. 


OF  HENEY   CLAY.  121 


CHIEF    JUSTICE    MARSHALL    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

RiCHJiOM),  April  4,  1825. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  address  to  your  former 
constituents ;  and,  as  it  was  franked  by  you,  I  presume  I  am  in- 
debted to  you  for  it.  I  have  read  it  with  great  pleasure  as  well 
as  attention,  and  am  gratified  at  the  full  and  complete  view  you 
have  given  of  some  matters  which  the  busy  world  has  been  em- 
ploying itself  upon.  I  required  no  evidence  respecting  the  charge 
made  by  Mr.  Kremer,  nor  should  I  have  required  any  had  I  been 
unacquainted  with  you  or  with  the  transaction,  because  I  have  long 
since  ceased  to  credit  charges  destitute  of  proof,  and  to  consider 
them  as  mere  aspersions.  The  minuteness  of  detail,  however, 
will  enable  your  friends  to  encounter  any  insinuations  on  that 
subject  which  may  be  thrown  out  in  their  hearing.  More  of 
this  may  be  looked  for  than  any  hostility  to  you  would  produce. 
There  is  unquestionably  a  party  determined  to  oppose  Mr. 
Adams  at  the  next  election,  and  this  party  will  attack  him 
through  you.  It  is  an  old,  and  has  been  a  successful  stratagem. 
No  part  of  your  letter  was  more  necessary  than  that  which 
respects  your  former  relations  with  that  gentleman. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  April  6,  1825. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — From  your  letter  of  the  5th  instant,  which  1 
this  day  received,  I  perceive  you  are  at  home,  and  not  at  Rich- 
mond, to  which  I  had  transmitted  to  you  one  of  my  addresses  to 
my  constituents.  The  favorable  opinion  entertained  of  it  by 
such  early  and  valuable  friends  as  yourself  and  Nicholas,  is  highly 
gratifying.  Among  other  similar  testimonies  from  Richmond,  I 
have  received,  from  the  Chief  Justice,  a  very  satisfactory  letter. 
Prior  to  the  publication  of  my  address,  Mr.  Tyler  wrote  me  a 
letter,  approving  of  my  course  (since  he  believed  Mr.  Crawford 
to  have  been  out  of  the  question),  and  declaring,  in  strong  terms, 
his  unabated  confidence  in  me.  From  all  quarters,  in  short, 
information  is  constantly  pouring  in  upon  me,  in  every  form, 
evincing  general  and  hearty  approbation  of  my  late  public 
course.  My  triumph  will  be,  as  it  ought,  complete  and  entire 


122  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

over  the  base  confederacy  against  me.  As  to  Forsythe,  he  cer- 
tainly advised  me,  in  unqualified  terms,  to  accept  the  Department 
of  State.  I  myself  attached  no  particular  importance  to  his 
opinion,  though  I  supposed  others  might.  He  was  with  me  on 
the  30th  or  29th  of  last  month,  had  a  long  conversation,  in  the 
course  of  which  he  praised  my  address,  and,  entre  nous,  gave  in 
his  adhesion.  I  have  no  curiosity  to  see  his  letter.  I  under- 
stand him  thoroughly.  He  did  not  mention  one  word  about  his 
letter  to  you,  or  his  correspondence  with  you.  What  could  he 
say  to  me  ? 

I  share  with  you  in  your  grief  for  the  death  of  Mrs.  Randolph. 
I  have  known  her  from  my  earliest  youth.  She  deserved  all 
that  you  have  so  well  said  in  behalf  of  her  memory. 

I  find  my  office  no  bed  of  roses.  With  spirits  never  more 
buoyant,  twelve  hours  work  per  day  are  almost  too  much  for  my 
physical  frame.  An  entire  harmony  as  to  public  measures  exists 
between  Mr.  Adams  and  me. 

I  return  you  Nicholas'  letter. 

P.  S.  Was  ever  any  thing  so  silly  as  for  Eaton  to  publish  his 
correspondence  with  me  ?  I  am  greatly  deceived  if  he  has  not 
come  out  worse  than  he  stood  before. 


DANIEL    WEBSTER   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BOSTON,  April  7,  1825. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  obliged  to  you  for  a  copy  of  your  address 
to  your  constituents.  It  has  been  widely  circulated  here,  is 
universally  read,  and  highly  commended.  I  have  heard  but  one 
opinion  as  to  its  general  merits.  Some  think  that  part  which 
relates  to  Mr.  Kremer's  letter,  and  the  incidents  connected  with 
it,  was  an  unnecessary  labor,  at  least  so  far  as  regards  the  state 
of  public  opinion  this  way.  That  transaction  seems  to  have 
made  no  impression  here.  The  part  of  your  address  which  sets 
forth  your  reasons  for  preferring  another  candidate  to  General 
Jackson  is  composed,  in  my  opinion,  with  great  skill  and  ability, 
and  I  have  no  doubt  it  will  produce  a  very  strong  effect.  It  is 
a  very  good  case,  very  ably  managed. 

We  are  very  quiet  in  this  quarter.  There  is  very  little  dis- 
satisfaction, and  no  disposition,  that  I  discover,  to  opposition. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  123 

With  almost  all  there  prevails  a  very  good  spirit ;  and  the  excep- 
tions are  not  important,  from  weight  of  character  or  influence. 

I  have  heard  nothing,  since  I  left  Washington,  respecting  the 
English  mission.  If  any  thing  has  occurred,  not  improper  for 
me  to  know,  I  should  be  glad  to  learn  it  from  you  at  your  leis- 
ure ;  and  I  shall  be  gratified  also  to  hear  from  you  on  other 
subjects  and  occasions. 


JUDGE    STORY   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

SALEM,  April  8,  1825. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  copy  of  your 
address  to  your  late  constituents,  which  you  have  been  pleased 
to  send  me.  I  read  it  with  great  interest  and  satisfaction.  As  a 
vindication  of  your  character  and  conduct,  it  was  to  me  wholly 
unnecessary,  for  I  have  never  entertained  the  slightest  doubt  of 
the  perfect  correctness  of  the  motives  of  your  vote  in  the  recent 
presidential  election.  I  have  considered  it  as  a  new  proof  of 
your  integrity,  independence,  and  firmness.  Pardon  me  if  I  add, 
that  if  your  vote  had  been  other  than  it  was,  I  would  have  found 
it  somewhat  difficult  to  have  reconciled  it  with  your  known 
public  opinions  on  subjects  intimately  connected  with  executive 
duties. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  the  address  will  meet  with  general  ap- 
probation, I  do  not  say  among  warm  partisans  of  other  candi- 
dates, but  among  reflecting,  considerate  men  of  all  parties.  In 
this  part  of  the  Union  it  has  received  unqualified  praise,  and  has 
given  a  new  luster  to  your  public  fame. 

I  hope  you  may  long  live  to  enjoy  the  confidence  of  the  na- 
tion, and  to  remain  a  blessing  to  the  country  ;  and  I  beg  you 
will  do  me  the  favor  of  numbering  me  among  those  who  cherish 
with  the  sincerest  pleasure  every  expression  of  public  regard 
toward  you. 


LEWIS  CASS  TO  MR.  CLAY. 


DETROIT,  April  14,  1825. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  just  finished  the  perusal  of  your  masterly 
address  to  your  late  constituents,  and  I  can  not  refrain  from  ex- 
pressing to  you  the  high  satisfaction  it  has  afforded  me.  It  is  a 


124  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

triumphant  refutation  of  the  vile  slanders  which  have  been 
propagated  respecting  the  motives  of  your  conduct  in  the  pe- 
culiar circumstances  in  which  you  were  recently,  placed.  You 
may  safely  commit  your  character  to  the  judgment  of  your 
countrymen,  and  of  posterity.  They  will  not  fail  to  award  you 
full  justice. 

I  must  ask  your  indulgence  for  this  almost  involuntary  tribute 
to  your  claims  and  services.  So  strong  is  the  impression  which 
your  appeal  has  made  upon  me,  that  I  could  not  restrain  this  ex- 
pression of  my  feelings. 


PRESIDENT  HOLL.EY  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

TGAXSYLVANIA  UKIVEBSITT,  April  18,  1S25. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  a  copy  of  your  ad- 
dress to  your  late  constituents.  It  appears  to  me  to  be  able, 
frank,  and  satisfactory.  Your  immediate  friends  did  not  need 
such  a  communication  to  keep  them  from  yielding  to  the  calum- 
nies which  were  heaped  upon  you  for  the  independent  and  mag- 
nanimous course  that  you  pursued  in  regard  to  the  election  of 
the  President.  The  publication,  however,  will,  I  am  convinced, 
do  great  good,  or  rather  has  done  it  already.  There  is  but  one 
sentiment  upon  the  subject  in  this  vicinity,  so  far  as  comments 
have  reached  my  cars.  All  are  satisfied  with  the  facts  and  the 
reasonings.  I  have  no  doubt  that  there  are  some  among  us,  who 
would  be  better  pleased,  if  you  had  not  defended  yourself,  or  if 
you  had  made  your  statement  with  less  calmness,  judgment,  and 
ability.  This  number  can  not  be  great. 

I  have  just  read  the  correspondence  between  yourself  and  Mr. 
Eaton.  I  am  blinded,  or  it  was  weakness  in  him  to  publish  it. 
He  has  left  the  community  to  believe  that  he  was  concerned  in 
Kremer's  conspiracy,  even  to  a  greater  extent  than  might  other- 
wise have  been  supposed.  He  appears  to  begin  with  a  demand 
for  explanation,  which  is  given  only  in  reference  to  the  first  let- 
ter, and  ends  the  correspondence  without  obtaining  any  satisfac- 
tion upon  some  of  the  most  material  points,  and  with  new  evi- 
dence fastened  upon  him  of  connivance,  and  indeed  of  active 
exertions  in  the  base  affair.  I  at  first  regretted  to  see  Mr.  Eaton's 
name  in  your  address,  but  he  has  now  shown  himself  worthy  of 
reprobation  from  the  community. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  125 

MR.   CLAY  TO  GENERAL  GA1NES.* 

WASHINGTON,  April  29,  1825. 

SIR, — Having  met  with  General  Brown  to-day,  and  fearing 
that  I  might  not  have  the  pleasure  to  see  you,  I  requested  him  to 
make  a  communication  to  you  respecting  an  incident  which  oc- 
curred in  the  President's  house  a  few  days  ago.  Upon  calling 
at  your  lodgings  this  morning  I  was  unfortunate  in  not  finding 
you  at  them.  The  incident  to  which  I  allude  is  this  :  Upon 
leaving  the  President,  with  whom  I  had  been  engaged  in  official 
consultation,  I  unexpectedly  met,  on  coming  out  of  his  receiv- 
ing-room, at  the  door  of  it,  in  the  adjoining  room,  General 

Brown,  yourself,  and  a  young  gentleman,  Mr. ,  to  whom,  as 

your  aid,  I  was  introduced  by  General  Brown.  Both  the  meet- 
ing and  the  introduction  were  entirely  unexpected  by  me.  Upon 

being  presented  to  Mr. I  walked  up  to  him  and  offered  him 

my  hand  in  my  usual  manner,  which  he  declined  receiving.  I 
remarked  nothing  offensive  in  his  countenance,  but  he  distinctly 
evinced  an  unwillingness  to  reciprocate  that  mode  of  salutation. 
Attaching  no  particular  virtue  to  the  touch  of  his  hand,  I  turned 
off  and  left  the  room.  Upon  reflection  on  the  occurrence,  it  ap- 
peared to  me  that  if  the  young  gentleman  designed  an  affront  to 
a  total  stranger,  he  could  not  have  possibly  selected  an  apartment 
of  the  President's  house,  at  the  very  door  of  his  receiving-room, 
and  within  the  hearing,  if  not  in  the  view,  of  the  Chief  Magis- 
trate, to  give  the  affront.  I  had  a  right,  therefore,  to  conclude 
that  he  had  some  cutaneous  disease  with  which  he  was  unwill- 
ing to  infect  me,  or  that,  as  he  kept  his  hand  inclosed  in  his 
coat  or  waistcoat,  that  some  newly-established  etiquette  forbade 
the  ancient  and  unfashionable  mode  of  salutation.  But  on  my 
return  from  the  office  to  my  lodgings  yesterday  afternoon,  I  per- 
ceived your  visiting-card,  unaccompanied  by  that  of  any  other 
person  ;  from  which  I  have  supposed  that  I  may  have  miscon- 
ceived the  intentions  of  Mr. and  that  he  really  meditated 

offering  me  an  insult.  Upon  that  supposition  this  note  is  ad- 
dressed to  you,  with  the  sole  object  that  you  may  impress  upon 
the  member  of  your  family,  to  whom  I  refer,  the  utility  of  the 


*  Tliis  letter  was  sent  to  General  Games,  at  his  lodgings  in  the  city  of  Washing- 
ton, on  the  day  of  its  date,  but  he  had  left  it,  and  the  letter  was  never  transmit- 
ted  to  him.  H.  C 


126  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

observance  of  urbanity  as  a  necessary  part  of  that  discipline  for 
which  the  American  army,  generally,  is  so  eminently  distin- 
guished. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  April  29,  1825. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I'  have  just  received  your  favor  of  the  27th. 
i  aid  not  know  that  the  extract  published  by  Mr.  Pleasants  was 
from  a  letter  written  by  you.  The  same  thing  has  been  told 
to  me  by  several,  and,  among  others,  by  Mr.  Wilson  Allen,  of 
the  Bowling  Green,  and  Colonel  H.  Mercer.  I  think  you  ought 
to  take  no  notice  of  the  contradiction  of  Mr.  Ritchie.  Your 
name  is  not  before  the  public  as  the  writer  of  the  letter.  If  it 
were,  you  might  be  considered  as  pledged  to  sustain  the  assertion. 
Mr.  Allen  told  me  that  Mr.  Crawford's  warmest  friends  in  Fred- 
ericksburg,  after  seeing  him,  admitted  his  incompetency  for  the 
office.  I  think  I  would  let  it  stand  where  it  does.  We  ought 
to  make  great  allowances  for  chagrin  and  disappointment.  I 
wish  Mr.  Crawford  could  have  been  seen  at  Richmond.  Mr. 
Van  Bureu  told  me  that  they  had  committed  a  great  error  in 
not  withdrawing  him  in  May  last,  on  account  of  his  want  of 
health. 

From  all  quarters,  the  testimony  which  I  get,  public  and  pri- 
vate, of  the  public  approbation  of  my  late  conduct,  is  full,  com- 
plete, and  triumphant.  They  are  preparing  in  Kentucky  to  give 
me  an  enthusiastic  reception.  But  you  see  they  will  not  let  me 
alone.  Ingham  has  just  made  his  appearance,  and  I  wish  he 
would  write  by  the  league  instead  of  the  yard.  The  next  shot 
will  be  from  McDuffie,  or  from  Nashville,  or  from  both. 


JAMES    BROWN    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PARIS,  May  10,  1825. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  29th  March,  inclosing 
one  directed  to  Mr.  Schaffer,  acknowledging,  on  the  part  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  the  receipt  of  his  excellent  portrait 
of  our  good  friend,  General  Lafayette,  presented  to  that  body. 
This  letter  I  delivered  to  Mr.  Schaffer  on  the  5th  instant,  and  at 
the  same  time  intimated  to  him,  in  such  terms  as  could  in  no 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  127 

way  compromise  the  House,  that  you  had  been  restrained  only 
by  the  advice  of  General  Lafayette  and  his  son,  from  making  a 
movement  toward  a  more  suitable  return  for  that  valuable  pres- 
ent. Mr.  Schaffer  expressed  his  entire  approbation  of  the  course 
which  had  been  recommended  by  his  friends,  and  assured  me 
that  the  acknowledgment  had  been  made  in  the  manner  most 
agreeable  to  his  feelings  and  wishes* 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  September  2,  1825. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  29th  ultimo, 
and  thank  you  for  the  friendly  expression  of  sympathy  which  it 
contains.  Our  late  affliction*  was  rendered  still  more  severe  by 
the  circumstances  under  which  it  occurred.  I  did  not  yield  to 
the  urgent  calls  of  duty  here,  until  I  had  the  strongest  assurances 
from  the  attending  physician  that  there  was  no  danger.  And, 
after  leaving  Lebanon,  the  first  information  I  received  of  the  sad 
event  which  occurred  there,  reached  me,  when  I  was  within 
about  twenty  miles  of  this  place,  through  the  "  Intelligencer." 

I  received,  perused,  and  now  retain  Judge  Duval's  letter.  His 
wishes  in  behalf  of  his  son  will  be  considered  ;  but  the  fact  that 
he  has  one  son  a  governor  under  the  general  Government  and 
another  holding  a  captain's  commission  (this  latter  now  applying 
for  another  appointment),  will  operate  somewhat  against  his  suc- 
cess. 

You  must  feel  gratified  that  our  old  friend  Troop  has  finally 
concluded  to  abstain  from  surveying  the  Creek  lands,  and  of 
course  that  all  danger  is  dissipated  of  disturbing  the  public  peace. 


PRESIDENT  KIRKLAND  TO    MR.   CLAY. 

HARVARD  UNIVERSITY,  CAMBRIDGE,  September  22,  1825. 
DEAR  SIR, — I  have  the  honor  of  informing  you,  that  the  gov- 
ernment of  Harvard  University  did,  at  the  last  Commencement, 
in  expression  of  their  sense  of  your  professional  and  general  at- 
tainments, and  your  distinguished  character  and  standing,  confer 
on  you  the  honorary  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws. 
*  Death  of  a  daughter. 


128  PIUVATE   COKRESPONDENCE 

The  diploma  will  be  made  out  and  sent  to  you.  In  the  hope 
of  your  favorable  consideration  of  this  token  of  our  respect,  I 
have  the  honor  to  be,  etc. 


DANIEL    WEBSTER  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

BOSTON,  September  28,  1825. 

DEAR  SIR, — Under  another  cover  I  send  you  what  has  oc- 
curred to  me  on  the  subject  of  our  trade  with  England.  The 
object  of  this  is,  to  express  my  sympathy  for  your  domestic  ca- 
lamity, and  to  offer  my  congratulations  on  the  welcome  so  ardent 
and  so  universal,  which  seems  to  have  greeted  you  among  your 
fellow-citizens  of  the  West.  The  same  kindness  of  feeling 
which  has  been  expressed  in  that  quarter,  exists,  I  believe,  in 
other  places.  I  have  been  through  New  York  in  the  course  of 
the  summer,  and  I  found  almost  every  where,  a  hearty  approba- 
tion, and  every  where  else,  at  least,  an  entire  and  not  uneasy 
acquiescence,  in  regard  to  the  events  of  last  winter,  and  to  your 
own  agency  in  producing  those  events.  In  New  England,  with 
here  and  there  a  little  expression  of  spleen  from  the  disappointed, 
the  great  majority  of  the  people  have  the  best  disposition  toward 
the  Government,  in  all  its  parts.  Our  ability  in  Congress  is  not 
so  great  as  it  might  have  been,  and  as  it  ought  to  have  been. 
But  that  evil  admits  of  no  immediate  cure. 

You  must  allow  me  to  admonish  you  to  take  care  of  your 
health.  Knowing  the  ardor  and  the  intensity  with  which  you 
may  probably  apply  yourself  to  the  duties  of  your  place,  I  fear 
very  much  you  may  overwork  yourself.  Somebody  (was  it  not 
an  Austrian  minister?)  on  being  asked  how  he  could  get  through 
so  much  business,  replied  that  he  did  it  by  repudiating  two  false 
maxims,  which  had  obtained  currency  among  men  ;  that,  for 
his  part,  he  never  did  any  thing  to-day,  which  he  could  put  off 
till  to-morrow ;  nor  any  thing  himself,  which  he  could  get 
another  to  do  for  him.  Without  following  his  example  strictly 
and  literally,  I  still  think  you  ought  to  be  a  good  deal  governed 
by  the  same  rules,  especially  the  last. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  129 


MR.   ADAMS  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

BOSTON,  October  12,  1825. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  two  letters  from  yon,  and  several 
packets  from  the  Department  of  State,  concerning  the  contents 
of  which  I  have  thought  it  advisable  to  wait  until  I  could  have 
the  pleasure  of  conferring  personally  with  you.  There  is  in  my 
mind  but  one  objection  to  the  appointment  which  you  suggest, 
and  that  is  perhaps  removed  at  least  by  the  authority  of  respect- 
able precedent.  Although  detained  here  longer  than  I  had  in- 
tended, I  still  purpose  to  be  with  you,  at  the  Jatest,  by  the  25th 
instant. 

I  inclose,  addressed  to  you,  thirty  and  ten  blank  patents  signed 
by  me,  received  yesterday  from  Dr.  Thornton,  for  my  signature. 

I  pray  you  to  present  my  kind  respects  to  Governor'Barbour, 
Mr.  Rush,  and  Mr.  Southard,  from  each  of  whom  I  have  re- 
ceived letters,  which  perpetual  motion  has  prevented  me  from 
answering. 


JAMES    BROWN    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PARK,  October  13,  1825. 

SIR, — I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  letter  sent  by  the 
Brandywine,  and  most  sincerely  sympathize  with  you  and  Mrs. 
Clay  in  the  sad  calamity  you  have  suffered  in  the  loss  of  your 
dear  little  daughter.  She  had  attained  that  age  at  which  children 
are  particularly  interesting,  and  in  the  absence  of  her  sisters, 
would  have  been  for  many  years  an  agreeable  companion  to  her 
mother.  These,  however,  are  misfortunes  which  it  pleases 
Providence  to  inflict,  and  for  which  time  and  resignation  are  the 
only  remedies.  It  has,  perhaps,  been  fortunate  that  this  melan- 
choly event  has  been  succeeded  immediately  by  the  variety  of 
traveling,  and  the  occupation  attendant  on  forming  a  new  estab- 
lishment. These  serve  in  some  degree  to  divert  the  mind  from 
its  afflictions,  and  to  blunt  the  edge  of  misfortune. 

General  Lafayette  has  arrived  in  good  health  at  Lagrange. 
and  I  sincerely  hope  he  will  wisely  avoid  any  interference  in 
public  affairs,  and  content  with  the  honors  he  has  received  in  the 
United  States,  will  pass  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  tranquillity. 


130  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


LAFAYETTE    TO    MR.   CLAY. 

LAGRAXGE,  October  28,  1825. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  the  more  anxiously  waiting  for  the 
packet  of  the  1st  instant,  as  an  account  of  your  having  been  sick, 
since  my  departure,  has  appeared  in  the  French  papers.  Yet 
there  are  evident  inaccuracies  in  the  report.  Now  I  must  hasten 
these  lines  to  the  Cadmus,  which  sails  on  the  1st  November.  I 
have  written  to  the  President,  sending  him  an  article  of  the  Jour- 
nal des  Debats,  which  may  interest  him  and  you.  I  also  tell 
him  a  few  words  of  what  I  have  heard  respecting  the  affairs  of 
Greece,  upon  which  I  have  seen  nothing  to  alter  my  opinion. 
I  came  directly  from  Havre  to  Lagrange,  and  have  been  very 
friendly  received  by  the  people  on  the  road,  and  here,  on  my 
arrival.  Ministerial  and  court  people  have  either  kept  aloof,  or 
acted  foolishly  to  their  own  damage.  I  have  been  only  four 
days  in  Paris,  to  see  several  friends,  and  do  not  intend  returning 
to  town  before  the  first  days  of  January.  The  mass  of  the  na- 
tion is  quiet  and  industrious,  though  dissatisfied  with  the  measures 
of  the  Government,  and  the  incroachments  of  nobles  and  priests. 
I  found  Mr.  Brown  much  better  than  I  expected,  indeed,  almost 
quite  well.  Mr.  Sheldon  is  better,  also,  and  has  wisely,  I  think, 
determined  to  nurse  his  health  in  Paris,  rather  than  go  to  cnnuyer 
himself  in  the  South,  while  his  time  here  is  usefully  employed. 
Mr.  Somerville  has  been  very  sick ;  I  hope  he  will  be  soon  on 
his  travels.  Present  my  affectionate  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay  and 
family.  Receive  those  of  my  children  and  Le  Valleur. 


THEODORE    WYTHE    CLAY*    TO    HIS    FATHER. 

LEXINGTON,  November  11,  1825. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER, — I  received  yours  with  great  concern  for 
the  deep  distress  in  which  our  great  loss  [death  of  Eliza  and 
Mrs.  Duralde]  must  have  thrown  both  yourself  and  my  mother. 
I  have  not  the  power  of  deriving  any  consolation  to  myself, 
and  have  not,  therefore,  the  means  of  offering  you  any.  I 
would  gladly  render  you  happy  by  any  sacrifice  in  my  power. 

*  Theodore  Wythe  Clay,  the  oldest  son,  lias  now  (.1855)  been  in  the  Lunatic 
Asylum,  at  Lexington,  over  twenty  years. 


OF   HENEY  CLAY.  131 

As  I  advance  in  years  I  feel  the  value  of  a  relation  more  and 
more,  because  they  must  and  should  be  the  best  friends.  I 
hope,  however,  that  you  may  not  suffer  your  spirits  to  be  too 
much  depressed,  for  it  is  an  inevitable  effect  that  the  health  is 
thereby  impaired  ;  and  that  of  yourself  and  my  dear  mother,  by 
these  repeated  shocks,  is  more  and  more  necessary  to  our  hap- 
piness. 


ALBERT    GALLATIN    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BALTIMORE,  November  14,  1825. 

DEAR  SIR, — No  one  can  be  more  sensible  than  I  am,  both  of 
the  importance  of  laying  the  foundation  of  a  permanent  friend- 
ship between  the  United  States  and  our  sister  Republics,  and  of 
the  distinguished  honor  conferred  on  the  persons  selected  to  be 
the  representatives  of  our  glorious  and  happy  country  at  the  first 
Congress  of  the  Independent  Powers  of  this  hemisphere ;  but, 
without  affecting  any  false  modesty,  I  can  not  perceive  that  I  am 
peculiarly  fitted  for  that  mission,  either  by  knowledge  of  the 
language,  things,  or  men,  of  South  America,  or  by  being  known 
to  them.  My  personal  objection  has  already  been  stated.  I 
had  none,  whatever,  to  a  sea  voyage,  or  to  embarking  from  an 
Atlantic  port.  On  the  receipt  of  your  friendly  letter  of  the  llth, 
I  had  further  private  inquiries  made  from  one  thoroughly  ac- 
quainted with  the  country,  as  if  the  object  had  been  a  commer- 
cial establishment,  and  without  my  name  being  mentioned. 
The  result  of  these,  and  the  decided  opposition  I  would  have  to 
encounter  in  my  family,  compel  me,  though  with  great  reluc- 
tance, to  persist  in  declining  the  appointment.  I  will  preserve  a 
grateful  sense  of  your's  and  the  President's  favorable  disposition 
in  my  favor ;  and  I  beg  you  to  accept  my  thanks  for  your  friendly 
conduct  toward  me  on  this  occasion. 


LAFAYETTE    TO    MR.   CLAY. 

LAGRAXGE,  November  25,  1825. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — This  letter  will  find  you  in  the  full  occu- 
pation of  Congressional  business,  and  although  your  duties  as 
Speaker  are  over,  there  will  be  enough  for  the  Secretary  of  State 
to  do.  I  am  ever  anxiously  waiting  for  news  from  the  United 


132  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

States,  and  particularly  from  Washington,  My  American  habits 
have  been  so  happily  renewed  in  the  blessed  thirteen  months  I 
have  passed  on  your  side  of  the  Atlantic,  that  I  can  not  easily 
submit  to  an  interruption  in  these  communications.  Let  me 
hear  from  you  as  often  as  you  can. 

You  have  but  too  melancholy  motives  to  sympathize  v/itli 
the  cruel  anxiety  I  have  had  lately  to  experience;  one  of  my 
granddaughters,  the  third  daughter  of  George,  has  been  on  the 
eve  of  death.  She  is  now  out  of  danger.  How  often  and  how 
feelingly. I  have  thought  of  you  and  Mrs.  Clay  you  will  easily 
conceive.  I  was  gone  to  town,  and  expected  to  see  Mr.  Brown 
the  next  morning  when  a  courier,  announcing  .the  dear  girl's 
situation,  recalled  me  suddenly  to  Lagrange.  I  suppose  he  has 
more  than  me  to  write  about  European  politics.  Indeed  the 
politics  of  the  Republican  hemisphere,  until  this  is  greatly 
mended,  appear  to  me  the  principal  business  of  mankind. 

I  much  wish  to  know  what  answer  you  have  had  to  your 
South  American  and  Mexican  communications  respecting  the 
Congress  of  Panama,  and  who  has  been  sent  as  minister  from 
the  United  States  to  that  momentous  meeting  where  his  good 
and  honest  advice  will,  no  doubt,  prove  highly  useful.  They 
say  the  Empire  of  Brazil  has  been  invited  also  to  send  a  minister 
to  Panama.  I  wish  it  might  be  to  give  Don  Pedro  a  passport 
to  Europe ;  for  I  apprehend  this  Brazilian  spot  will  be  a  focus 
of  European  intrigues  until  it  has  adopted  the  Republican  form 
of  Government. 

While  British  publications  speak  of  their  half  recognition  of 
American  independence,  as  if  no  such  feat  of  liberalism  had  ever 
existed  elsewhere,  the  French  Government  are  wavering  be- 
tween a  sense  of  public  discontent  ?.t  thcii  backwardness  and 
their  ridiculous  notions  of  legitimacy ;  and  when  lately  they 
thought  of  grasping  at  something  like  a  mezzo  tor-mine  on  the 
part  of  Spain,  they  have  been  momentarily  discomfited  by  a 
change  in  the  Spanish  ministry.  Such  is  the  diplomacy  of  Eu- 
rope, and  the  fitness  to  have  an  American  era  of  foreign  as  well 
as  interior  policy.  However,  an  invisible  current  must  soon 
wash  away  those  difficulties. 

Notwithstanding  the  quarreling  spirit  of  the  Grecian  chiefs, 
and  abuses  attending  a  long  interruption  of  national  Govern- 
ment, there  is  an  admirable  heroism  in  the  resistance  of  that  peo- 
ple and  a  moral  obligation  to  every  liberal  man,  or  body  of  men, 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  133 

to  give  them  encouragement  and  the  assistance  which  special 
situations  can  allow.  The  British  Government  is,  as  usual,  un- 
der a  conflict  of  interests  opposed  to  each  other,  and  wants  to 
obtain,  as  cheap  as  possible,  the  first  place  in  the  poor  career  of 
European  liberalism.  While  French  committees  are  sincere  and 
eager  in  their  concern  for  the  cause  of  Greece,  the  Tuileries 
holds  a  connection,  most  unpopular  in  France,  with  the  Egyp- 
tian despot.  The  rumor  of  very  peculiar  acts  of  benevolence 
from  the  American  squadron  and  Commodore  Rogers  in  behalf 
of  the  Greeks,  which  has  produced  no  party  complaint  that  I 
know  of,  has  in  the  enlightened  and  liberal  part  of  the  world 
added  to  the  popularity  and  dignity  of  the  American  name. 
What  has  really  passed  I  do  not  know,  but  very  much  lament  the 
illness  of  Mr.  Somerville  which  possibly  keeps  him  in  Paris.  I 
have  pressed  him  to  come  to  Lagrange  to  refit  himself,  and  from 
there  pursue  his  journey ;  but  when  he  will  be  able  to  support 
this  short  ride  to  our  country  residence  I  can  not  yet  say.  He 
is,  however,  a  little  better,  as  he  himself  writes  to  me,  and  you 
will  no  doubt  get  from  him  a  later  and  more  positive  account. 
Present  my  affectionate  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay,  to  the  President,  to 
your  colleagues,  and  all  other  friends  in  Washington  as  well  as  to 
their  families.  George  and  Le  Yalleur  beg  to  be  respectfully  re- 
membered. Be  so  kind  as  to  forward  the  inclosed  letters  ;  and 
remember  me  to  your  own  family,  present  and  absent,  and  be- 
lieve me  forever  your  sincere  friend. 

I  have  received,  before  I  left  the  United  States,  communica- 
tions from  my  old  comrades  of  the  Connecticut  and  Massachu- 
setts lines,  intimating  the  purpose  to  present  Congress,  during 
this  session,  with  a  petition  relative  to  the  manner  in  which  old 
accounts  have  been  settled  in  their  very  interesting  claims  on 
their  country's  bounty,  and  also  respecting  the  interpretation 
given  in  1820,  to  the  pension  law  of  1798.  At  all  times  I  would 
have  taken  the  most  lively  interest  in  their  behalf,  but  now 
loaded  as  I  am  with  the  munificent  bounty  of  Congress,  I  am 
more  than  ever  anxious  to  hear  they  have  had  cause  to  be  satis- 
fied. There  are  few  survivors ;  any  thing  done  for  them  would, 
I  hope,  be  gratifying  to  the  people,  and  you  know  it  would  have 
an  excellent  effect  abroad. 

Mr.  Connel  returns  to  England  by  way  of  Liverpool.  He 
will  talk  with  you  of  several  claims  upon  Europe,  namely,  that 
of  Antwerp  which  he  had  been  commissioned  to  pursue.  I  have 


134  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

seen  M.  and  Mine.  De  la  Rue.  They  know  you  are  of  opinion 
that  Congress  might  with  all  propriety,  and  without  hurting  any 
person,  instead  of  taking  it  for  granted  that  the  President  is  en- 
listed to  introduce  this  French  claim  in  the  negotiation,  express 
a  positive  vote  upon  it,  and  indeed  I  don't  see  any  objection  to 
express  what  every  one  considers  as  being  already  understood. 

Here  is  a  bundle  of  letters  which,  with  proper  confidence  in 
your  goodness,  I  beg  you  to  forward. 


MR.  CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE.* 

WASHINGTON,  November  30,  1825. 

If  Virginia  is  to  designate  a  Senator  upon  the  principle  of 
opposition  to  the  administration,  let  that  Senator  be  Mr.  B.  Giles. 
He  would  be  a  real  friend,  though  a  nominal  enemy.  I  mean 
that  his  indiscretions,  always  great,  and  now  greater  than  ever, 
would  benefit  more  than  his  hostility  would  injure.  But  I 
should  hope  that  no  such  principle  would  govern  the  choice.  I 
should  be  delighted  to  see  Governor  Pleasants  here,  or  General 
Tucker,  or  Mr.  C.  Johnson.  Of  the  latter  I  know  personally 
but  little  ;  but  the  accounts  I  have  always  had  of  him  are  highly 
favorable.  It  is  of  no  great  consequence,  in  respect  to  the  suc- 
cess or  movement  of  the  Administration,  who  may  be  sent.  The 
judgment  which  the  public  will  form  of  it,  depends  upon  its 
measures.  And  one  Senator  out  of  forty-eight  can  not,  in  that 
view  of  the  matter,  be  very  essential.  You  will  hear  with 
pleasure,  that  our  harmony,  in  the  cabinet,  continues  without 
the  slightest  interruption,  and  that  we  have  daily  testimonies 
of  increased  strength  and  confidence. 

The  President  has  acceded  to  the  wishes  of  several  of  the 
new  American  Republics,  that  the  United  States  should  be  rep- 
resented at  Panama.  Our  friends  need  have  no  fears  of  our 
contracting  there  unnecessary  or  onerous  engagements,  or  men- 
acing the  peace  or  neutrality  of  the  country. 

There  is  a  treaty  now  going  on  in  this  city  with  the  Creeks, 

with  prospects  of  a  successful  issue. 
\ 

*  We  observe  that  Judge  Brooke  generally  signs  his  name  Francis  Brooke 
— sometimes  Francis  T.  Brooke.  Mr.  Clay  also  writes  it  both  ways.  Having 
begun  as  Francis  Brooke,  \ve  shall  continue  it. 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  135 


LAFAYETTE  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

PARIS,  December  10,  1825. 

Although  no  direct  information  from  you,  my  dear  friend,  has 
confirmed  the  fatal  report  communicated  to  me  for  the  first  time 
by  Mr.  Brown  and  your  sister,  I  but  too  well  know  I  have  again 
to  sympathize  with  you  in  a  most  heavy  calamity.  I  have  also 
to  mourn  for  myself.  It  was  impossible  to  have  formed  an  ac- 
quaintance with  the  most  valuable  daughter  you  have  lately  lost, 
to  have  been  favored  with  her  friendly  welcome  and  affectionate 
attentions,  without  feeling  a  deep  and  lively  personal  regret.  I 
condole  most  tenderly  and  mournfully  with  you,  my  dear  friend, 
with  Mrs.  Clay,  and  the  whole  family  so  cruelly  visited  of  late, 
and  want  words  to  express  what  I  feel  on  the  lamentable  occasion. 

A  similar  kind  of  misfortune  has  been  very  near  attending  me. 
My  granddaughter,  Clementine,  the  youngest  daughter  of  George, 
has  passed  several  days  in  a  hopeless  state  ;  she  is  now  recover- 
ing. I  was  then  thinking  of  a  former,  although  a  late  loss.  Far 
was  I  from  suspecting  what  new  blow  had  fallen  upon  you. 

I  have  no  heart  to  talk  with  you  of  other  matters.  The 
President  will  receive  a  letter  from  me.  My  son  and  Le  Valleur 
share  in  my  sad  feelings,  and  beg  to  be  remembered  most  affec- 
tionately. 

I  have  written  to  the  President  that  Mr.  Somerville  expected 
to  proceed  slowly  toward  his  destination.  Mr.  Brown,  whom  I 
have  just  now  seen,  gives  me  a  much  more  sad  account  than  what 
I  had  received  from  poor  Somerville  himself. 


LAFAYETTE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

LAGRAXGE,  January  22,  182C. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — No  letter  from  you,  since  your  last  most  la- 
mentable loss,  and  you  can  not  write  to  a  more  sympathizing 
friend,  has  yet  reached  me  ;  but  I  have  heard  of  you  and  Mrs. 
Clay  by  your  sister  and  Mr.  Brown.  We  have  been  here  on  the 
edge  of  a  similar  affliction,  and  I  am  sure  you  will  feel  with  me 
at  the  not-expected  recovery  of  my  granddaughter.  Poor  Som- 
erville, after  a  long  and  painful  lingering,  has  breathed  his  last 
at  Auxerre,  on  his  way  to  Italy ;  he  hoped,  while  the  physicians 
had  no  hope  of  him.  Mr.  Brown  will  inform  you  of  the  meas- 


136  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

tires  taken  to  secure  his  papers.  He  has  expressed  ths  affec- 
tionate wish  to  be  buried  at  Lagrange,  which  was  received  with 
our  best  gratitude  and  respect,  and,  after  consulting  the  public 
officers  of  the  United  States  in  Paris,  executed  in  the  pro pe rest 
manner  we  could,  ignorant  as  we  were  of  Somerville's  religious 
persuasion.  It  was  thought  the  parish  cemetery,  where  two  of 
my  grandchildren  are  interred,  was  the  proper  spot,  and  I  am 
taking  measures,  by  an  exchange,  to  annex  it  to  the  grounds  of 
the  farm.  You  easily  will  guess  what  title  I  would  like  to  mention 
in  the  inscription.  But  it  can  not  properly  be  done  until  you  find 
no  inconvenience  in  it.  I  have  every  day  lamented  an  unavoid- 
able delay.  Every  circumstance  confirms  me  in  that  opinion. 

Although  the  interior  politics  of  Russia  have  been  kept  in  the 
dark,  two  points  seem  to  be  ascertained  :  that  Nicholas  is  the 
definitive  Emperor,  and  that  a  plan  to  obtain  constitutional  guar- 
anties had  a  great  share  in  the  late  commotion  at  Petersburg. 
The  Holy  Alliance  has  received  a  blow.  It  is  said  another  dis- 
appointment awaits  them  from  the  bad  health  of  Emperor  Fran- 
cis, whose  son,  more  of  a  fool  than  his  father,  which  amounts  to 
complete  idiotism,  is  pretended  to  hate  Metternich,  the  great 
counter-revolutionary  intriguer.  I  believe  the  bad  situation  of 
the  Greeks  has  been  exaggerated,  even  by  well-meaning  persons. 
There  is  in  the  revolutionary  spirit  of  freedom  an  elasticity  which 
is  seldom  well  appreciated.  On  no  European  power  they  can 
confide.  But  posterity,  and  it  will  begin  immediately  after  their 
success  as  it  would  begin  immediately  after  their  fall,  can  not 
fail  to  give  full  credit  to  every  honest  measure  taken  in  their  be- 
half. I  am  very  anxious  to  hear  the  name,  or  names,  of  the  mis- 
sion to  Panama,  and  have  with  much  pleasure  heard  of  a  Repub- 
lican success  over  the  imperial  troops  of  Brazil.  I  more  and 
more  am  confirmed  in  my  eagerness  to  see  the  monarch  of  Brazil 
removed  from  his  American  throne. 

Adieu,  my  dear  friend.  My  best  respects  wait  on  Mrs.  Clay 
and  family. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  20,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — In  answer  to  your  friendly  inquiries,  contained 
in  your  letter  of  18th  instant,  respecting  my  health,  I  have  the 
satisfaction  to  say  it  is  improving.  From  the  commencement 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  137 

until  about  four  weeks  ago  it  was  very  good.  I  was  then  at- 
tacked with  influenza,  which,  after  one  recovery,  has  been  re- 
newed, and  I  have  been  a  good  deal  reduced,  especially  in  the 
relapse.  I  think  I  have  no  organic  defect  in  my  structure,  and  I 
therefore  indulge  the  hope  of  a  speedy  return  to  health. 

As  to  the  Panama  mission,  it  has  encountered  much  delay  and 
a  good  deal  of  opposition  in  the  Senate,  owing  principally  to  the 
actual  composition  of  that  body  at  present.  There  are  some 
fifteen  or  sixteen  Senators  determined  to  oppose  the  administra- 
tion at  all  events,  and  that  measure  especially.  There  are  eight 
or  ten  others  whose  private  feelings  are  inimical,  but  who  are 
restrained  by  the  state  of  things  at  their  respective  homes.  When 
these  eight  or  ten  unite  (and  they  are  disposed  to  lend  to  the 
regulars  of  opposition  all  the  collateral  countenance  they  can, 
without  committing  themselves),  with  the  others,  together  they 
form  a  majority.  The  delay  which  has  occurred  in  the  Panama 
affair  has  been  produced  by  a  majority  thus  compounded  ;  and 
the  expedients  to  which  it  has  resorted,  to  procrastinate  the  de- 
cision, will  surprise  the  country,  if  it  is  ever  allowed  to  know 
them.  Nevertheless,  it  is  confidently  believed  that  a  majority 
of  the  Senate  will  finally  oppose  the  mission.  It  is  understood 
they  are  to  act  on  it  to-day,  and  they  may  probably  get  through 
it  this  week,  though  that  is'by  no  means  certain.  In  the  House, 
and  with  the  country,  the  administration  need  not  desire  to  be 
stronger  than  it  is.  As  to  the  peculiar  condition,  at  this  time, 
of  the  Senate,  you  can  well  imagine  the  cause. 


LAFAYETTE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PARK,  February  28,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  letter  of  the  13th  December  is  the  las* 
I  have  received  from  you.  I  know  your  avocations,  but  when 
ever  you  have  time  to  drop  a  few  lines,  they  will  be  received 
with  the  grateful  feelings  of  patriotic  interest  and  personal  friend- 
ship. 

My  hopes  of  Greece  have  not  been  disappointed.  They  still 
fight,  and  often  conquer,  abandoned  as  they  have  been  by  all, 
and  attacked  or  betrayed  by  many  of  the  Christian  powers.  It 
seems  now  that  England  regrets  not  to  have  been  more  generous 


138  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

before  an  unforeseen  and  extensive  conspiracy  in  Russia  may 
make  it  a  matter  of  necessity  for  Emperor  Nicholas  to  wage  war 
against  the  Turks.  The  Western  powers  would  like  to  patch 
up  some  arrangement  favorable  to  the  independence  of  Greece, 
that  they  may  not  be  dependent  on  the  Russian  empire.  I  wrote 
to  you  some  private  exertions  were  taking  place,  from  only  one 
part  of  the  French  Greek  Committee,  in  favor  of  Duke  d'Orleans' 
second  son.  Now  the  Duke  himself  does  not  deny  it,  but  1 
doubt  his  obtaining  a  sincere  support  from  the  Court  of  the 
Tuileries.  Under  those  circumstances  I  did  more  lament  the 
misfortune  that  has  deprived  poor  Somerville  of  the  pursuit 
of  his  mission,  and  I  wish  a  respectable  American  squadron  may 
appear  again  in  those  seas.  My  notions  of  the  moral  influence 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States  are  lofty  and  extensive,  I  con- 
fess ;  but  at  least  I  would  sadly  regret  if  it  were  not  fully  exer- 
cised at  the  Congress  of  Panama,  and  in  every  concern  of  South 
America,  it  would  be,  in  my  opinion,  leaving  the  field  to  the 
intrigues  of  European  monarchy  and  aristocracy.  Nor  can  I  be 
easy  until  the  throne  of  Brazil  is  no  more. 

Present  my  affectionate  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  family,  to 
the  President  and  family,  to  your  colleagues  in  the  cabinet,  to 
all  friends.  Receive  those  of  my  son  and  Le  Yalleur,  and  be- 
lieve me  forever  your  affectionate  sympathizing  friend. 

Will  you  please  to  forward  the  inclosed  to  our  young  Tennes- 
seean  friends. 


LORD  BEXLEY  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

•  GREAT  GEOEGE  STREET,  LONDOX,  March  9,  1826. 

SIR, — Having  some  time  ago  been  informed,  by  Bishop  Chase, 
that  you  would  permit  small  parcels  of  the  periodical  publica- 
tions of  some  of  our  religious  and  charitable  societies,  for  his 
use,  to  be  occasionally  addressed  to  you,  I  have  taken  the  liberty, 
by  the  favor  of  Mr.  King,  to  consign  two  small  packages,  con- 
taining a  few  Mohawk  Prayer  Books  and  some  Reports,  to  your 
address  for  the  Bishop. 

I  can  not  forbear  taking  this  opportunity  of  expressing  my 
sincere  pleasure  that  a  statesman  in  your  eminent  situation  should 
be  the  friend  of  that  excellent  man ;  and  I  can  not  conceive  a 
purer  or  stronger  bond  of  union  between  our  countries  than  that 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  139 

which  is  afforded  by  the  co-operation  now  so  happily  established 
between  them  in  religious  and  benevolent  pursuits.  I  am  sure 
you  will  find  the  patronage  you  afforded  them  not  only  an  honor 
to  your  Government,  but  a  source  of  sincere  and  increasing  satis- 
faction to  yourself  amid  the  cares  and  labors  of  an. official  life  ; 
and  which  you  will  hereafter  reflect  upon  as  not  among  the  least 
important  of  the  services  which  your  talents  and  character  have 
enabled  you  to  render,  to  your  country.  I  have  the  honor  to  be. 
Sir,  with  every  sentiment  of  consideration,  yours,  etc. 


LAFAYETTE    TO  MR.   CLAY. 

PARIS,  March  27, 1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — As  I  am  writing  to  you  by  the  packet  I  shall 
only  in  these  lines  introduce  to  your  acquaintance  General  Nar- 
vaez,  a  member  of  the  Colombian  Senate  and  of  Bolivar's  mili- 
tary family,  who  after  having  brought  over  the  treaty  with  Great 
Britain,  and  paid  a  visit  to  Paris,  is  returning  home  through  the 
United  States.  There  he  will  witness  the  superiority  of  Re- 
publican Institutions  over  the  half  civilization,  at  best,  of  the 
European  countries.  May  he  also,  and  his  fellow  inhabitants  of 
the  south  be  convinced  that  from  American  diplomacy  alone  they 
can  expect  honest  advice  and  sincere  sympathies. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  April  19,  1826. 

MY  BEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  12th 
instant.  Prior  to  my  going  out  on  the  affair  to  which  it  refers, 
the  only  letter  I  wrote  about  it  was  addressed  to  you,  and  put 
into  the  hands  of  General  Harrison,  to  be  forwarded  on  a  con- 
tingency which  did  not  happen.  In  that  letter,  which  he  still 
retains,  I  briefly  assigned  the  reasons  which  determined  me  on 
the  course  I  took.  The  circumstances  which  most  embarrassed 
me  was  the  opinion  which  is  entertained  by  some,  as  to  the  state 
of  Mr.  Randolph's  mind.  But  I  thought  I  ought  not  to  be  gov- 
erned by  that  opinion  which  was  opposed  by  the  recent  act  of 
my  native  State  electing  him  to  the  Senate.  As  for  the  future, 


140  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

it  must  be  left  to  itself.     Most  certainly  I  should  reluctantly  en- 
gage in  any  similar  aifair. 

Will  you  not  come  and  see  us  this  session  ?  I  should  be  glad 
if  you  would  come  up  and  pass  some  days  at  my  house.  Or 
Wednesday,  next  I  expect  some  company  to  dine  with  me,  as  ] 
generally  do  on  that  day  of  every  week.  Suppose  you  be  of  the 
party,  and  take  your  lodgings  with  me  ?  My  family  is  ver^ 
small,  and  we  have  several  spare  bed-rooms. 


LAFAYETTE    TO    MR.    CLAY 

PARIS,  March  29,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — We  are  anxiously  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  twc 
New  York  packets.  I  hope  they  will  bring  me  some  lines  from 
you.  At  all  events  I  will  know  what  is  going  on  at  Washing- 
ton and  other  parts  of  the  United  States,  a  food  to  my  mind,  a 
consolation  of  my  heart,  which  has  become  more  than  evei 
necessary  to  me.  I  am  happy  to  think  the  Panama  mission  is 
now  on  its  way.  I  believe  it  of  high  moment  for  the  welfare 
of  South  America  and  Mexico,  for  the  prospects  of  mankind,  and 
for  the  dignity  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  that  they 
preserve  and  exert  the  moral  influence  to  which  they  are  so 
justly  entitled. 

This  letter  accompanies  an  offer  presented  to  you  of  the  col- 
lection of  General  Foy's  speeches,  which  have  the  additional 
merit  of  being  a  compliment  of  the  national  subscription  in  be- 
half of  his  children.  The  conduct  of  the  people  in  that  circum- 
stance has  been  marked  with  feeling  and  propriety.  The  editors 
are  men  of  remarkable  talents. 

The  European  newspapers,  your  correspondence  with  the 
American  ministers,  leave  me  but  little  to  say  on  political  topics. 
I  am  by  this  same  opportunity  writing  to  the  President,  and 
think  it  needless  to  repeat  my  observations.  Present  my  best 
respects  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  family,  remember  me  to  our  friends, 
and  receive  the  sincere  wishes,  in  which  my  companions  heartily 
join,  of  your  affectionate  friend.* 

*  It  should  have  been  mentioned  before,  that  all  Lafayette's  letters  to  Mr.  Clay 
are  in  English,  which  will  account  for  the  modes  of  expi-ession  found  in  them. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  141 

LAFAYETTE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PARIS,  April  28,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  not  by  the  last  packet  heard  from 
you,  or  the  President,  or  any  of  the  public  men  at  Washington, 
which  I  readily  explain  on  account  of  your  pressing  avocations 
in  these  Congressional  times.  Mr.  Brown  writes,  no  doubt,  to 
you.  Mr.  Dodge,  consul  at  Marseilles,  contemplates  going  from 
New  York  to  the  seat  of  Government,  which  is  a  very  good 
channel  of  late  information.  I  shall  therefore  confine  myself  to 
expressing  my  satisfaction  at  the  result  of  a  debate  which-  has 
given  me  much  anxiety,  as  you  know  nobody  sets  a  greater 
value  than  I  do  on  the  moral  influence  of  the  United  States,  for 
their  own  sakes,  for  the  sake  of  the  new  American  Republics, 
for  the  sake  of  mankind,  the  general  cause  of  which,  the  Gov- 
ernment model,  whenever  they  allow  themselves  to  act,  is  called 
to  further.  I  wish  the  commissioners  may  not  have  been  too 
long  detained. 

My  anticipations  relative  to  the  heroic  resistance  of  the  Greeks, 
have  not  been  disappointed,  but  unless  European  policy,  I  mean 
that  of  their  Governments,  finds  a  selfish  interest  in  rescuing 
them  from  the  efforts  of  the  barbarians,  nothing  is  to  be  expected 
from  the  feelings  of  the  Holy  Alliance,  Great  Britain  included. 
In  the  meanwhile,  we  have  the  joyful  account  of  a  complete 
repulse  of  Ibrahim  Pasha,  from  the  shattered  walls  of  Misso- 
longhi. 

Present  my  most  affectionate  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay,  to  the 
President,  and  both  families,  to  your  colleagues,  to  all  friends  at 
Washington.  I  have  had  a  visit  of  the  gout,  which  had  very 
properly  refrained  from  interrupting  my  enjoyments  on  the 
sacred  beloved  ground  of  the  United  States,  but  am  now  much 
better. 


LAFAYETTE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

LAGRANGE,  May  28,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — My  affection  and  regard  for  you  are  sure,  and, 
I  hope,  anticipated  pledges  of  the  interest  I  take  in  every  thing 
vrhere  you  are  concerned,  and  it  were  superfluous  to  expand  on 
my  feelings,  which,  I  know,  are  not  to  you  a  matter  of  doubt. 


142  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Your  official  correspondent  and  good  brother  gives  you  regular 
accounts  of  political  matters  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  I  have 
already  communicated  my  private  observations  on  the  strange  and 
portentful  contrast  that  exists  between  the  liberal  sentiments,  the 
improving  good  sense  of  the  people  on  this  continent,  more  par- 
ticularly in  France,  and  the  bold,  but,  I  expect,  imprudent  en- 
croachments of  power  and  priesthood  on  the  actual  state  of 
civilization.  This  anomaly  is  very  striking  in  the  dispositions 
relative  to  Greece.  It  appears  that  Great  Britain  and  their  con- 
tinental partners  have  succeeded  in  tampering  with  the  co-relig- 
ionary movement  of  the  Russians.  The  British  commander  of 
the  Ionian  Islands  has  boldly  invited  the  heroic  population  of 
Missolonghi  to  surrender  to  the  Turks,  which  amounts  to  the 
massacre  of  every  man,  the  rape  of  every  woman,  and  the  con- 
version to  Mohammedanism,  if  not  the  death,  of  every  child,  pris- 
oners of  war  in  their  hands,  while  a  scanty  supply  to  the  starv- 
ing garrison,  or  at  least  the  starving  women  and  children,  was  so 
very  easy  a  matter.  On  the  other  hand,  renegade  officers,  pro- 
tected by  the  French  Government,  have  assisted  in  reducing  that 
unfortunate  population  who  have  resolved  to  blow  up,  along  with 
their  enemies,  such  part  of  themselves  as  could  not  fight,  and 
devote  the  other  to  destruction,  among  the  havoc  they  made  in 
the  barbarian  ranks  of  the  Austrians.  I  shall  only  say  that  nothing 
can  exceed  or  equal  the  infamy  of  their  conduct.  In  the  mean- 
while, the  popular  feeling  in  favor  of  the  Grecian  cause  has  never 
been  so  warm  and  so  general.  Their  adversaries  are  branded 
with  the  most  poignant  reproaches.  Collections  are  going  on, 
supplies  are  sent.  The  people  of  France,  the  ladies  of  Paris, 
and  successively  of  every  town,  are  acting  a  conspicuous  and  use- 
ful part  in  their  behalf.  I  see  in  an  English  paper  that  some 
stipulations  have  been  made  at  Petersburg  in  favor  of  Greece. 
But  although  public  opinion  is  much  excited,  I  question  even  this 
dilatory  interference.  I  need  not  tell  you,  my  dear  friend,  that  I 
have  been  anxiously  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  the  two  private 
New  York  frigates,  and  persisting  in  the  opinion  that  the  pres- 
ence of  an  American  squadron  on  those  seas  would  aiford  honor- 
able opportunities,  consisting  with  the  rules  of  neutrality,  to 
render  essential  services.  And,  indeed,  such  I  have  found  the 
popular  feeling  in  the  United  States.  Such  is  now  the  general 
feeling  in  Europe,  that  every  service  rendered  to  those  people 
would  be  looked  upon  with  very  favorable  constructions. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  143 

I  see  in  the  papers  that  a  Penitentiary  is  to  be  erected  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  under  the  control  of  the  President ;  and  I 
remember  with  pleasure  the  conformity  of  our  ideas  respecting 
the  deviations  from  the  late  system  of  reformation,  and  namely 
the  prevalence  of  solitary  confinement  that  was  contemplated  at 
Philadelphia.  Not  that  I  object  to  solitary  cells,  not  only  as  a 
transitory  punishment,  but  also  as  a  great  improvement  to  separ- 
ate the  prisoners  at  night,  a  time  when  they  spoil  each  other.  I 
only  think  that  in  day-time  they  ought  to  be  together  in  a  cer- 
tain number,  which  is  susceptible  of  very  useful  modifications.  I 
intrude  upon  this  matter  because  I  believe  this  is  a  good  oppor- 
tunity for  the  United  States  to  give  one  more  example,  among  so 
many,  to  the  rest  of  mankind. 

Permit  me  to  put  under  your  cover  a  letter  to  Mr.  Skinner, 
inclosing  one  to  Mr.  Cormick  and  the  Report  of  the  Agricultural 
Society  of  Paris,  with  their  very  advantageous  opinion  about  a 
new  plow  which  I  had  been  desired  to  present  to  their  exami- 
nation. Here  is  also  a  letter  to  my  Memphis  friends. 

Present  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  family,  to  the  Presi- 
dent and  family,  to  your  colleagues  and  other  friends  in  Wash- 
ington. I  have  been  long  suffering  from  the  gout,  and  depend 
on  the  country  air  and  country  occupations  to  make  me  quite 
well.  Part  of  my  family  are  still  in  town,  namely  my  daughter- 
in-law,  who  is  one  of  the  female  collectors  for  the  Greeks* 


DANIEL    WEBSTER    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BOSTON,  June  8,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — We  are  glad  to  learn,  through  the  papers,  that 
you  have  been  able  to  leave  the  city  for  a  little  visit  into  Mary- 
land, as  it  gives  us  reason  to  hope  that  you  have  recovered  from 
your  recent  indisposition. 

You  will  have  noticed  Mr.  Lloyd's  resignation.  I  did  not  ex- 
pect it  at  this  moment,  although  I  was  apprised  of  his  wish  to 
leave  the  Senate  as  soon  as  he  could.  It  was  with  difficulty  he 
was  persuaded  to  attend  the  last  session.  The  Legislature  being 
now  in  session,  his  place  will  be  immediately  filled.  I  incline 
to  think  that  the  appointment  will  fall  on  Mr.  Silsby.  It  has 
been  intimated  to  me,  indeed,  that  a  different  arrangement  might} 


144  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

perhaps,  be  made,  if  I  should  approve  it ;  but  my  impression  at 
present  is  against  it,  and  I  believe  for  very  good  reasons. 

Mr.  Silsby  you  know.  He  is  entirely  well  disposed,  and  is  a 
well-informed  merchant  and  a  respectable  man.  It  is  not  likely 
he  would  take  much  part  in  the  discussions  of  the  Senate  ;  but 
would  bring  a  good  deal  of  useful  knowledge  into  the  body,  and 
might  be  entirely  relied  on  to  support  all  just  and  proper  meas- 
ures. According  to  general  usage  here,  a  senator  would  now  be 
appointed  for  six  years,  commencing  next  March,  at  the  end  of 
Mr.  Mills'  present  term  of  office  ;  but  I  think  it  probable  enough, 
that  having  to  fill  the  vacancy,  occasioned  by  the  resignation  of 
Mr.  Lloyd,  now,  the  Legislature  may  choose  to  postpone  the 
other  election  to  the  winter.  If  the  choice  should  come  on  now, 
I  understand  Mr.  Mills  will  be  re-elected.  If  postponed,  it  may 
be  a  little  uncertain,  it  is  said,  as  some  suppose  our  Governor  has 
an  inclination  for  the  place.  There  are  here,  in  the  Legislature 
and  out,  a  few  very  busy  persons,  who  are  hostile  to  the  admin- 
istration. They  have  no  system,  but  act,  in  every  case,  pro  re 
nata,  and  content  themselves  with  the  general  principle,  applied 
in  all  cases,  and  indiscriminately,  of  opposing.  They  will  prob- 
ably support  Mr.  Lincoln  against  Mr.  Mills,  from  an  idea  that  Mr. 
Mills'  appointment  would  gratify  the  friends  of  the  President,  or 
is  a  thing  arranged  by  his  friends,  although  Mr.  Lincoln  is  known 
to  be  equally  friendly.  Some  embarrassment  may  happen  from 
this  source,  very  possibly  ;  but  I  trust  it  can  be  overcome. 

I  have  great  pleasure  in  assuring  you  that  nothing  can  be 
more  correct  or  more  decisive  than  public  opinion  in  this  part 
of  the  country,  in  regard  to  the  various  transactions  of  the  last 
session. 

The  sentiment  of  the  people  is  exactly  what  you  would  ex- 
pect and  wish  it  to  be. 

In  New  Hampshire  the  Legislature  meets  next  week.  The 
two  senators  will  doubtless  be  present  on .  that  occasion,  and  we 
are  looking  with  some  interest  to  see  whether  Mr.  Woodbury 
and  the  editor  of  the  "  Patriot"  (publisher  of  the  laws  !)  will  be 
able  to  bring  the  Legislature  and  people  of  that  State  to  their 
way  of  thinking. 


OF   HENRY  CLAY.  145 


GENERAL    JESUP    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  April  1,  1826. 

SIR, — Agreeably  to  your  request,  I  called  this  morning  on  Mr. 
Randolph,  for  the  purpose  of  delivering  your  note.  Previous  to 
presenting  it,  however,  I  thought  it  proper  to  ascertain  from  him 
whether  the  information  you  had  received,  that  he  considered 
himself  personally  accountable  for  any  attack  upon  you,  was  cor- 
rect. I  accordingly  informed  him  that  I  was  the  bearer  of  a 
message  from  you,  in  consequence  of  an  attack  which,  you  had 
been  informed,  he  had  made  on  your  private  as  well  as  public 
character,  in  the  Senate  ;  that  I  was  aware  of  the  fact  that  he 
could  not  be  made  accountable  elsewhere  for  any  thing  said  in 
debate,  unless  he  chose  himself  to  waive  his  privilege  as  a  mem- 
ber of  that  body.  Mr.  Randolph  replied,  that  the  Constitution 
did  protect  him,  but  he  would  never  shield  himself  under  such 
a  subterfuge  as  the  pleading  of  his  privilege  as  a  Senator  from 
Virginia ;  that  he  did  hold  himself  accountable  "  to  Mr.  Clay," 
but  considered  that  he  (Mr.  Clay)  had  first  two  pledges  to  re- 
deem. One  that  he  was  bound  to  -fight  any  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  who  had  acknowledged  himself  the 
author  of  a  certain  publication  in  a  Philadelphia  paper ;  the 
other,  that  he  stood  pledged  to  establish  certain  facts  in  regard 
to  "a  great  man,"  whom  he  would  not  name.  He  added,  how- 
ever, that  he  would  receive  no  message  from  Mr.  Clay  which 
was  not  in  writing.  I  replied  that  the  only  message  I  had  was 
in  writing ;  that  I  had  not  been  authorized  by  you  to  enter  into 
or  receive  any  verbal  explanations,  but  that  I  had  done  so  on  my 
own  responsibility,  because  I  thought  it  proper  to  do  so.  I  then 
presented  him  the  note.  He  read  it,  and  informed  me  that  he 
would  send,  by  a  friend,  a  written  answer  to  it,  or  he  would  send 
the  answer  by  me,  if  I  would  take  it.  I  observed  that  it  would 
be  better  to  send  it  by  a  friend,  to  which  he  assented. 


GENERAL    JESUP    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  June  24,  182G. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  inclose  a  copy  of  the  paper  which  I  read  to  you 
to-day  ;  it  was  drawn  up  with  a  view  of  being  presented  to  you, 

10 


146  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

within  half  an  hour  after  your  note  had  been  presented  to  Mr. 
Randolph.  It  contains  the  substance  of  my  interview  with  that 
gentleman. 


GENERAL    JESUP    TO    JAMES    B.    CLAY.* 

WASHINGTON,  January  19,  1853. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  4th  instant. 
You  owe  me  no  apology  for  writing  to  me  on  any  subject ; 
certainly  not  when  the  matter  relates  to  your  late  father. 

I  have  never  seen  Garland's  book,  but  the  statement  which 
you  understood  him  to  have  made,  that  Mr.  Randolph,  in  the 
duel  with  your  father,  did  not  fire  at  him,  is  entirely  incorrect. 
In  that  affair,  when  the  parties  came  upon  the  ground,  Colonel 
Tatnal,  the  friend  of  Mr.  Randolph,  having  won  the  choice  of 
positions,  placed  his  principal  in  that  which  he  preferred,  and  I 
placed  your  father  opposite  to  him.  distant  ten  paces.  The  other 
party,  having  the  choice  of  positions,  gave  me  the  word.  Mr. 
Randolph  desired  to  know  how  I  would  give  it  when  the  parties 
should  be  ready.  I  repeated  it.  He  desired  to  hear  it  again. 
While  I  was  repeating  it  the  second  time,  his  pistol  was  dis- 
charged, whether  by  accident  or  not  I  was  then  in  doubt,  but  I 
was  soon  satisfied  that  the  discharge  was  accidental.  Your  fa- 
ther called  to  me — "  It  was  an  accident — I  saw  it."  The  par- 
ties resumed  their  stations,  and  exchanged  shots,  Mr.  Randolph's 
ball  striking  a  small  stump  in  the  rear  of,  and  nearly  in  line  with 
your  father,  and  his  ball  cutting  Mr.  Randolph's  pantaloons  near 
the  knee,  and  passing  through  his  coat.  The  parties  again  took 

( their  stations,  and  the  word  was  given  by  Colonel  Tatnal — 
your  father  fired  at  Randolph,  his  bullet  passing  again  through 
Mr.  Randolph's  clothes  ;  the  latter  raised  his  pistol  and  fired  in 

'  the  air,  exclaiming  at  the  moment,  "  Mr.  Clay,  I  came  upon  this 
ground  determined  not  to  fire  at  you,  but  the  unfortunate  dis- 
charge of  my  pistol,  after  I  had  taken  my  position"  (and  I  think 
he  added,  "  with  the  circumstances  attending  it"),  "  for  a  mo- 
ment changed  my  mind."  They  sprang  forward  as  if  by  a 
common  impulse,  and  grasped  each  other  by  the  hand,  each  ex- 
pressing the  pleasure  he  felt  that  the  other  was  unhurt. 

A  statement,  prepared  at  the  time  and  signed  by  the  friends 
of  the  parties,  was  published,  giving  an  account  of  the  whole 

*  It  is  thought  proper  to  put  this  letter  in  this  place,  though  of  a  later  date. 


OF   HENRY  CLAY.  147 

matter.  I  have  duplicates  of  all  the  correspondence,  carefully 
packed  among  my  private  papers.  I  will  open  them,  and  have 
them  copied  for  you,  as  soon  as  I  shall  find  time  to  examine 
them.  The  other  set  of  the  papers,  I  have  understood,  was 
placed  by  Colonel  Tatnal  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Randolph's  half 
brother,  the  late  Judge  Henry  St.  George  Tucker,  of  Virginia, 
and  was  soon  after  destroyed  by  fire  when  his  house  was  burned. 
I  will  examine  Garland's  book,  and  take  such  public  notice 
of  the  part  to  which  you  refer  as  truth  and  justice  may  seern 
to  require.  With  respect  and  regard,  I  am,  etc. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

LEXINGTON,  August  2,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — My  visit  home  has  been  altogether  highly 
gratifying.  Far  from  any  abatement,  there  is  an  increase  in  the 
number  arid  ardor  of  my  friends,  who  have  given  me  the  strong- 
est testimonies  of  their  attachment.  From  Missouri  I  learn  that 
Scott's  prospect  of  re-election  is  promising.  Cook's  is  unattend- 
ed with  any  doubt.  Senator  Reed  writes  me  from  Mississippi  in 
great  confidence  of  his  re-election,  upon  the  distinct  ground  of 
supporting  the  Administration.  In  Ohio  and  Indiana  things  could 
not  look  better.  I  think  we  may  assume,  first,  that  the  Western 
States,  whose  delegation  voted  for  Mr.  Adams,  will  continue  to 
support  him ;  and  secondly,  that  Mississippi  will  probably  be  added 
to  the  number.  You  will  have  heard  of  Gurley's  re-election, 
and  rumor  says  that  Brent  has  also  succeeded. 

I  shall  set  out  on  the  llth  for  Washington  via  Kanawba.  I 
go  that  route  to  take  advantage  of  the  Virginia  Springs,  to  im- 
prove my  health,  which  just  begins  to  feel  the  benefit  of  absence 
from  my  office.  JVirs.  Clay  will  probably  go  through  Ohio  to  see 
James,  and  we  shall  meet  at  Washington,  where  we  are  very 
anxious  again  to  join  our  friends.  I  may  halt  a  few  days  at  the 
White  Sulphur  Springs,  and  therefore  shall  not  probably  reach 
Washington  till  early  in  September. 

You  will  have  seen  the  tragical  end  of  Beauchamp  and  his 
unfortunate  wife.  We  live  in  an  age  of  romance.  Ask  Mrs. 
Johnston  if  the  story  might  not  be  wrought  up  into  a  fine  popu- 
lar tragedy,  one  similar  to  George  Barnwell  ? 


148  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

Mrs.  Clay  joins  me  in  the  communication  of  cordial  regards 

to  Mrs.  Johnston ;  and  I  add  assurances  of  my  sincere  friendship 
to  yourself,  etc. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

WHITE  SULPHUR  SPRINGS,  Va.,  August  24,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Jt  arrived  without  accident  the  day  before 
yesterday,  and  after  remaining  about  a  week  at  it,  for  the  use  of 
the  mineral  waters,  I  propose  resuming  my  journey  about  the 
1st  of  September,  and  hope  to  reach  the  city  the  10th  or  12th. 
My  health  has  improved  on  the  journey,  although  I  have  not 
been  able  to  secure  all  the  tranquillity  and  abstraction  from 
crowds  which  is  necessary  to  its  re-establishment ;  for  they 
have  invited  me  to  a  public  dinner  at  Lewisburg,  and  not  being 
able  to  assign  any  sufficient  reason  for  declining  it,  I  have  ac- 
cepted it.  The  administration  has  many  friends  in  this  quarter 
of  Virginia. 

There  is  much  company  at  this  place,  but  it  shifts  as  fre- 
quently as  the  dramatis  personas  of  a  theater.  It  is  chiefly  from 
the  Southern  States. 

I  am  driving  a  gig-horse,  which,  though  not  so  fine  or  showy 
as  your  finest  carriage-horse,  I  am  inclined  to  think  might  an- 
swer as  a  tolerable  match  for  him. 

With  my  best  regards  to  Mrs.  Johnston,  and  the  hope  of  see- 
ing you  both  very  soon,  I  am  truly  your  friend. 

P.  S.  Mrs.  Clay  was  to  leave  Lexington  on  the  22d  inst., 
to  proceed  to  the  city,  by  the  Ohio  route,  and  I  expect  will 
reach  you  about  the  time  that  I  shall. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WHITE  ?LLmua  SPRINGS,  August  28,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  was  disappointed,  on  my  arrival  here,  in  not 
having  the  pleasure  of  meeting  you  ;  but  I  received  your  obliging 
letter,  accounting  for  your  absence.  I  have  made  a  short  halt 
for  the  use  of  the  waters,  which  I  have  already  found  of  some 
benefit.  I  shall  resume  my  journey  on  the  1st  of  next  month, 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  149 

and  will,  perhaps,  reach  Orange,  by  the  way  of  Charlottesville, 
on  the  8th  or  9th.  I  purpose  remaining  a  day  or  two  there, 
with  Governor  Barbour,  if  at  home,  and  Mr.  Madison.  I  should 
be  delighted  to  avail  myself  of  your  kind  invitation,  but  that 
must  depend  upon  information  which  I  may  hereafter  receive, 
as  to  the  necessity  of  my  presence  at  my  post.  It  will  be  very 
gratifying  to  me  if  I  can  render  any  service,  which  I  will  not 
fail  to  endeavor,  to  your  friend,  Mr.  Carter.  ' 


MR.  ADAMS    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

QCINCT,  September  12,  1826. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  kind  letters  of  the  25th  and 
30th  of  July,  and  of  the  12th  ultimo,  all  from  Lexington,  which 
I  have  hitherto  deferred  answering,  from  an  uncertainty  where 
a  letter  would  meet  you.  But  supposing  you  would,  about  this 
time,  reach  Washington,  I,  two  days  since,  inclosed  to  you  a 
letter  from  the  Governor  of  New  York,  with  other  papers,  on  a 
subject  requiring  at  once  mature  deliberation  and  prompt  de- 
cision. 

I  learn,  with  much  concern,  that  your  health  did  not  derive, 
from  your  visit  home,  so  much  benefit  as  you  had  anticipated. 
I  hope  the  tour  to  the  Springs  will  have  more  favorable  results. 
Your  apprehensions  with  regard  to  Mr.  Anderson  were  but  too 
well  founded.  The  public  have  lost  in  him  an  able  and  useful 
officer.  The  Panama  Congress,  it  seems,  have  adjourned  to 
meet  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  city  of  Mexico. 

Your  letter  of  instructions  to  Mr.  Gallatin  has  been  forwarded 
by  me  to  the  Collector  of  the  Customs  at  New  York,  to  be  forth- 
with transmitted.  Mr.  Poiusett's  treaty  with  Mexico  has  all 
the  articles  stipulating  the  delivery  of  criminals  and  fugitive 
slaves,  which  Mr.  Gallatin  thinks  may  be  objected  to.  We  shall 
have  an  opportunity,  by  the  reference  of  the  Mexican  Treaty  to 
the  Senate,  of  ascertaining  their  views  in  relation  to  these  sub- 
jects, and,  probably,  in  season  to  give  further  instructions  to 
Mr.  Gallatin,  before  the  termination  of  his  negotiation. 

I  think  that,  unless  some  unforeseen  emergency  should  indis- 
pensably require  my  return  to  Washington  earlier,  I  shall  be 
there  between  the  15th  and  20th  of  next  month,  about  ten  days 
later  than  I  have,  until  recently,  expected. 


150  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

LORD  GAMBIER  TO  MB.  CLAY. 

IVEII  GKOVE,  September  20,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Mr.  Edward  Thomson,  the  son  of  an  esteemed 
and  intimate  friend  of  mine,  being  about  to  proceed  to  the  State 
of  South  Carolina,  will  pass  a  little  time  at  Washington,  on  his 
way  from  New  York.  I  beg  your  permission  to  introduce  him 
to  your  countenance  and  protection.  You  will  find  him,  should 
he  have  the  honor  of  presenting  himself  to  you,  to  be  an  intelli- 
gent, well-informed  young  man,  of  most  respectable  character, 
and  worthy  of  your  notice.  Any  friendly  office  that  you  may 
please  to  honor  him  with,  will  be  very  gratifying  and  obliging 
to  me. 

I  was  happy  to  hear,  from  my  nephew,  Mr.  Charles  Gambier, 
who  visited  Washington  the  beginning  of  the  present  year,  of 
your  health  and  well-being.  Most  cordially  do  I  wish  you  a 
continuance  of  the  same,  with  the  addition  of  every  other  bles- 
sing that  may  conduce  to  your  present  and  everlasting  happiness; 
being,  my  dear  sir,  with  unfeigned  esteem  and  regard,  your  faith- 
ful friend. 


DANIEL    WEBSTER   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BOSTON,  October  13,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  subject  of  the  recent  British  order  is  ex- 
citing some  little  attention,  as  you  will  have  observed,  in  the 
commercial  cities,  and  there  are  those,  doubtless,  who  would  em- 
brace this,  as  they  would  any  opportunity,  to  find  fault. 

Mr.  Lloyd  has  probably  written  you  in  regard  to  it.  He  feels 
more  than  a  common  share  of  interest  on  the  occasion,  as  he 
recommended  negotiation  in  preference  to  meeting  the  English 
proposition  by  an  act  of  Congress.  It  may  be  well,  perhaps,  that 
some  little  statement,  made  at  Washington,  would  appear,  for 
the  satisfaction  of  the  public.  I  would  not  intimate  that  there 
is,  in  this  part  of  the  country  at  least,  any  dissatisfaction  ;  but  I 
see  attempts  are  making,  in  New  York  and  other  places,  to  pro- 
duce an  impression  that  the  national  interests  have,  in  this  in- 
stance, been  overlooked. 

As  to  the  general  course  of  political  affairs,  we  have  nothing 
of  much  interest  in  this  quarter.  Our  elections  take  place  next 


OF   HENRY  CLAY.  151 

month.  In  some  districts  there  may  be  personal  changes,  but 
nobody  will  be  proposed  on  the  ground  of  opposition,  nor  any 
body  chosen  who  is  suspected,  on  good  grounds,  of  being  inclined 
to  join  the  opposition.  Some  few,  perhaps,  may  be  chosen,  who 
profess  friendship,  and  who  will  yet  fly  off  on  the  first,  and  on 
every  close  question,  according  to  the  example  of  last  winter. 
Bat,  on  the  whole,  the  great  majority  from  this  quarter  will  be 
well  inclined,  and  steady  in  their  course.  The  Jackson  paper  in 
this  city  (for  we  have  also  a  Jackson  paper),  seems  to  occupy  it- 
self at  present  very  much  with  Mr.  Everett.  Mr.  Everett,  how- 
ever, is  likely  to  be  re-elected  with  great  unanimity.  I  think, 
my  dear  sir,  without  intending  a  compliment,  that  your  speech 
at  Lewisburg  has  done  real  service.  It  was  happy  and  excellent, 
even  for  you,  both  in  matter  and  manner.  We  all  rejoice  here 
— I  mean  all  who  do  not  fear  that  you  were  born  to  prevent 
General  J.  from  being  President — in  the  improvement  of  your 
health  ;  and  you  must  allow  me  to  express  my  most  anxious  and 
earnest  hope  that  you  will  not  overwork  yourself  the  ensuing 
session  and  winter.  What  can  not  be  done  without  the  sacrifice 
of  your  health  must  be  left  undone,  at  whatever  expense  or 
hazard.  I  have  often  thought  of  suggesting  to  you  one  practice, 
if  you  have  not  already  adopted  it,  which  I  have  found  very  use- 
ful myself,  when  my  own  little  affairs  have  occasionally  pressed 
me ;  that  is,  the  constant  employment  of  an  amanuensis.  The 
difference  between  writing  at  the  table  and  dictating  to  another, 
is  very  great.  The  first  is  tedious,  exhausting,  debilitating  labor ; 
the  last  may  be  done  while  you  are  pacing  a  large  room,  and  en- 
joying in  that  way  the  benefit  of  an  erect  posture,  and  a  healthy 
exercise.  If  I  were  you  I  would  not  touch  a  pen,  except  to  write 
my  frank.  Make  the  clerks  do  all  that  clerks  can  do,  and  for 
the  rest  dictate  to  an  amanuensis.  I  venture  to  say,  that  if  you 
once  get  accustomed  to  this,  you  will  find  your  labor  greatly 
lightened. 

I.  have  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  from  several  Kentucky  and 
Ohio  friends  during  the  summer ;  and  have  had  much  gratifica- 
tion in  learning  the  favorable  "state  of  opinion  in  those  important 
states.  The  only  incident  to  be  regretted  much,  in  the  West,  is 
the  loss  of  Cook's  election.  His  friends  must  remember  him, 
and  sustain  him,  in  some  public  service,  according  to  his  merits. 


152  PKIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


LAFAYETTE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

LAGRANGE,  October  28,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Mr.  Brown  who  is  in  the  city,  Mr.  Gallatin, 
whom  I  had  the  pleasure  to  see  for  two  days,  give  yon  French 
and  English  news,  with  the  reports  from  other  parts  of  Europe. 
I  have  therefore  very  little  to  say,  and  what  should  I  say  but 
that  the  British  and  the  Continental  Cabinets  are  patching  up 
every  gap  from  which  liberty  and  equality  might  pop  out  on  this 
side  of  the  Atlantic.  Nevertheless,  the  public  mind  is  making 
slow  progress,  and  at  the  end  of  a  chapter,  too  long  I  fear,  things 
will  definitely  come  to  rights. 

I  have  given  the  President  an  account  of  my  conversation, 
sought  on  their  part  with  the  last  commissioners,  from  Hayti  to 
this  Government,  the  main  point  of  which  was  to  tell  me  that 
one  of  the  American  objections  to  the  acknowledgment  of  their 
independence,  might  easily  be  removed,  as  they  might  even  now 
assure  you  that  the  privileges  complained  of  as  a  kind  of  vassal- 
age, were  not,  at  any  rate,  to  last  more  than  the  time  fixed  for 
the  payment  of  the  stipulated  money. 

Permit  me  to  inclose  a  letter  to  the  President,  containing  the 
application  of  a  lady,  a  packet  for  Mr.  Graham,  relating  to  my 
landed  concerns,  and  one  to  my  dear  friends  Fanny  and  Camilla 
Wright,  the  elder  of  whom  had  but  lately  recovered  from  a  very 
alarming  fever.  I  would  much  like  to  have  your  opinion  of 
their  philanthropic  experiment. 

I  beg  yon  to  present  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  family, 
to  remember  me  to  our  friends,  particularly  Governor  Barbour, 
to  whom  I  will  have  the  pleasure  to  write  by  the  next  packet. 
Here  is  the  copy  of  a  letter  I  have  received  from  General  Bolivar. 
It  has  been  published  in  France,  as  well  as  my  letter  from 
Washington,  at  the  request  of  M.  Madrid,  the  Colombian  agent 
to  this  Government. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  11,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  occasion  for  all  possible  indulgence 
from  my  friends,  on  account  of  my  irregularity  in  acknowledging 
and  answering  their  esteemed  favors.  They  will  do  me  great 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  153 

\ 

wrong,  if,  in  any  case,  they  attribute  my  silence  to  insensibility 
to  the  value  of  their  letters.  I  perceive  from  yours  of  the  7th 
inst,  that  you  feel  that  I  had  neglected  answering  some  of  your 
prior  letters.  I  must  plead  guilty,  and  ask  for  mercy.  I  am  glad 
to  learn  that  the  message  takes  well  at  Richmond,  or  rather,  that 
it  is  only  objected  to  because  it  is  without  fault.  Political  pros- 
pects are  good  every  where,  to  the  North,  East  and  West,  and  I 
think  less  gloomy  in  the  South.  In  Kentucky,  an  Adams  rep- 
resentative has  been  sent  from  one  of  the  two  Jackson  districts, 
vacated  by  the  death  of  their  members,  and  my  confidence  in 
the  support  of  that  State  to  the  administration,  and  in  the  re- 
election of  Mr.  Adams  is  entire.  In  Pennsylvania,  the  Governor 
comes  out  in  his  message  in  support  of  the  administration,  and 
sanctioning  the  late  election  of  President.  In  New  York,  the 
great  body  of  both  parties  is  with  us,  and  I  verily  believe  that  if 
the  electoral  law  should  even  remain  unaltered,  Mr.  Adams  will 
obtain  every  vote. 

I  invite  your  attention  to  the  documents  (of  which  I  will  for- 
ward a  copy  by  the  mail),  concerning  the  colonial  question.  I 
think  we  have  put  Great  Britain  unquestionably  in  the  wrong. 


MB.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  23,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  yielded  to  the  wish  that  I  should  write 
in  behalf  of  Mr.  Taylor,  but  a  great  deal  too  much  weight  is 
attributed  to  my  recommendation,  and  I  fear  that  the  bank  will 
hardly  be  prevailed  on  to  deviate  from  their  practice  of  sending 
out  a  cashier  educated  under  their  own  eye. 

From  all  recent  indications  at  Richmond,  we  are  to  conclude 
that  Mr.  Ritchie  has  succeeded  in  putting  a  majority  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  in  the  honor  of  a  permanent  opposition  to  the 
general  administration.  I  regret  it  extremely,  not  more  on  our 
account  here,  than  on  that  of  Virginia  herself.  It  is  consoling 
that  every  where  else,  things  are  going  well,  and  the  final  issue 
is  perfectly  certain.  Mr.  McKinley,  the  new  Senator  lately 
elected  in  Alabama,  is  believed  to  have  brought  with  him  good 
dispositions  toward  the  Administration.  In  that  branch  of  Con- 
gress where  it  was  weakest,  it  is  now  entirely  safe. 


154  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


LAFAYETTE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

LAGRANGE.  December  29,  1826. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — After  having  passed  a  very  pleasing  summer 
in  this  rural  abode,  we  have  been  lately  afflicted  with  a  sad 
calamity,  the  death  of  Louis  Lasteyrie  (husband  to  my  daughter 
Virginia,  and  father  to  four  children),  whom  we  have  lost  after 
a  cruel  illness  of  two  months.  You  are  but  too  well  acquainted 
with  the  feelings  of  family  mournings,  and  will  sympathize 
in  our  regrets.  The  so  very  strange  murder  of  Doctor  Brown 
has  given  me  much  pain,  not  only  from  motives  of  friendship 
to  his  brother  and  other  relations,  but  on  account  of  my  personal 
acquaintance  with  him  and  his  amiable  family. 

You  are  now  in  the  midst  of  Congressional  debates.  I  much 
wish  they  may  relax  of  the  unusual  bitterness  that  has  marked 
the  last  session.  The  choice  of  Mr.  Poinsett  to  the  Congress 
of  Panama  has  afforded  me  great  pleasure,  as  he  well  knows  the 
concerns  of  South  America  and  Mexico,  including  those  of  Gua- 
timala,  and  will  be  a  good  adviser  of  the  Republican  measures, 
as  well  as  a  guardian  against  European  influence.  How  do  you 
find  Mr.  Canning's  assertion  in  the  British  Parliament  that  he, 
Mr.  Canning,  has  called  to  existence  the  new  Republics  of  the 
American  hemisphere  ?  when  it  is  known  by  what  example, 
what  declaration,  and  what  feelings  of  jealousy  the  British  Gov- 
ernment has  been  dragged  into  a  slow,  gradual,  and  conditional 
recognition  of  that  independence. 

Gallant  Greece  is  still  struggling  against  the  Ottomans  and 
Egyptians ;  whatever  has  been  the  revolutionary  tone  of  the 
British  prime-minister,  and  in  spite  of  the  counter-revolutionary 
ultraism  in  France  and  Spain,  it  is  well  understood  between  all 
Governments  in  Europe,  that  a  general  commotion  might  carry 
them  on  a  ground  not  very  favorable  to  the  interests  of  aristoc- 
racy and  despotism ;  so  that  as  long  as  they  can  keep  the  nations 
within  the  bounds  of  ancient  institutions,  or  at  best,  of  old  and 
new  octroyed  charters,  they  will  ever  ultimately  find  means  to 
patch  up  every  political  question  that  may  annoy  European 
slumbers. 

Among  the  several .  publications  relative  to  Lagrange  and  its 
inhabitants,  which  I  have  found  in  the  papers  of  the  United 
States,  there  is  one  that  I  am  prompted  to  notice,  as  you  will 
have,  at  Washington,  frequent  opportunities  to  contradict  it. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  155 

The  writer,  with  a  kind  intention,  I  don't  doubt,  but  under  a 
complete  mistake,  asserts  that  I  am  assailed  by  Americans  in 
Europe,  with  demands  for  money.  Happy  I  would  be,  to  be 
sure,  of  an  opportunity  to  oblige  friends  in  distress.  But  those 
opportunities  have  not  been  offered. 

Be  pleased,  my  dear  friend,  to  present  me  very  affectionately 
to  Mrs.  Clay,  your  family,  the  President,  Mrs.  Adams  and  family, 
your  colleagues  in  the  cabinet,  General  Brown,  Commodore  Mor- 
ris, General  Bernard,  Mr.  Graham,  and  all  other  friends  at  Wash- 
ington. Be  pleased  also  to  take  care  of  the  inclosed  letter,  and 
believe  me  forever  your  affectionate  friend. 


LAFAYETTE    TO    ME.    CLAY.* 

ON  BOARD  THE  STEAMBOAT,  NEAR  YORK  TOWN,  October  18,  1824. 
MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — Your  kind  congratulations  and  affectionate 
letter  are  new  testimonies  of  those  sentiments  which  I  am  proud 
and  happy  to  have  obtained  from  you,  and  which  are  most  cor- 
dially reciprocated.  I  am  now  on  my  way  to  the  anniversary 
meeting  at  York  Town,  and  shall  from  there  proceed  to  Norfolk, 
Richmond,  Monticello,  Montpelier,  and  again  to  Washington, 
where  I  intend  to  await  the  meeting  of  Congress.  It  is  my  fond 
determination  to  visit  the  Southern  and  Western  States,  and  I 
anticipate  the  pleasure  to  find  myself  under  your  friendly  roof  at 
Ashland.  But  it  can  not  now  be  before  I  have  met  you  at  Wash- 
ington, where  every  motive  of  propriety,  respect,  and  gratitude 
demand  my  early  visit  to  the  members  of  both  Houses,  whose 
unanimous  invitation  has  called  me  to  the  most  honorable  and 
gratifying  enjoyments  in  which  the  human  heart  can  delight.,  I 
am  happy  to  think  that  the  time  is  not  far  removed  when  I  shall 
have  the  pleasure  to  present  you  in  person  the  expression  of  my 
high  regard  and  most  sincere  affection.  My  son  desires  his  sin- 
cere acknowledgments  and  respects  to  you. 

*  This  letter,  from  Lafayette,  was  mislaid,  and  is  out  of  its  proper  place  as  to 
date. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

CORRESPONDENCE   OF   1837. 

.    DANIEL  WEBSTER  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

JANUARY  1,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — After  company  went  out  last  night,  and  I  had 
packed  up  my  trunk,  I  sat  down  and  read  your  letter  through. 
Probably,  I  should  have  voted  against  any  further  publication ; 
but  I  am  now  fully  satisfied  this  will  do  good.  The  statement 
is  clear,  and  the  evidence  irresistible.  I  am  satisfied,  upon  my 
conscience,  that  the  whole  business  originated  with  General  J. 
himself ;  whether  through  mistake,  or  from  intention,  I  do  not 
say. 


MR.   CLAY  TO   FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  26,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  favor  of  the  24th  instant. 
You  will  have  since  seen  the  late  Convention  with  England, 
which  has  been  communicated  to  Congress,  and  published.  A 
great  and  somewhat  general  mistake  has  prevailed  in  respect  to 
the  extent  of  the  claim  which  existed  on  Great  Britain,  on  ac- 
count of  slaves,  and  other  property,  taken  away  or  destroyed. 
The  claim,  on  the  part  of  American  citizens,  arises  out  of  the 
first  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  which  stipulates,  "  All  terri- 
tory, places,  and  possessions,  whatsoever,  taken  by  either  party 
from  the  other,  during  the  war,  or  which  may  be  taken  after 
signing  this  treaty,  excepting  only  the  islands  hereinafter  men- 
tioned, shall  be  restored  without  delay,  and  without  causing  any 
destruction,  or  carrying  away  any  of  the  artillery,  or  other  pub- 
lic property,  originally  captured  in  the  said  forts  or  places,  and 
which  shall  remain  therein  upon  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  157 

of  this  treaty,  or  any  slaves,  or  other  private  property."  The 
parties  differed  about  the  meaning  of  this  clause,  and  referred 
their  dispute  to  the  Emperor  Alexander.  He'  decided  it  in  favor 
of  the  United  States,  and  a  Tripartite  Convention  was  concluded 
at  St.  Petersburg,  to  give  effect  to  this  decision.  The  mixed 
commission  (composed  of  Messrs.  Jackson  and  Cheves),  was  cre- 
ated to  execute  that  commission ;  but  they  could  not  agree,  and 
the  late  Convention,  by  which  the  United  States  agree  to  accept, 
in  behalf  of  the  claimants,  a  gross  sum,  was  substituted  to  the 
commission/ 

Now  it  is  evident,  from  this  narrative,  that  the  new  Conven- 
tion could  only  provide  for  that  class  of  complainants  who  were 
comprehended  in  the  first  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent.  Gov- 
ernment, in  fact,  was  only  an  agent  or  trustee  for  that  class.  If 
you  go  back  beyond  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  perhaps  one  class  of 
persons  who  had  their  property  taken  away  or  destroyed,  during 
the  late  war,  has  as  much  equity  as  another.  But  the  treaty 
did  not  provide  for  any  but  one  class.  To  that  limited  extent, 
Great  Britain  has  always  been  dissatisfied  with  the  stipulation 
.and  the  interpretation  put  upon  it.  Government,  now,  can  do  no 
more  than  see  that  the  class  provided  for  shall  have  the  benefit 
of  a  most  fortunate  provision  made  for  them  in  the  treaty.  It 
can  not  undertake  to  divide  a  fund,  intended  exclusively  for  that 
class,  among  those  who  are,  unfortunately,  not  comprehended 
in  the  Treaty  of  Ghent.  If  it  were  to  go  out  of  the  treaty,  where 
would  be  the  stopping-place  ? 

A  board  will  probably  be  created  by  Congress,  during  the 
present  session,  but  its  duty  will  be  restricted  to  a  fair  execution 
of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  the  Imperial  decision,  and  the  late  Con- 
vention. The  average  value  fixed  by  the  mixed  commission, 
and  the  definitive  list  sent  to  it  from  the  Department  of  State, 
in  pursuance  of  the  Convention  at  St.  Petersburg,  will  govern 
the  new  Board ;  and  it  will  belong  to  that  to  decide,  under  the 
limitations  stated,  upon  all  cases  thus  presented  to  it,  and  upon 
the  sufficiency  of  the  evidence  by  which  they  are  made  out. 

Should  there  be  a  surplus  in  the  fund,  Congress  alone  possess- 
es the  power  to  dispose  of  it. 


158  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

"WASHINGTON,  February  8,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  send  by  this  mail  the  copies  of  the  British 
Acts  of  Parliament  desired. 

It  is  a  subject  of  deep  regret  with  me  (and  I  beg  you  to  say 
so  to  Governor  Tyler)  that  his  friendly  letter  to  me,  on  the  oc- 
casion of  my  vote  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the  late 
Presidential  election,  should  have  been  used  to  assail  or  annoy 
him.  In  any  casual  allusion  which  I  ever  made  to  that  letter,  it 
was  far  from  my  intention  that  it  should  have  been  made  in- 
strumental to  his  prejudice.  The  truth  is,  that  it  is  one  of  a 
hundred  similar  letters  which  I  received,  about  the  period  of  its 
date,  from  all  quarters  of  the  Union,  and  from  some  of  the  most 
distinguished  men  in  it.  I  have  heard  that  the  letter  was  inad- 
vertently (and  certainly  with  no  unfriendly  purpose  toward  the 
Governor)  spoken  of  by  a  Mr.  Clarke,  a  lawyer  of  Winchester, 
who  had  been,  a  few  days  before,  with  me,  and  to  whom  I  ex- 
pressed, what  I  certainly  felt,  much  gratification  with  his  election, 
and  stated  that  I  had  the  satisfaction  to  believe  that  Governor 
Tyler  did  justice  to  the  motives  which  had  influenced  me  on  the 
above  memorable  occasion,  as  he  had  addressed  to  me,  at  the 
time,  a  letter  couched  in  the  most  friendly  terms.  I  understand 
that  Mr.  Clarke  incidentally  spoke  of  this  conversation,  not  recol- 
lecting that  a  printer  was  by,  who  felt  himself  at  liberty  to  make 
the  matter  a  topic  in  his  next  paper. 

Whether  it  was  in  this  way  or  not  that  it  got  out,  I  can  not 
tell.  It  may  have  been  in  some  other  manner ;  for  there  is  an 
espionage  prevailing  which  spares  no  privacy,  and  which,  unless 
checked,  must  destroy  all  confidence. 

Tell  the  Governor  that  he  must  not  take  the  matter  much  at 
heart ;  to  recollect  how  much  I  have  borne,  and  with  what  phi- 
losophy and  fortitude.  Tell  him,  moreover,  that  we  shall  cer- 
tainly prevail,  and  that  I  do  not  even  despair  of  our  native  State. 
When  he  comes  here,  no  one  entertains  the  idea  that  he  will 
renounce  any  of  the  great  principles  of  hi-s  public  action,  and 
least  of  all,  that  by  which  he  judges  of  men  and  things  as  they 
are,  arid  not  as  passion,  party,  or  prejudice  may  represent  them. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  159 


MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  16,  1827. 

MY  DEAK  SIR, — The  volume  of  the  British  Acts  of  Parliament, 
containing  those  which  General  Taylor  desires,  is  in  possession 
of  the  clerk  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  We  have  not 
been  ahle  to  get  it  back,  and  I  fear  may  not  in  time  for  the  use 
of  the  General.  But  if  I  can  regain  it,  I  will  send  it  by  mail 
for  his  use. 

I  do  not  wish  you  to  write  to  Governor  Tyler.  It  will  do  to 
speak  to  him  when  you  see  him.  I  should  regret  very  much  if 
he  feels  hurt  about  the  letter.  I  can  only  repeat,  that  any  allu- 
sion which  I  made  to  it  in  conversation  was  far  from  any  design 
to  prejudice  him,  or  any  expectation  that  it  should  get  into  the 
public  prints.  I  hope,  on  the  other  hand,  that  he  has  not  per- 
mitted himself  to  attribute  to  me  the  violation  of  any  confiden- 
tial correspondence.  His  letter  had  nothing  confidential  in  it. 
It  was  public  in  its  nature,  public  topics  were  treated  of,  and  it 
was  addressed  to  a  public  man.  It  was  spontaneous,  and  there- 
fore more  prized  by  me.  We  have  no  news. 


PORTER    CLAY*   TO    MB.    CLAY. 

FEANKFOET,  February  22,  1827. 

DEAR  BROTHER, — Your  favor  of  the  3d  instant  came  to  hand 
in  due  time,  and  I  heartily  thank  you  for  the  valuable  inclos- 
ures,  particularly  your  speech  before  the  Colonization  Society. 
Your  views  upon  that  subject  have  my  most  hearty  concurrence, 
and  I  pray  Almighty  God  may  bless  the  institution  with  his  ap- 
probation, and  make  it  the  means  of  extending  the  light  of  his 
glorious  Gospel  into  that  benighted  land ;  that  Ethiopia  may 
stretch  out  her  hands  to  God,  and  the  isles  of  the  sea  be  made  to 
rejoice  in  the  fullness  of  his  free  salvation.  You  are  right  when 
you  say  that  "  God  may  convert  that  which  has  been  our  great 
sin  into  an  extensive  blessing  to  that  people" — not  thaf  we 
should  be  encouraged  to  do  evil  that  grace  may  abound  ;  God 
forbid  :  for  how  then  should  God  judge  the  world?  But  that  we 
through  his  all-wise  providence  should  get  to  himself  a  revenue 
of  glory  by  that  which  in  us  was  originally  wicked. 

*  Mr.  Clay's  brother,  a  Baptist  minister,  since  dead 


160  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


JAMES  MADISON  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

MoNTrELiEE,  March  24, 1827. 

DEAR  SIR, — After  your  kind  offer,  I  make  no  apology  for  in- 
closing another  letter,  which  I  wish  to  have  the  advantage  of  a 
conveyance  from  the  Department  of  State.  Its  object  is  to  ob- 
tain from  Mr.  Gallatin  a  small  service  for  our  university,  and 
that  with  as  little  delay  as  may  be. 

While  I  was  charged  with  the  Department  of  State,  the  Brit- 
ish doctrine  against  a  neutral  trade  with  belligerent  ports,  shut 
in  peace  and  open  in  war,  was  examined  at  some  length,  and 
the  examination  published  in  a  stout  pamphlet.  I  have  been' 
applied  to  by  several  friends  for  a  copy,  which  I  could  not  fur- 
nish, nor  do  I  know  that  they  are  attainable,  unless  obsolete  copies 
should  remain  in  the  Department.  If  this  be  the  case,  I  should 
be  thankful  fo-r  the  means  of  complying  with  the  application. 

Mrs.  Madison  joins  in  offering  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  yourself  assur- 
ances of  cordial  regards  and  best  wishes. 


HENRY    CLAY   JR.    TO    HIS    FATHER. 

WEST  POINT,  March  27,  1827. 

DEAR  FATHER, — Since  I  last  heard  from  you,  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Smith,  with  Margaret  Ross,  have  been  here.  They  remained 
but  a  day  or  two,  and  seemed  delighted  with  the  place.  From 
them  I  learned  that  you  were  well,  and  that  Theodore  is  going 
as  a  bearer  of  dispatches  to  the  Congress  of  Panama,  likewise, 
that  it  is  your  intention  to  visit  Kentucky  some  time  in  May, 
but  they  do  not  inform  me  whether  my  mother  goes  with  you 
or  not.  Should  you  come  to  the  determination  of  leaving 
Washington,  I  should  be  extremely  happy  to  see  you  here. 
The  lakes  will  then  be  open,  and  will  afford  you  a  speedy  and 
pleasant  route.  Worthington  will  be  very  little  out  of  your 
way,  and  by  calling,  you  will  gratify  James.  *  '  *  * 


MR.    CLAY   TO   J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

WASHINGTON,  April  2,  1827. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  am  glad  to  learn  from  your  letter,  dated  at 
Wheeling,  that  you  had  safely  advanced  so  far  on  your  journey. 
I  will  attend  to  your  wish  about  the  note  to  your  speech,  so  far 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  161 

as  it  is  practicable.  Since  you  left  us,  the  city  has  been  very 
quiet.  From  Albany,  our  friends  write  in  a  tone  of  confidence, 
as  to  ultimate  success,  about  which,  I  think,  they  can  hardly  be 
mistaken.  The  developments  of  the  "  Intelligencer"  have  pro- 
duced great  effect  in  that  quarter,  and  from  other  parts  of  Penn- 
sylvania than  those  which  you  visited,  our  information  still  runs 
in  a  favorable  current.  They  tell  this  anecdote  of  Buchanan. 
At  a  tavern  in  Harrisburg,  where  he  was  electioneering,  he  re- 
marked that  he  "  had  heard  much  of  changes  from  Jackson  to 
Adams,  but  could  see  nobody  that  had  changed."  A  member 
of  the  Legislature,  from  Meadsville,  who  was  present,  replied, 
"  Yes,  sir,  here  are  eleven  members  of  the  Legislature,  all  of 
whom  were  the  friends  of  General  Jackson,  and  now  are  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Adams.  And  I  will  tell  you  why — because  the 
administration  is  right,  and  the  opposition  have  been  defeating 
the  best  measures." 


ALBERT    GALLATIN   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

LONDON,  May  3,  1827. 

SIR, — Mr.  Colquhoun,  the  agent  of  the  Hanse  Towns  in 
London,  called  on  me  yesterday,  and  informed  me  that  the  city 
of  Frankfort  having  given  her  consent  to  that  measure,  the 
Hanse  Towns  had  appointed  Mr.  Rumph  their  Charge  d'Affaires 
at  Paris,  special  minister  to, the  United  States,  with  power  to  ne- 
gotiate a  treaty  of  commerce,  that  he  had  accepted,  and  intended 
to  sail  from  Havre  for  America,  in  the  middle  of  August. 

Mr.  Colquhoun  also  said  that  he  was  charged  by  the  city  of 
Hamburg,  to  obtain  from  me  a  communication  of  the  answer  I 
might  receive  from  my  Government,  to  the  note  of  Mr.  Sieve- 
king,  which  I  had  transmitted  at  his  request.  I  said  that,  having 
informed  that  gentleman  that  I  had  np  authority  or  instructions 
on  that  subject,  he  had  sent  me  this  note  in  question,  as  an  unof- 
ficial paper,  that  I  had  transmitted  it  as  such,  and  that,  under 
these  circumstances,  I  did  not  think  it  probable  that  an  answer 
would  be  made  by  my  Government  to  that  communication. 
The  Government  of  the  Hanse  Towns  is  very  economical ;  the 
sending  a  minister  abroad,  is  for  them  an  extraordinary  measure, 
and  as  three  months  will  elapse  before  Mr.  Rumph's  intended  de- 
ll 


162  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

parture,  I  suppose  they  would  wish  to  know  whether  there  is  a 
reasonable  prospect  of  his  succeeding. 

It  appeared  to  me,  from  the  general  tenor  of  the  conversation, 
that  not  only  are  the  Hanse  Towns  anxious  of  concluding  a 
treaty  of  commerce  with  the  United  States,  on  account  of  its  imme- 
diate advantages,  but  that  they  believe  that  it  will  have  a  ten- 
dency to  increase  the  consideration  in  which  they  are  held,  and 
to  strengthen  the  tenure  on  which  they  hold  their  situation  of 
independent  Republics.  I  said,  of  course,  nothing  that  could 
commit  my  Government,  but  adverted  in  general  to  the  liberal 
commercial  policy  adopted  by  the  United  States,  and  to  their 
friendly  disposition  and  feelings  toward  the  free  commercial 
cities  of  Germany.  It  is  not  probable  that  you  will  have  any 
difficulty  with  them,  as  relates  to  either  commerce  or  navigation, 
as  generally  understood.  But  you  are  undoubtedly  aware  that 
they  are  very  narrow  and  selfish,  as  regards  merchants  residing 
within  their  own  precincts,  and  that  they  may  be  unwilling  to 
grant  to  citizens  of  the  United  States,  who  might  be  desirous 
of  forming  commercial  establishments  in  any  of  those  cities,  the 
same  privileges  which  foreign  merchants  indiscriminately  enjoy, 
in  common  with  our  own  citizens  in  the  ports  of  the  United 
States  where  they  reside. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  May  25,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  took  the  liberty  of  sending  you  a  few  days 
ago,  a  copy  of  some  speeches,  etc.,  of  mine,  which  have  been 
recently  published  in  Philadelphia,  and  which  I  hope  you  will 
have  safely  received. 

Have  you  read  the  accounts  about  the  execution  .of  the  six 
militia-men  at  Mobile,  early  in  1814?  I  think  the  Nashville 
Committee  are  entitled  to  the  public  thanks  for  bringing  that 
matter  to  light.  I  had  a  vague  impression  about  it,  but  I  had 
really  put  it  in  the  large  class  of  doubtful  reports.  The  Com- 
mittee have  undeceived  me  ;  and  I  think  if  they  favor  the  pub- 
lic with  many  more  similar  disclosures,  they  will  serve  most 
effectually  the  cause  they  have  espoused.  What  has  become  of 
the  eloquent  pen  of  Algernon  Sidney  ?  I  think  the  case  of 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  163 

these  poor  deluded  militia-men  furnishes  a  theme  on  which  it 
might  be  employed  with  as  much  instruction  and  benefit  as  when 
it  was  formerly  exercised  with  such  powerful  influence. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  COLONEL  RUTGERS. 

WASHINGTON,  June  4,  1827. 

DEAR  SIR, — Long  accustomed  to  regard  you  as  one  of  the 
fathers  of  the  Republican  church,  to  which  we  both  belong,  I 
hope  I  shall  be  excused  from  that  circumstance,  if  I  am  not  au- 
thorized by  our  acquaintance,  in  taking  the  liberty  of  addressing 
this  letter  to  you. 

You  have  felt  too  deep  an  interest  and  had  too  much  agency 
in  the  public  affairs  of  our  country  to  admit  of  your  beholding 
with  indifference  what  is  now  passing,  or  to  allow  you  to  for- 
bear from  giving,  while  you  are  spared  among  us,  the  benefit 
of  your  matured  counsels.  And  I  am  greatly  mistaken  in  the 
estimate  I  have  made  of  your  judgment  and  character,  if  you 
can  approve  the  conduct  of  the  opposition  to  the  General  Ad- 
ministration, or  the  object,  or  the  means  which  they  are  em- 
ploying to  accomplish  that  object,  of  supplanting  Mr.  Adams 
and  electing  General  Jackson. 

During  the  administration  of  the  father  of  our  present  Chief 
Magistrate,  I  was  too  young  and  too  poor  to  take  any  part  in  the 
public  councils  ;  but  I,  nevertheless,  had  very  decided  opinions, 
to  which  I  gave  all  the  effect  I  could  in  private  circles,  against 
some  of  the  prominent  measures  of  that  administration,  and 
what  I  believed  to  be  its  tendency,  if  not  the  ultimate  aim  of 
some  of  its  principal  supporters.  But  I  could  not  allow  myself 
to  transfer  my  dislike  of  the  Administration  of  the  father  to  the 
person  and  public  character  of  the  son,  who,  I  firmly  believe, 
after  an  acquaintance  with  him  of  more  than  twenty  years,  to 
be  sincerly  attached  to  our  free  institutions,  and  to  the  general 
cause  of  liberty.  When,  therefore,  the  only  alternative  pre- 
sented, on  a  late  occasion,  to  my  choice  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, was  between  him  and  General  Jackson,  who  appeared 
to  me  to  possess  no  other  than  military  pretensions,  I  could  not 
doubt  the  side  on  which  duty  and  safety  lay.  Far  from  regret- 
ting the  choice  which  I  then  made,  I  should  make  it  again,  under 
similar  circumstances,  and  I  must  ever  think  that  the  election 


164  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

of  General  Jackson  at  that  or  any  other  time,  would  be  a  most 
unfortunate  event  for  this  country.  I  accepted  a  place  in  the 
Administration  from  a  full  conviction  that  it  was  a  duty  I  owed 
myself,  after  the  flagitious  attacks  made  upon  me,  one  object  of 
which  was  to  intimidate  me,  and  under  the  unanimous  advice 
of  all  my  Congressional  friends. 

If  there  be  one  characteristic  which,  more  than  any  other, 
distinguishes  the  Republican  party,  and  of  which,  more  than  any 
other,  they  may  be  justly  proud,  it  is  their  devotion  to  liberty  and 
to  the  guarrantees  for  its  preservation  which  experience  and  reason 
demonstrate  to  be  necessary.  Does  not  the  history  of  all  na- 
tions and  of  all  times  prove,  that  the  greatest  danger  to  freedom 
is  from  mere  military  men  ?  With  this  light  before  them,  can 
the  Republican  party,  if  they  are  faithful  to  their  own  princi- 
ples, and  desirous  to  perpetuate  to  their  posterity  that  liberty 
which  they  themselves  enjoy,  lend  themselves  to  the  election  of 
a  chief  magistrate,  who  possesses  no  other  qualification  than 
that  of  being  a  successful  military  commander  ?  I  thought  they 
could  not,  and  yet  believe  that  they  can  not. 

It  would  be  a  great  satisfaction  to  me  to  find  that  the  opinions 
which  I  have  now  expressed  receive  your  approbation.  But 
whether  I  am  so  fortunate  or  not,  I  hope  you  will  do  justice  to 
my  motives  in  communicating  them,  and  in  addressing  you  at 
the  present  period,  and  at  the  same  time  be  fully  pursuaded  that 
I  have  the  greatest  respect  and  veneration  for  your  character. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  June  4,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  2d  instant.  You 
ask  me  if  I  am  going  to  Kentucky  soon,  and  if  I  can  be  spared. 
I  am  compelled  by  my  private  business,  and  particularly  by  that 
of  the  estate  of  my  deceased  friend,  Colonel  Morrison,  of  which 
I  am  the  only  acting  executor,  to  go  to  Kentucky,  and  I  shall 
leave  this  city  for  that  purpose  on  the  10th  instant.  It  is  my  in- 
tention to  return  by  the  1st  of  August.  I  shall  leave  the  business 
of  the  Department  in  such  condition,  that  I  do  not  believe  that 
any  prejudice  to  the  public  will  arise  from  my  absence. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  165 

RICHARD    RUSH   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  June  23,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  just  read  Lord  Grey's  speech,  and  can 
not  resist  the  desire  I  have  to  send  it  to  you.  You  will  recog- 
nize in  it  sentiments  I  have  expressed  as  regards  Mr.  Canning 
and  the  new  States.  If  Earl  Grey  had  been  better  informed,  he 
would  have  said  that  it  was  you  who  did  most  to  call  them  into 
being.  I  say  this  in  no  idle  spirit  of  praise,  having  always,  abroad 
and  at  home,  expressed  the  opinion  that,  next  to  their  own  ex- 
ertions, the  South  Americans  owe  to  you  more  than  to  any 
other  man  in  either  hemisphere,  their  independence,  you  having 
led  the  way  to  our  acknowledgment  of  it.  This  is  truth ;  this 
is  history.  Without  our  acknowledgment,  England  would  not 
have  taken  the  step  to  this  day.  This  is  my  belief.  I  give 
Mr.  Canning  no  credit  for  the  part  he  acted.  It  was  forced  upon 
him  by  our  lead,  which  he  never  had  the  magnanimity  to  avow, 
but  strove  to  claim  all  the  merit  for  England,  or  rather  for  him- 
self. He  esteems  civil  and  political  liberty  no  more  than  Lord 
Londonderry  did,  though  circumstances  have  made  him  appear 
to  be  somewhat  more  their  champion.  That  our  public  should 
be  inclined  to  rejoice  at  Mr.  Canning's  present  triumph,  is,  I 
think,  the  effect  of  his  character  not  being  understood  among  us. 
Certainly,  as  regards  the  United  States,  he  has  been,  of  all  British 
statesmen,  the  least  disposed  to  do  us  justice  ;  yes,  truly,  the 
least  of  any  that  ever  we  have  had  to  deal  with,  without  a  sin- 
gle exception.  Forgetting,  if  we  can,  all  that  he  has  said  of  us, 
let  us  take  his  acts ;  for  was  it  not  he  who  disavowed  Erskine's 
arrangement,  which,  had  it  been  sanctioned  in  England,  might 
have  prevented  a  war  ?  Was  it  not  he  who  in  1823  infused  the 
unfriendly  tone  into  that  long  negotiation  at  London,  almost 
refusing  to  listen  to  nine  out  of  ten  of  our  claims,  obviously 
just  as  most  of  them  were  ?  And  was  it  not  he,  who,  in  1826, 
most  abruptly  closed  the  West  India  trade  against  us,  upon  pre- 
texts the  most  unexpected  and  flimsy  ?  I  could  make  the  list 
longer,  but  that  I  should  make  too  long  a  letter  of  it,  having  in- 
tended to  do  nothing  more  than  send  you  Lord  Grey's  speech. 
I  know  how  high  you  rate  his  speeches.  Mr.  Canning  never 
liked  the  United  States  or  their  institutions,  and  never  will,  his 
Liverpool  speech,  and  the  conclusion  of  his  late  dispatch,  not- 


166  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

withstanding.  He  will  watch  all  our  steps  with  a  sharper  and 
more  active  jealousy  than  perhaps  any  other  English  statesman 
living.  Of  all  their  public  men,  we  have  the  least  to  expect  from 
him. 


HENRY  CLAY  JR.  TO  HIS  FATHER. 

WEST  POINT,  June  24, 1827. 

DEAR  FATHER, — I  arrived  here  last  Thursday,  the  21st,  and 
have  already  been  examined,  and,  I  am  glad  to  add,  have  been 
admitted.  Yesterday  we  came  into  camp,  and  I  am  now  in  my 
tent,  sitting  on  my  knapsack  and  writing  on  my  chair.  I  am 
better  pleased  than  ever  with  the  Academy.  I  was  well  received 
by  the  officers  on  my  return,  and  now  start  with  the  prospect  of 
success  hereafter — am  delighted  with  the  hardships  accompany- 
ing a  military  life,  but  still  give  the  civil  the  preference.  My 
duties  will  prevent  my  writing  more,  although  I  had  intended 
to  have  written  a  long  letter  concerning  the  discipline  and  course 
of  study  in  use  here.  Give  my  respects  to  all  my  relations  and 
friends.  Tell  Cousin  Nannette  that  I  am  daily  expecting  an 
answer  to  my  letter  which  was  written  before  I  left  Washington. 


BARON    DE    MAREUIL  TO   MR.   CLAY. 

NirwYoEK,  June  80,  1827. 

SIR, — At  the  moment  when  I  am  about  to  depart,  permit  me 
to  add  to  my  official  communications  of  this  day,  some  more 
particular  expression  of  the  sentiments  which  I  bear  away  with 
me,  and  the  better  part  of  which  is  assured  to  you.  I  have 
often  regretted  that  conversation  was  not  more  easy  between  us, 
being  persuaded  of  the  interest  and  pleasure  which  you  would 
have  been  able  to  throw  over  it,  and  eager  as  I  would  have  been 
to  make  myself  understood  in  those  things  of  which  the  pen  can 
not  treat,  but  in  which  the  heart  and  spirit  may  find  satisfaction. 
I  hope,  however,  that  .1  may  not  have  been  misunderstood  by 
your  and  that  I  have  made  an  impression  upon  you  akin  to  that 
which  you  have  left  on  me. 

The  extensive  and  beautiful  tour  which  I  have  just  finished, 
has  much  increased  my  admiration  of  North  America.  I  have 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  167 

regretted  that  I  was  not  at  Black  Rock,  and  that  I  was  unable  to 
deliver,  in  person,  to  General  and  Mrs.  Porter,  the  recommenda- 
tions with  which  you  honored  me.  Madame  Mareuil  begs  that 
Mrs.  Clay  will  be  pleased  to  accept  her  adieus  and  compliments. 
I  venture  to  add  my  homage,  and  to  beg,  Sir,  that  you  will  ac- 
cept, at  the  same  time,  with  my  thanks  for  the  welcome  treat- 
ment which  I  received  from  you  during  my  residence  in  Wash- 
ington, the  assurance  of  the  invariable  sentiments  of  high  con- 
sideration which  I  have  professed  for  you. 


DANIEL    WEBSTER  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

BOSTON,  July  24,  182Y. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  reply  to  General  Jackson's  letter  is  ad- 
mirable, and  has  been  most  favorably  received  every  where,  at 
least  on  this  side  the  Alleghany.  It  places  the  General  in  a  po- 
sition where  he  can  not  remain.  He  must  move,  in  some  direc- 
tion ;  and,  whatever  movement  he  makes,  will  either  embarrass 
his  friends,  or  still  more  embarrass  himself.  I  have  a  suspicion 
that  the  respectable  member  of  Congress  is  Mr.  Buchanan.  If 
this  should  turn  out  so,  it  will  place  him  in  an  awkward  situa- 
tion, since,  it  seems,  he  did  recommend  a  bargain  with  your 
friends,  on  the  suspicion  that  such  a  bargain  had  been  proposed 
to  them  on  the  part  of  the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams.  I  am  curious 
to  see  how  this  matter  will  develop  itself. 


FRANKLIN    HTCHPIELD    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PUERTO  CABELLO,  COLOMBIA,  July  30,  1827. 
SIR, — I  do  myself  the  pleasure  to  transmit  to  you  a  case,  con- 
taining the  bust  of  President  Bolivar,  wljich  is  a  most  perfect 
likeness  of  this  great  South  American  statesman.  This  is  the 
first  copy  ever  taken  of  him  in  this  style,  and  was  lately  execu- 
ted by  an  Italian,  at  the  city  of  Caracas,  and  I  beg  of  you  to 
accept  the  same  in  my  name,  as  a  token  of  respect  for  your  dis- 
interested and  patriotic  eloquence,  displayed  on  the  floor  of  Con- 
gress, in  defense  of  the  rights  and  independence  of  the  native 
country  of  this  distinguished  liberator.  Mr.  Royal  Phelps,  Jr., 
is  charged  with  the  delivery  of  said  bust,  in  person,  and  if  you 


168  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

have  no  objections,  I  have  requested  him  to  have  a  portrait  paint- 
ing taken  from  it,  in  oleo,  by  one  of  our  first  artists.  1  have 
also  requested  Mr.  Phelps  to  make  several  inquiries  of  you  relat- 
ing to  my  consular  duties,  and  beg  of  you  the  favor  to  commu- 
nicate to  him  your  views  frankly. 


SAMUEL  L.  SOUTHARD  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

WAYXESBOROUGH,  August  8,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  have  set  the  whole  world  in  commotion 
— never  did  one  speech  produce  such  an  effect.  It  meets  almost 
universal  approbation,  and  with  the  wise  and  good  there  is  no 
exception.  I  think  they  praise  it  too  much,  good  as  it  is — a 
little  envy,  you  know,  is  sometimes  pardonable.  I  am  informed 
that  General  J.  has  given  an  answer  to  your  letter — shall  see  it 
in  the  morning  at  Staunton.  It  is  said  to  be  mild,  and  to  give 
up  B.  as  the  man. 

I  am  satisfied  that  a  rapid  change  is  taking  place  in  this  State, 
and  my  hopes  that  even  Virginia  will  be  with  us  have  been 
confirmed  ;  they  grow  stronger  every  day.  I  find  many  men 
with  us  whom  I  looked  upon  as  aliens.  You  may  depend  that 
I  shall  endeavor  to  encourage  the  process  which  is  going  on. 
Can  not  you  give  me  some  good  news  at  the  White  Sulphur  ? 


LAFAYETTE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

PAWS,  August  12,  1827. 

These  few  lines,  my  dear  friend,  are  intrusted  to  Mrs.  Shaw, 
a  daughter  of  General  Greene,  and  Mrs.  Greene,  her  niece  and 
cousin,  who  have  passed  with  us  most  of  the  time  of  their  sojourn 
in.  Europe,  and  who  have  inspired  my  family  and  myself  with 
the  sentiments  of  highest  respect,  warm  affection,  and  every 
wish  for  their  welfare.  Mrs.  Shaw  will  go  to  Washington,  in 
pursuit  of  a  claim  on  British  compensation,  and  I  beg  you  to 
favor  her  with  your  kind  advice  ;  both  ladies,  as  our  intimate 
friends,  will  tell  you  more  about  Lagrange  and  its  inhabitants 
than  I  could  do  in  a  long  letter.  I  have  written  to  the  President 
about  my  family  and  election  concerns ;  Mr.  Brown  gives  you 


OF  HENRY   CLAY. 


an  account  of  public  affairs.  I  shall  therefore  content  myself 
•with  requesting  my  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay,  remembrance  of  me 
to  your  family,  colleagues,  and  other  friends,  being  most  truly 
and  affectionately,  etc. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  August  14,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  favor  from  Waynes- 
borough.  I  should  be  very  glad  if  I  could  participate  with  you 
and  Mr.  Southard  in  the  pleasure  and  benefit  of  the  Springs. 
My  health  is,  however,  not  bad. 

I  hope  you  are  not  mistaken  in  the  good  effect  of  my  Lexing- 
ton speech.  Mr.  Buchanan  has  presented  his  communication  to 
the  public  ;  and  although  he  evidently  labors'  throughout  the 
whole  of  it  to  spare  and  cover  General  Jackson,  he  fails  in  every 
essential  particular  to  sustain  the  General.  Indeed,  I  could  not 
desire  a  stronger  statement  from  Mr.  Buchanan.  The  tables  are 
completely  turned  upon  the  General.  Instead  of  any  intrigues 
on  my  part  and  that  of  my  friends,  they  were  altogether  on  the 
side  of  General  Jackson  and  his  friends.  But  I  will  leave  the 
statement  to  your  own  reflections.  I  directed  a  copy  to  be  in- 
closed yesterday  to  Mr.  Southard.  It  must  confirm  any  good 
impression  produced  by  my  speech. 

Tell  Mr.  Southard  that  his  children  are  much  better,  and  that 
he  need  not  entertain  any  fear  about  them. 

With  my  best  wishes  that  you  may  both  realize  much  benefit 
from  the  mineral  waters. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  J.  S.  JOHNSTON. 

WASHINGTON,  August  19,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — We  have  only  imperfect  accounts  from  some 
of  the  Congressional  districts  in  Kentucky.  These  authorize 
the  belief  that  Metcalf,  Trimble,  and  Clarke  are  re-elected. 
And  so  far  as  I  learn,  the  Administration  tickets  have  gen- 
erally prevailed  in  their  districts.  Captain  Byers  appears  to 
have  declined,  and  Beatty  and  Morris  were  elected  without  any 
great  struggle.  The  inclosed  letter  from  Mr.  Robertson,  late 


170  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  his  return  home 
from  Harrisburg,  would  justify  the  hope  that  Mr.  Crittenden  is 
elected,  and  Mr.  Walton  defeated  by  the  Administration  candi- 
date in  his  district ;  but  I  do  not  think  we  ought  yet  to  count 
upon  these  auspicious  results. 

The  city  has  been  extremely  hot  since  you  left  us ;  but,  for 
the  last  two  days,  the  heat  has  been  tempered  by  misty  weather. 
I  think  you  have  made  a  lucky  escape.  I  should  find  it  very 
lonesome,  if  the  occupations  of  business  did  not  constantly  en- 
gage me. 

My  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Johnston ;  and  I  pray  you  also  to 
communicate  them  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Madison,  and  to  Mrs.  Cults. 


•  DANIEL    WEBSTER   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BOSTON,  August  22,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — My  letter  to  Colonel  Johnson  was  not  import- 
ant, and  the  delay  in  its  transmission  is  of  no  moment. 

You  speak  very  modestly  of  recent  events,  in  which  you 
have  borne  so  distinguished  and  so  successful  a  part.  I  can 
not  think  General  Jackson  will  ever  recover  from  the  blow 
which  he  has  received.  Your  speech  at  Lexington,  in  point  of 
merit,  as  a  clear  and  well  stated  argument,  is  certainly  at  the 
head  of  all  your  efforts ;  and  its  effects  on  public  opinion  have 
not  been  exceeded  by  those  of  any  political  paper,  I  may  almost 
say,  within  my  recollection.  Buchanan  is  treated  too  gently. 
Many  persons  think  his  letter  candid.  I  deem  otherwise.  It 
seems  to  me  he  has  labored  very  hard  to  protect  the  General,  as 
far  as  he  could  without  injury  to  himself.  Although  the  Gener- 
al's friends  this  way,  however,  affect  to  consider  Buchanan's 
letter  as  supporting  the  charge,  it  is  possible  the  General  him- 
self, and  the  Nashville  Committee  may  think  otherwise,  and 
complain  of  Buchanan.  I  should  expect  this,  with  some  confi- 
dence, if  they  received  the  letter  a  little  earlier  than  they  may 
have  seen  the  turn  which  the  Atlantic  editors  have  attempted  to 
give  it.  As  these  last  have  pretty  generally  agreed  to  say  that 
the,  letter  does  support  the  General,  the  Nashville  commentators, 
if  they  see  the  example  in  season,  may  be  disposed  to  follow  it. 
I  do  not  yet  learn  wliat  answer  comes  from  that  quarter  to  your 
speech. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  171 


R.  P.  LETCHER   TO    MR.   CLAY. 

LANCASTER,  August  27,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Yours  ot  the  9th  instant  came  to  hand  last 
night.  The  one  by  Mr.  A.,  I  received  a  few  days  since  by 
private  hand,  from  the  county  of  Harlan.  With  your  letter  of 
the  9th,  Mr.  Buchanan's  response  to  the  hero  was  received.  This 
answer  is  well  put  together.  As  they  say,  in  Connecticut, 
"  there  is  a  great  deal  of  good  reading"  in  Buck's  reply.  It  is 
modest  and  genteel,  yet  strong  and  conclusive.  I  am  truly  de- 
lighted with  the  manner  in  which  B.  has  acquitted  himself.  I 
really  feared  and  believed  he  was  placed  in  such  a  dilemma,  by 
the  General,  that  he  could  not  extricate  himself  with  any  sort 
of  credit.  But  he  has  come  forth  victoriously.  I  am  greatly 
gratified  with  the  result,  and  must  believe  it  will  have  a  happy 
effect  upon  the  Presidential  election.  It  is  impossible  it  should 
turn  out  otherwise.  Virginia,  after  this,  will  not — can  not  sup- 
port the  General.  I  never  had  the  least  hope  of  Virginia  until  now. 

I  presume  Buck's  reply  supersedes  the  necessity  of  any  refer- 
ence to  the  conversation  in  my  room.  I  am  glad  of  it. 

MR.   CLAY  TO  MR.   ADAMS. 

.  WASHINGTON,  August  30,  1827. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  yesterday  your  letter  of  the  23d  instant. 
After  its  date  you  must  have  received  other  dispatches  from  the 
Department  of  State,  transmitted  by  Mr.  Gallatin.  From  them 
you  will  perceive  that  he  did  not  take  the  two  points,  proposed  by 
the  British  plenipotentiaries,  for  reference  to  his  Government,  but 
for  his  own  consideration  (see  his  dispatch  No.  87),  and  that  he 
afterward  decided  to  reject  them,  and  gave  to  the  British  pleni- 
potentiaries two  written  arguments,  one  relating  to  the  point  re- 
specting the  Commercial  Convention,  and  the  other  to  that  re- 
specting the  North-western  Boundary  (see  his  dispatch  No.  88). 
In  this  state  of  the  case  the  matter  stands.  It  does  not  appear 
that  the  British  plenipotentiaries  had,  in  consequence  of  that  de- 
termination of  Mr.  Gallatin,  refused  to  renew  the  Convention  of 
1818  ;  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  they  had  again  taken  the  sub- 
ject of  the  North-western  Boundary  into  consideration.  So  the 
affair,  I  understand,  was  left  on  the  14th  of  July,  1827,  when 


172  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

Mr.  Huskisson  was  compelled,  by  indisposition,  to  withdraw  from 
the  negotiation.  It  was  expected  that  Mr.  Grant  would  be  sub- 
stituted for  him  (see  Mr.  Gallatin's  dispatch  No.  96). 

Under  these  circumstances,  shall  I  instruct  Mr.  Gallatin  to  ac- 
cede to  the  British  demands  on  the  two  points  referred  to  ?  I 
shall  await  your  further  directions,  founded  on  the  dispatches 
which  must  have  been  received  by  you  subsequent  to  the  date 
of  your  letter.  Shall  I  confer  with  the  other  members  of  the 
Administration  who  may  be  here  ? 

I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  British  Government  may  waive 
both  points.  I  should  be  sorry  that  the  negotiation  should  break 
off  on  these  points,  but  there -will  be  still  another  year  to  go  upon. 
As  to  the  discrimination  between  rolled  and  hammered  iron,  I 
am  inclined  to  think  the  weight  of  the  argument  is  with  the 
British  j  but  Congress  has  at  least  twice  decided  otherwise. 
You  will  recollect  Mr.  Baldwin's  argument,  which,  however,  I 
think,  was  refuted  by  that  of  Mr.  S.  Canning. 

On  the  other  point,  we  should,  by  consenting  to  the  restraint 
which  the  British  Government  wishes  to  impose  against  our 
military  occupation  of  any  part  of  the  territory  on  the  north-west 
coast,  come  into  direct  collision  with  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives. What  shall  we  lose  if  that  part  of  the  Convention  is  not 
renewed  ?  What  danger  shall  we  encounter  ?  None,  unless 
from  our  own  acts.  What  shall  we  gain  by  the  renewal  with 
the  British  modification  ?  What  danger  avoid  ?  None.  We 
shall  only  have  tied  those  hands  by  a  treaty,  which  we  may  keep 
still  without  it.  And  it  will  be  the  Executive  who  will  have 
co-operated  in  fastening  the  hands  of  Congress. 

I  do  not  think  that  we  ought  to  be  hastening  any  settlements 
beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains.  We  ought  to  do  nothing  more, 
in  my  opinion,  there  than  may  be  necessary  to  preserve  our 
rights  for  posterity. 


MR.    BARBOUR   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BARBOUESVILLE,  August  30,  1827. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  inclosed  paper  was  delivered  me  yesterday 
by  a  servant,  wh^p  immediately  disappeared  on  its  delivery ;  so 
that  I  know  not  from  whom  it  comes.*  Yet  the  information  it 

*  Mr.  Clay  endorses  the  envelope  thus :  "  Supposed  to  be  from  T.  J.  R."  The 
result  will  be  found  on  pages  174,  175. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  173 

contains,  and  the  anxiety  manifested  by  the  writer,  induce  me  to 
transmit  it  by  the  earliest  opportunity  afforded  by  the  mail. 

Mad  as  R is,  I  can  scarcely  believe  he  will  move  in  the 

subject.  But  surely  you  can  have  no  difficulty  in  deciding, 
should  he  do  so,  to  treat  his  call  with  contempt. 

If  you  have  any  thing  new,  let  me  hear  from  you. 


STRICTLY    CONFIDENTIAL. 

"Wednesday  Morning,  August  28. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  should  be  wanting  in  common:  gratitude  toward 
Mr.  Clay,  for  the  interest  evinced  by  him  in  Mrs.  Randolph,  if  I 
did  not  make  every  endeavor  to  apprise  him  in  time  of  a  piece 
of  news  which  came  to  my  ears  yesterday  afternoon. 

I  happened  to  go  to  Charlottesville,  and  there  heard  of  the 
piece  in  the  "  National  Journal,"  and  that  Colonel  Randolph  had 
left  there,  intending  to  take  the  Richmond  stage  of  yesterday 
afternoon,  on  his  way  to  Washington,  determined  that  he  would 
make  Mr.  Clay  fight  him.  He  was  exceedingly  exasperated, 
and,  as  you  know,  is  capable  of  any  violence. 

The  northern  stage  had  already  been  gone  several  hours,  when 
this  news  was  communicated  to  me,  and  my  first  impression  was 
that  Colonel  Randolph  had  gone  in  that.  After  a  good  deal  of 
painful  perplexity  in  endeavoring  to  fix  on  a  course  which  would 
reconcile  my  duty,  as  a  member  of  this  family,  to  Mr.  Clay,  with 
necessary  secrecy  (for  were  it  ever  to  come  to  his  ears,  or  even 
suspicion,  that  I  had  taken  this  step,  the  consequence  would  be 
an  immediate  explosion  against  me),  I  determined  on  riding 
down  to  Barboursville  in  the  night.  Having  ascertained  that 
you  were  probably  there,  and  supposing  that  you  could  possibly 
send  off  a  messenger  by  the  same  stage,  to  Mr.  Clay. 

Having  ascertained  that  he  was  to  go  to  Washington  via  Rich- 
mond, I  changed  my  plan.     I  inquired  at  the  Post-office  how  far 
'»  the  northern  stage  went  that  night.     Came  home,  wrote  a  hasty 
is  letter  to  Mr.  Clay,  inclosed  it  in  one  to  Mr.  Wirt  (to  avoid  hav- 
I  ing  it  known  in  the  neighborhood  that  any  letter  had  been 
•  written  under  such-  suspicious  circumstances  to  Mr.  Clay),  on  the 
i  back  of  which  I  desired  any  one  of  Mr.  Wirt's  family  to  t>pen 
jj  the  letter — sent  it  off  by  a  confidential  servant.     This  morning 
he  brings  me  back  the  letter,  with  the  disheartening  intelligence 
that  the  stage,  instead  of  stopping  for  the  night  at  the  house, 


174:  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

where  I  was  informed  at  the  Post-office  that  it  put  up,  had  left 
there  an  hour  or  two  before  sunset. 

I  should  myself  ride  to  Barboursville  this  morning,  but  for  the 
certainty  of  this  visit  becoming  known  in  the  neighborhood, 
and  thus  bringing  on  consequences  which  would,  in  the  present 
state  of  the  family  be  deplorable  to  them,  independently  of  any 
anxiety  which  I  may,  or  may  not  entertain  to  avoid  his  ire  on 
my  own  account. 

Were  you,  sir,  in  Washington,  I  should  desire  you  to  be  on 
your  guard,  for  you  are  an  object  of  deadly  aversion. 

This  is  written  for  no  eyes  or  ears  but  yours  and  Mr.  Clay's. 
Burn  it,  if  you  please,  as  soon  as  read. 

In  great  haste,  yours  with  grateful  respect, 

On  second  thoughts,  I  obliterate  my  name,  that  you  may  an- 
swer to  any  inquiries,  the  letter  is  anonymous,  and  also  without 
any  date  as  to  place. 


THOMAS    M.    RANDOLPH    TO    MR.   CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  September  1,  1827. 

SIR, — Upon  what  I  think  sufficient  ground,  I  believe  that  you 
have,  several  times  since  the  month  of  December,  1824,  made 
use  of  expressions,  insulting  m  their  purport,  and  injurious  in 
their  consequences  with  regard  to  me. 

I  believe  that  by  such  expressions,  and  by  unjust  representa- 
tions, you  occasioned  that  conduct  toward  me  from  the  Depart- 
ment of  War,  which  defeated  the  object  of  my  mission  to  Flo- 
rida, last  winter. 

Lastly,  I  believe  that  you  are  the  author  of  the  piece  in  the 
"  National  Journal"  of  last  Saturday,  August  25th,  in  which 
such  abusive  language  is  used  toward  me. 

With  respectful  feelings  I  call  upon  you  to  declare  whether 
my  belief  be  well-founded,  or  not,  in  each  of  the  cases  stated.  . 


MR.   CLAY    TO    THOMAS    M.    RANDOLPH. 

WASHINGTON  September  1st,  1827. 

SIR, — Mr.  Wheaton  having  delivered  to  me  this  day  a  letter 
from  you,  in  which  you  have  called  upon  me  to  declare  whether 
your  belief  be  well-founded  or  not,  in  each  of  the  cases  therein 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  175 

stated,  I  take  much  pleasure  in  saying,  First,  that  I  have  no 
recollection  of  having  before  or  since  the  month  of  December, 
1824,  made  use  of  any  expressions  insulting  in  their  purport,  and 
injurious  in  their  consequences  with  regard  to  you  ;  Secondly, 
that  I  am  fully  persuaded  you  labor  under  an  entire  mistake  in 
supposing  that,  by  any  expressions  or  representations  of  mine, 
the  Department  of  War  was  induced  to  adopt  a  line  of  conduct 
in  respect  to  you  which  defeated  the  object  of  your  mission  to 
Florida  last  winter.  I  had  no  agency  in  your  appointment,  nor 
had  I  any  thing  to  do  with  the  relations  which  subsequently 
arose  between  the  Department  of  War  and  yourself.  I  remem- 
ber to  have  heard  with  satisfaction  of  the  appointment  about  the 
time  it  was  made,  and  I  assure  you  that  I  could  not  possibly 
have  entertained  any  other  wish  in  regard  to  your  mission,  but 
that  it  should  have  been  attended  with  full  success  ;  and,  Third- 
ly, so  far  from  being  the  author  of  the  piece  to  which  I  under- 
stand you  to  refer,  in  the  "  National  Journal,"  of  the  25th  ult. 
(the  piece  under  the  editorial  head),  I  had  not  even  read  it,  until 
since  I  have  received  your  note.  The  paper  is  generally  left  at 
my  house  before  breakfast,  and  I  do  generally  throw  my  eye 
over  it,  but  the  number  containing  the  article  in  question,  was 
either  not  left  as  usual,  or  was  not  seen  by  me. 


MR.  CLAY   TO   GENERAL    HARRISON. 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  September  6,  182*7. 

DEAR  SIR,— A  speech  of  Mr.  Senator  Branch,  of  North  Caro- 
lina (of  which  I  transmit  you  a  copy  herewith),  has  been  re- 
cently published  as  having  been  delivered  by  that  gentleman  on 
the  occasion  of  the  Senate's  confirmation  of  my  nomination  to 
the  office  which  I  now  hold.  It  is  brought  forward  to  impugn 
a  statement  contained  in  a  speech  which  I  delivered  in  July 
last,  at  Noble's,  near  Lexington.  In  the  course  of  an  argument, 
which  I  urged  against  the  improbability  of  any  such  overtures 
having  been  made,  as  General  Jackson  stated  himself  to  have 
received  from  my  friends,  I  contended  that  if  they  had  been  re- 
ceived, General  Jackson  was  bound,  when,  as  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States,  he  was  required  to  act  upon  the  nomination,  to 
have  disclosed  them  to  the  Senate,  and  to  have  moved  the  ap- 


176        .  PKIVATE   COREESPONDEXCE 

pointment  of  a  Committee  of  Inquiry ;  and  that  it  was  especially 
incumbent  on  him  to  have  adopted  that  course,  as  it  did  not 
then  appear  that  any  other  Senator  knew  of  the  alleged  overtures. 
I  observed  that  I  had  requested  a  Senator  of  the  United  States, 
when  my  nomination  should  be  taken  up,  to  ask  of  the  Senate 
the  appointment  of  such  a  committee,  unless  it  should  appear 
to  hiui  to  be  altogether  unnecessary;  and  I  added  that  I  was 
afterward  informed,  "  that  when  it  was  acted  upon,  General 
Jackson,  and  every  other  Senator  present,  were  silent  as  to  the 
imputations  now  made  ;  no  one  presuming  to  question  my  honor 
or  integrity." 

Although  it  can  not  he  regarded  as  material  to  the  validity  of 
the  argument,  as  urged  against  General  Jackson,  whether  Mr. 
Branch  did  or  did  not  make  a  speech  in  opposition  to  my  appoint- 
ment, I  am  desirous  that  in  the  statement  of  any  matter  of  fact 
made  by  me,  even  on  a  collateral  or  unimportant  point,  there 
should  be  perfect  accuracy ;  or  that,  if  a  mistake  has  been  com- 
mitted, it  should  be  rectified.  You  will,  I  think,  recollect,  that 
I  desired  you,  as  my  friend,  with  much  earnestness,  to  ask  from 
the  Senate  the  appointment  of  a  Committee  of  Investigation  into 
Mr.  Kremer's  charge,  if,  from  the  course  the  nomination  should 
take  in  the  Senate,  it  should  appear  to  you  to  be  at  all  necessary  ; 
that  you  afterward  informed  me  that  nothing  had  occurred  to 
render  the  appointment  of  such  a  committee  necessary,  and  that 
you  had,  therefore,  forbore  to  ask  it.  The  Senate  acted,  as 
usual,  with  closed  doors,  and,  consequently,  no  one  was  present 
but  the  members  and  the  officers  of  the  body.  The  injunction 
of  secrecy  was  removed  after  the  decision  upon  the  nomination. 

After  the  publication  of  my  speech  at  Noble's,  upon  seeing  a 
statement  in  some  of  the  public  prints  that  Mr.  Branch  had  ad- 
dressed some  observations  to  the  Senate,  in  opposition  to  my 
nomination,  an  indistinct  recollection  occurred  to  me  that  you 
did  inform  me  that  no  Senator  but  Mr.  Branch  had  said  any 
thing  on  the  subject  of  my  appointment ;  that  he  made  a  few 
remarks,  which  were  but  little  attended  to,  and  which  appeared 
to  produce  no  impression.  I  think  you  did  not  state,  particu- 
larly, what  they  were,  for,  1  am  quite  sure,  if  you  had  mentioned 
that  Mr.  Branch  had  assigned  the  reasons  which  he  now  puts 
forward,  a  more  distinct  and  durable  impression  would  have  been 
made  on  my  mind.  It  would,  however,  have  been  too  late,  at 
that  time,  for  me  to  have  applied  to  the  Senate  for  the  appoint- 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  ,     177 

ment  of  a  committee,  if  I  had  even  thought  it  to  be  necessary, 
as  the  Senate  had  finally  acted  upon  the  nomination. 

My  object  in  addressing  this  letter  to  you  being  to  obtain 
from  you  a  statement,  according  to  your  recollection,  of  the 
above  transactions,  so  far  as  you  had  an  agency  in  them,  I  shall 
be  very  much  obliged  to  you  to  furnish  me  with  a  reply  as  soon 
as  may  be  convenient. 


FROM  MR.  CLAY'S  MOTHER,  ELIZABETH  WATKINS. 

WOODFORD,  KENTUCKY,  September  13,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SON,— Your  kind  favor  of  the  14th  of  August  last, 
by  mail,  came  safe  to  hand  a  few  days  ago.  I  feel  glad  that 
you  have  got  again  to  the  bosom  of  your  family,  and  found 
them  all  well.  Rest  assured,  my  son,  I  have  been  a  great  deal 
worse  since  you  last  saw  me  than  I  was  when  I  had  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  you.  I  am  still  very  low.  I  can  make  out  to  walk 
across  the  house  with  the  help  of  a  cane,  or  some  one  to  help 
me.  I  feel  to-day  somewhat  better,  having  had  a  good  night's 
rest.  My  cough  is  not  as  bad  as  it  has  been.  Your  aunt  Moss 
is  very  poorly,  and  has  been  for  two  or  three  weeks ;  also,  her 
son  Philip  is  rery  low ;  at  present,  there  is  very  little  hope  of 
their  recovery.  Mr.  Blackburn  has  been  very  poorly,  but  is 
getting  better,  so  that  he  is  able  to  attend  to  his  business. 
Your  sister  is  well.  As  to  your  brother  John,  I  have  not  seen 
him  for  two  weeks  ;  I  expect  him  in  a  few  days ;  he  was  quite 
well  when  he  left  me.  Mr.  Watkins  still  enjoys  his  usual 
health,  but  much  worn  out  by  attending  on  me,  both  night  and 
day.  Mr.  Watkins  joins  me  in  love  to  you  and  Lucretia,  and 
the  rest  of  the  family.  Pray,  my  son,  write  me  when  conve- 
nient :  and  that  God  may  bless  you  all,  is  the  sincere  prayer  of 
your  mother. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  J.    S.  JOHNSTON. 

WASHINGTON,  September  14,  1827. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  favor  of  yesterday,  and 
thank  you  for  the  agreeable  intelligence  which  it  communicates. 
If  we  can  succeed  in  the  coming  Maryland  elections,  in  the  Dela- 
ware election,  and  in  that  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  our  cause 

12 


178  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

will  again  be  put  in  good  heart.  From  Kentucky  my  late  in- 
formation is  more  encouraging.  The  partial  defeat  in  the  Con- 
gressional elections  has  aroused  our  friends,  and  they  think  it  will 
ultimately  have  a  good  efTectt  Letcher  says  he  is  more  confi- 
dent than  ever  of  our  cause  prevailing.  I  think  the  exultation 
on  the  one  side,  and  the  depression  on  the  other,  will  be  found 
to  be  without  any  sufficient  ground,  and  that  it  will  be  tem- 
porary. 

I  am  glad  that  you  conversed  with  Markley.  It  may  be 
necessary  for  him  to  come  out  in  the  end  with  his  statement, 
though  I  think  that  not  necessary  till  we  hear  from  the  Hermit- 
age. At  the  last  date  I  saw  from  Nashville,  Buchanan's  state- 
ment had  just  reached  there. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  September  24,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  favor  of  the  21st  in- 
stant, with  its  inclosure.  Mr.  Southard  on  his  return  from  the 
Springs,  brought  home  with  him  high  spirits  and  good  health, 
and  communicated  to  me  all  interesting  occurrences  on  his  jour- 
ney. The  result  of  the  Kentucky  elections,  though  in  some 
respects  to  be  regretted,  ought  not  to  be  regarded  in  the  dis- 
couraging light  in  which  it  is.  It  should  be  recollected  that 
they  took  place  before  Mr.  Buchanan's  statement  reached  the 
State,  and  before  the  extensive  circulation  of  the  speech  which 
you  and  Mr.  S.  too  highly  extolled.  Many  local  and  other  causes 
had  also  an  inauspicious  effect,  which  it  is  believed  will  not 
operate  in  future.  Notwithstanding  all  circumstances  the  Legis- 
lature, in  both  of  its  branches,  is  decidedly  friendly  to  the  Ad- 
ministration, and  of  those  who  actually  voted  for  members  of 
Congress,  there  is  a  considerable  majority  for  Mr.  Adams.  This 
happened  by  the  Jackson  members  being  elected,  in  several  in- 
stances by  small  majorities,  and  the  Adams,  either  without  com- 
petition, or  by  large  majorities.  My  letters  speak  with  good 
confidence  on  the  final  vote  of  the  State.  Mr.  Letcher  writes 
that  his  confidence  is  greater  now  than  ever. 

As  to  Mr.  Ritchie's  boastful  statement,  that  is  all  a  ruse  de 
guerre.  My  belief  is  that  Mr.  Adams  will  be  re-elected  and 
with  ease.  I  speak  of  course  with  all  the  diffidence  which  one 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  179 

ought  to  feel  when  expressing  himself  on  such  a  subject.  It  is 
a  part  of  the  system  of  the  friends  of  General  Jackson  to  make 
demonstrations — speak  boldly — claim  every  body  and  every 
State,  and  carry  the  election  by  storm.  The  circumstance  most 
to  be  deprecated  is  that  this  system  has  too  much  success  in  dis- 
piriting our  friends.  You  ask  my  opinion  as  to  the  project  of  a 
convention  in  Virginia  to  nominate,  in  January  next,  electors 
for  Mr.  Adams.  It  appears  to  me  to  be  an  excellent  project,  and 
one  that  can  not  fail  to  have  good  effect,  even  if  it  should  not 
succeed.  It  will  take  by  its  novelty,  and  it  will  command  re- 
spect by  its  fairness. 

There  is  a  great  portion  (I  believe  a  majority)  of  the  popula- 
tion of  Virginia  opposed  to  the  domination  of  the  Richmond 
party.  That  majority  is  kept  down  by  the  principle  of  repre- 
sentation; according  to  territorial  division,  instead  of  population. 
The  election  of  electors  is  the  only  election  in  Virginia  in  which 
that  principle  does  not  prevail,  and  in  which  the  decision  is  ac- 
cording to  numbers,  without  regard  to  counties.  There  is  reason 
to  believe  that  the  greatest  strength  of  the  Administration  in 
Virginia  is  where  there  are  the  greatest  numbers,  and  conse- 
quently it  will  be  manifested  in  the  vote  for  electors.  This  is, 
or  will  be  known,  and  the  desire  of  pulling  down  the  Rich- 
mond influence  will  stimulate  many  to  the  greatest  exertion,  and 
may  operate,  in  numerous  instances,  to  induce  men  to  discard 
their  preference  for  General  Jackson,  in  order  to  defeat  the  party 
of  the  metropolis.  In  every  view  of  the  matter  I  think  it  of  the 
first  importance  to  pus'h  the  plan.  You  are  to  have  the  first 
meeting,  I  understand,  at  Fredericksburg.  There  should  be 
great  exertion  to  make  it  respectable.  So  matters  strike  me.  I 
thank  you  for  the  opportunity  of  perusing  my  letter  of  4th 
February,  1825.  I  think  its  publication  would  have  good  effect. 
Perhaps  it  had  better  be  deferred  a  little  while.  You  could  take 
it  with  you  to  Richmond* ;  show  it  to  Pleasants,  and 'he  could, 
at  a  proper  time,  publish  it  by  your  permission.  When  published, 
it  ought  to  be  accompanied  with  the  explanation  of  the  first 
paragraph  ;  that  my  letter  to  you  of  the  28th  January,  1825  (the 
letter  referred  to  in  that  paragraph)  had  found  its  way  into  the 
"  Enquirer"  where  it  was  not  correctly  represented,  owing,  no 
doubt,  to  the  erroneous  information  of  its  contents  received  by 
the  editor  ;  that  you  wrote  to  me  expressing  regret  that  it  had 
been  the  subject  of  newspaper  animadversion,  and  hence  my 


180  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

letter  of  the  4th  February.  I  return  the  letter,  having  retained 
a  copy.  Are  you  coming  here,  as  Southard  (now  absent)  told 
me  was  possible  ?  or  are  you  going  shortly  from  home  ?  If  you 
come,  pray  come  at  once  to  my  house,  where  there  is  always  a 
bed  for  you.  I  have  been  a  little  indisposed  ;  and  I  have  some 
thoughts  of  an  excursion  of  a  week  or  ten  days,  to  get  out  of 
the  dust  of  the  office  and  the  smoke  of  the  city.  I  know  not 
whether  I  shall  be  able  to  get  off ;  but  if  I  do,  I  have  a  thought 
of  a  little  tour,  first  to  Harper's  Ferry,  and  then  round  by  Mr. 
Monroe's,  and  probably  to  your  house.  I  beg  you  not  to  men- 
tion my  visit  in  this  respect — first,  because  I  do  not  know  that  I 
can  execute  it ;  and  second,  if  I  should,  I  desire  to  go  as  much 
incog,  as  possible. 


LAFAYETTE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

LAGRANGE,  October  10,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Having  accidentally  missed  the  last  opportunity 
to  answer  your  most  valued  favor,  August  10th,  I  avail  myself 
of  the  next  packet  to  offer  my  affectionate  thanks,  and  request, 
as  much  as  the  pressure  of  business  allows  it,  the  very  high  grati- 
fication of  your  correspondence. 

Your  diplomatic  accounts  from  Europe  have  little  to  say,  and 
although  a  member  of  that  House,  by  courtesy,  called  Represent- 
ative, I  am  not  the  wiser,  nor  shall  I  be  the  more  useful  for  it. 
A  dissolution  pf  the  House  is  much  spoken  of.  The  ministry  are 
recording  the  new  electoral  lists,  in  consequence  of  a  late  bill 
mingling  the  vote  of  election  with  the  duties  of  juror,  to  which, 
however,  some  additions  have  been  made.  As  the  public  mind 
is  progressing,  and  several  willful  errors  have  been  forcibly  rec- 
tified, a  liberal  opposition  can  not  fail  to  be  more  numerous.  The 
question  with  Government  is,  whether  they  will  this  year  meet 
a  larger  minority,  with  a  seven  years'  new  lease,  or  hereafter  risk 
to  have  a  majority  against  them,  or  at  least  a  stronger  opposition 
than  that  to  which,  in  case  of  dissolution,  they  must  now  submit. 

The  account  of  the  funeral  of  Manuel  having  been  Indicted 
before  an  inferior  tribunal,  and  our  speeches  on  his  tomb  making 
a  part  of  the  impeachment  of  the  publishers,  it  became  the  duty 
of  Messrs.  Lafitte,  Dechiness,  and  myself,  to  claim  our  share  in 
the  trial,  which  we  could  not  obtain.  But  a  judgment  of  the 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  181 

court,  very  properly  and  liberally  worded,  has  acquitted  the  se- 
lected objects  of  the  accusation.  An  appeal  from  that  decision 
to  the  Superior  Court,  has,  it  is  said,  taken  place. 

The  intervention  of  three  great  powers  in  the  affairs  of  Greece 
seems  to  promise  a  respite,  although  it  has  not  prevented  the  ar- 
rival of  an  Egyptian  fleet,  and  a  body  of  soldiers.  There  is, 
however,  some  good  in  the  notifications  made  by  the  French 
and  English  admirals,  impeding  further  progress.  The  mediation 
has  been  accepted  by  the  Greeks.  The  Ottoman  Porte  hitherto 
refuses  it.  So  far  they  oblige  the  mediators  to  commit  them- 
selves a  little  more,  and,  if  they  are  sincere,  the  Porte  must  yield 
at  last.  It  is  obvious  to  every  looker-on  that  those  powers  are 
jealous  of  liberty,  of  complete  emancipation,  and  jealous  of  each 
other.  If  any  body  can  play  the  difficult  game,  it  must  be  Capo- 
distria,  who  is  now  on  his  third  station,  tb.at  of  Paris,  before  he 
proceeds  to  the  Presidential  chair.  He  unites  in  his  person  an 
exclusive  coincidence  of  happy  circumstances.  After  he  has 
managed  those  discordant  elements,  there  will  be  other  discord- 
ances to  be  managed  at  home,  for  which  he  also  seems  to  be  the 
proper  and  exclusive  man.  Upon  the  whole,  the  existence  of 
Greece  is  rather  more  secure  than  it  has  been  of  late. 

I  have  received  a  letter  from  our  friend  Poinsett,  and  can  not 
but  observe  with  him  the  general  and  especial  attempts  that  have 
been  lately  directed  against  the  peace,  harmony,  and  institutions 
of  the  Republican  States  of  South  America  and  Mexico.  It  is 
very  natural  to  see  the  Republican  minister  of  North  America  a 
butt  to  those  monarchical  and  aristocratical  factions.  That  the 
impression  is  given  from  Europe  is  not,  I  think,  to  be  questioned. 
But  I  have  received  with  deep  regret  the  part  of  your  letter  al- 
luding to  a  man  whose  glory,  great  talents,  and  hitherto  expe- 
rienced patriotism  I  have  delighted  to  cherish.  Several  painful 
informations  had  reached  me,  which,  all  together,  and  many 
more  beside,  could  not  weigh  so  much  with  me  as  your  own 
sense  of  the  matter.  I  beg  you  to  continue  to  write  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  on  every  matter  relative  to  public  concerns,  to  my 
friends,  and  particularly  to  yourself,  who  know  my  old,  grateful, 
and  sincere  affection. 

Blessed  as  I  have  lately  been  with  the  welcome,  and  conscious, 
as  it  is  my  happy  lot  to  be,  of  the  affection  and  confidence  of  all 
parties,  and  all  men  in  every  party  within  the  United  States, 
feelings  which  I  most  cordially  reciprocate,  I  ever  have  thought 


182  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

myself  bound  to  avoid  taking  any  part  in  local  or  personal  divis- 
ions. Indeed,  if  I  thought  that,  in  these  matters,  my  influence 
could  be  of  any  avail,  it  should  be  solely  exerted  to  deprecate, 
not,  by  far,  the  free,  Republican,  and  full  discussion  of  principles 
and  candidates ;  but  those  invidious  slanders  which,  although 
they  are  happily. repelled  by  the  good  sense,  the  candor,  and,  in 
domestic  instances,  by  the  delicacy  of  the  American  people,  tend 
to  give  abroad  incorrect  and  disparaging  impressions.  Yet  that 
line  of  conduct,  from  which  I  must  not  deviate,  except  in  immi- 
nent cases  now  out  of  the  question,  does  not  imply  a  forgetful- 
ness  of  facts,  nor  a  refusal  to  state  them  occasionally.  My  re- 
membrance concurs  with  your  own  on  this  point,  -that  in  the 
latter  end  of  December,  either  before  or  after  my  visit  to 
Annapolis,  you  being  out  of  the  Presidential  candidature,  and, 
after  having  expressed  my  above-mentioned  motives  of  forbear- 
ance, I,  by  way  of  a  confidential  exception,  allowed  myself  to 
put  a  simple  unqualified  question  respecting  your  electioneering 
guests,  and  your  intended  vote.  Your  answer  was,  that  in  your 
opinion,  the  actual  state  of  the  health  of  Mr.  Crawford  had  lim- 
ited the  contest  to  a  choice  between  Mr.  Adams  and  General 
Jackson,  that  a  claim  founded  on  military  achievements  did  not 
meet  your  preference,  and  that  you  had  concluded  to  vote  for 
Mr.  Adams.  Such  was,  if  not  the  literal  wording,  at  least 
the  precise  sense  of  a  conversation  which  it  would  have  been  in- 
consistent for  me  to  carry  further  and  not  to  keep  a  secret,  while 
a  recollection  of  it,  to  assist  your  memory,  I  should  not  now  deny, 
either  to  you,  as  my  friend,  or  to  any  man  in  a  similar  situa- 
tion. 

Present  my  affectionate  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay.  Remember  me 
to  all  your  family,  and  to  our  friends  in  Washington.  I  will 
write  by  the  same  packet  to  the  President. 


TO    MR.    CLAY. 


[The  following  proposal  to  Mr.  Clay,  from  the  State  of  New 
York,  dated  October  22,  1827,  over  a  signature  which  we  think 
proper  to  suppress,  is  indorsed  in  Mr.  Clay's  hand  as  follows : 
"  I  was  shocked  by  the  proposal  in  this  letter,  and  need  not  say, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  comply  with  it."] 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  183 

What  I  would  now  beg  leave  to  suggest  for  your  consideration 
is,  the  propriety  of  addressing  me  a  letter  on  that  subject,  of  the 
date  of  November,  1824,  about  the  time  we  met  to  choose  elec- 
tors, and  after  your  return  to  Washington.  It  might  be  so  word- 
ed as  to  be  in  answer  to  my  inquiries  on  that  head,  which,  with 
your  liberty,  I  would  publish.  It  would  be  a  knock-down  argu- 
ment against  your  bitter  enemies.  It  is  at  you  the  fatal  blow  is 
aimed,  and  not  Mr.  Adams ;  if  they  succeed  against  you,  they 
well  know  that  Adams  will  inevitably  fall  with  you.  He  would 
become  an  easy  prey,  and  could  not  stand  a  moment. 

I  trust  you  will  not  be  offended  at  my  suggestion,  whether 
you  approve  or  disapprove  of  it,  when  I  assure  you  that  I  am 
actuated  through  motives  of  friendship — a  friendship,  sir,  that 
can  not  easily  be  shaken.  Should  you  think  proper  to  make 
the  communication,  it  shall  be  sacred. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  November  24,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  favor  of  the  20th  inst., 
and  most  truly  do  I  participate  in  the  wish  which  it  expresses, 
that  it  was  practicable  for  us  to  have  a  personal  interview. 

On  the  affair  of  the  V.  P.,  it  was  understood  at  the  last  ses- 
sion, that  at  the  one  now  near  at  hand  the  friends  of  the  Admin- 
istration should  bring  together  and  compare  the  public  opinion 
prevailing  in  the  respective  quarters  of  the  country,  as  to  the 
proper  individual  to  be  selected,  and  that  measures  should  then 
be  adopted  to  give  effect  to  it.  As  for  myself,  I  have  no  wish 
one  way  or  the  other  about  it,  so  far  as  I  am  personally  con- 
cerned. 

On  the  subject  touched  in  your  letter — the  propriety  of  an  ad- 
dress from  the  Convention  about  to  assemble  at  Richmond — I 
concur  with  you  entirely  as  to  its  expediency.  The  occasion 
calls  for  it.  It  will  be  expected  from  the  enlightened  men  there 
assembled.  And  the  public  will  be  disappointed  if  it  be  not 
able,  patriotic,  and  striking.  There  are  so  many  members  of  the 
Convention  more  competent  than  I  am  to  suggest  what  should 
be  its  character  and  its  contents,  that  I  will  only  barely  take  the 
liberty  of  hinting,  that  it  should  make  a  peaceful  appeal  to  the 


184  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

uniform  devotion  of  Virginia  to  the  cause  of  human  liberty,  and 
to  the  providing  of  all  possible  guarantees  of  its  preservation. 

Then  I  should  think  you  might  awaken  the  magnanimity  of 
Virginia.  She  has  had  four  Presidents  ;  the  North  but  two. 

Is  it  not  her  true  interest  to  evince  that  she  is  not  actuated 
by  selfish  ambition  ? 

The  influence  of  Virginia  can  only  be  preserved  in  this  Union 
by  numbers  or  by  moral  power.  The  first  she  has  not.  The 
last  she  has ;  and  what  augmentation  of  it  would  she  not  pro- 
duce, by  making  the  present  generation  feel,  and  posterity  own, 
that  she  had  thrown  herself  into  the  military  crevasse  which  is 
letting  in  a  fatal  current,  threatening  to  sweep  all  before  it  ? 
Should  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams  be  secured  by  the  aid  of  Vir- 
ginia, to  her  weight  distinctly  would  it  be  attributed.  She 
would  then  be  the  primary  power. 

These  hints  are  respectfully  suggested.  They  might  be 
much  extended ;  but  I  have  neither  time  to  enlarge  them,  or  to 
throw  them  into  the  form  of  a  regular  composition.  I  am  ac- 
quainted with  Mr.  Semple.  He  is  ardent  in  the  cause,  but 
thinks  that  he  can  aid  more  effectually  by  indirect  than  direct 
exertion. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

WASHINGTON,  November  26,  182Y. 

DEAR  SIR, — Shortly  after  my  arrival  in  this  city  in  the  fall 
of  1824,  to  attend  Congress,  and  before  the  commencement  of 
the  session,  I  conversed  with  you  freely  on  the  subject  of  the 
Presidential  election  more  than  once.  I  think  one  of  these  con- 
versations was  after  I  had  seen  Mr.  Crawford,  on  whom  I  called 
the  next  day  after  that  on  which  I  reached  the  city.  In  the 
course  of  these  conversations  I  fully  expressed  to  you  my  views 
and  opinions  as  to  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Crawford,  and  General  Jack- 
son, and  stated  for  which  of  them  I  should  vote,  if  I  was  called 
upon  to  decide  between  them.  I  shall  be  greatly  obliged  if  you 
would  state,  in  writing,  the  purport  of  these  conversations,  or  of 
any  other  which  I  had  with  you  in  November  or  December, 
1824,  in  reference  to  the  Presidential  election.  It  is  proper  to 
apprise  you  that  I  may  make  a  public  use  of  the  statement.* 

*  The  answer  to  this  note  not  being  found,  was  probably  puHWi^c1 
>t  might  be. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  185 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

\VASHINGTOX,  November  29,  182Y. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  to  thank  you  for  Mr.  Giles'  book,  and 
him  for  writing  it.  I  care  not  how  widely  he  diffuses  my 
Tariff  speech.  I  believe  its  principles  will  stand  the  test  of 
the  severest  scrutiny.  I  hope,  however,  that  General  Taylor 
will  now  publish  his  speech.  I  understood  from  him  that  he 
had  come  under  some  promise  to  do  so. 

The  two  parties  are  beginning  to  assemble  in  great  numbers, 
and  we  shall,  doubtless,  have  a  full  house  on  the  election  of  a 
Speaker.  The  contest  will  be  close,  and  if  luck  did  not  seem 
to  be  running  somewhat  against  us  at  this  particular  period,  I 
should  say  Mr.  Taylor  will  be  chosen. 

The  rumor  of  the  day  is  that  Chilton  is  elected  in  Kentucky 
by  twenty- seven  votes. 


MR.   CLAY  TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  6,  1827. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  2d  instant.  Mr. 
Sergeant  informed  me  that  he  would,  in  answer  to  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Call,  put  your  Committee  in  correspondence  with  the  con- 
templated convention  at  Harrisburg,  etc.  General  P.  B.  Porter, 
who,  as  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  will  be  at  Albany  from  the 
first  of  next  month  to  some  time  in  April,  and  will  be  a  very 
suitable  person  to  correspond  with.  I  will  obtain  some  other 
names  hereafter. 

We  were  beaten  in  the  Speaker's  election.  The  truth  is,  that 
Mr.  Taylor  was  heavy  to  carry,  and  the  burden  could  not  be 
well  thrown  off.  Had  some  person  been  run  on  our  side  free 
from  the  objections  applicable  to  him,  the  difference  would  not 
have  been  greater  than  two  or  three  votes,  but  would  still,  per- 
haps, have  been  against  us.  Now  that  the  Opposition  have  ob- 
tained the  Speaker,  I  suspect  that  both  he  and  they  are  greatly 
embarrassed  as  to  the  use  which  ought  to  be  made  of  their  tri- 
umph. If  an  opposition  complexion  is  given  to  the  committees, 
they  assume  all  the  responsibility  of  public  measures.  If  another 
character  is  stamped  upon  them,  it  will  be  a  virtual  admission 
that  no  change  of  measures  is  desirable. 


186  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

If  any  allusion  is  made  in  the  public  prints  to  Mr.  Johnston's 
favorable  opinion  of  the  Panama  mission,  I  hope  the  fact  will  be 
put  on  incontestible  ground. 


MR.  RUSH   TO   MR.  CLAY. 

DECEMBER  18,  1827. 

Mr  DEAR  MR.  CLAY, — Your  invitation  and  Mrs.  Clay's  to  your 
winter  evenings,  got  to  my  hands  this  morning,  and  I  have 
passed  it  to  my  wife's.  She  will  be  most  happy  to  be  with 
you,  as  often  as  in  her  power.  For  myself,  I  am  a  slave,  a  very 
slave,  the  charter  of  whose  present  existence  cuts  him  off  from 
all  and  every  such  indulgence,  even  though  tendered  by  "  Your 
Excellence,"  as  Kit  Hughes  would  say.  In  truth,  I  am  so  galled, 
so  whipped  up,  so  ground  down,  morning,  noon,  and  night,  and 
night,  noon,  and  morning,  by  being  head  overseer,  and  journey- 
man too,  of  the  octogenarian  department,  that  I  was  forced  to 
make  a  vow  and  covenant  on  the  first  day  of  the  session,  not  to 
break  bread  out  of  my  own  house  (and  miserable  brown  stuff 
it  is  that  I  break  there  just  now),  by  day  or  by  night  till  the 
session  is  over,  if  it  lasts  till  doomsday,  and  we  know  that  it  is 
to  last  almost  as  long.  This  is  a  hard  fate  to  undergo,  and  for 
one  who  likes  good  cheer,  and  has  always  been  accustomed  to 
it,  moderately  at  least ;  yet  it  is  to  be  my  fate  without  mitiga- 
tion, unless  perchance  I  should  ever  break  its  bonds  by  darken- 
ing the  threshhold,  once  in  awhile,  of  "  our  worthy  little  mas- 
ter" over  the  way.  As  to  our  most  potent  sovereign  lords  and 
masters  upon  the  hill,  they  would  scourge  me  to  death,  you 
know,  or  flay  me  alive,  if  I  do  not  mind  their  business  ;  so  the 
only  way  in  which  I,  or  mortal  man  like  me,  can  compass  that, 
and  mind  all  the  other  treasury  business  to  boot,  big  and  little, 
which  never  stops  (including  a  daily  quantum  of  the  most  hor- 
rible parts  which  I  never  should  have  had  to  mind  if  our  said 
lords  and  masters  had  deigned  to  grant  me  the  humble  boon  I 
once  asked  of  a  little  more  clerical  aid  at  the  desks  of  my  super- 
annuated beureaus),  is  by  digging  and  fagging  by  night  as  well 
as  by  day.  This  is  the  long  and  short  of  the  story.  By  lead- 
ing this  anti-social  life — hard  penance  as  it  is — I  shall  hope  to 
flounder  through  the  session  without  being  impeached ;  and  if 
God  spares  me  till  it  is  over,  as  good  Christians  should  say,  1 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  187 

will  resume  good  fellowship  with  you  and  others  once  more  I 
trust.  But,  till  then,  farewell  to  evening  parties  all,  farewell  to 
dinners  j  farewell  to  such  dinners,  even,  as  yours,  to  which,  when 
bidden,  I  have  never  heretofore  said  nay — to  all,  farewell. 
Othello's  occupation's  gone ! 

I  have  forced  an  answer  upon  you,  and  a  long-winded  one — 
though  the  requisition  is  scratched  out  from  your  kind  billet. 


CHAPTER    V. 

CORRESPONDENCE    OF   1828. 

CHIEF  JUSTICE  MARSHALL    TO  MR.   CLAY. 

RICHMOND,  January  6,  1828. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  thank  you  for  the  copy  of  your  address  on  the 
charges  made  against  you  respecting  the  election  of  President, 
which  I  have  read  with  the  more  pleasure  because  it  combines 
a  body  of  testimony  much  stronger  than  I  had  supposed  possible, 
which  must  I  think  silence  even  those  who  wish  the  charge  to 
be  believed. 

With  sincere  wishes  for  the  improvement  of  your  health,  and 
with  real  esteem  I  am,  dear  sir,  yours,  etc. 


JAMES   MADISON   TO  MR.   CLAY. 

MOTPELIEB,  January  6,  1828. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  duly  received  the  copy  of  your  address 
politely  forwarded  to  me.  Although  I  have  taken  no  part  in  the 
depending  contests,  and  have  been  led  to  place  myself  publicly 
on  that  ground,  I  could  not  peruse  the  appeal  you  have  made 
without  being  sensible  of  the  weight  of  testimony  it  exhibits, 
and  of  the  eloquence  by  which  it  is  distinguished. 

Having  occasion  to  write  to  Mr.  Brougham  [since  Lord 
Brougham]  on  a  subject  which  interests  our  University,  I  take 
the  liberty  of  asking  your  friendly  attention  to  the  letter  which 
I  inclose.  I  hope  it  may  find  an  early  conveyance  from  the  De- 
partment of  State,  with  dispatches  about  to  be  destined  for  Lon- 
don. Should  this  not  be  the  case  Mr.  Brent  will  save  you  the 
trouble  of  giving  the  intimation,  that  a  duplicate  may  seek  some 
other  channel.  It  is  desirable  that  the  letter  should  reach  Mr. 
Brougham  with  as  little  delay  as  may  be. 


OF   HENRY  CLAY.  189 


MR.   CLAY  TO    FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  Jamiary  15,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  sorry  to  learn  that  you  are  indisposed 
and  suffering  much  pain  from  a  swelled  knee  j  but  I  hope  you 
will  soon  get  over  it. 

1  congratulate  you  on  the  proceedings  of  your  Convention.  I 
was  particularly  gratified  that  you  were  made  its  President.  I 
hear  the  most  flattering  accounts  of  the  address  to  the  people 
which  the  Convention  has  adopted.  Although  I  am  eager  to  see 
it,  I  have  not  yet  had  an  opportunity  of  perusing  it.  But  I  a"m 
prepared,  in  advance,  to  make  my  grateful  acknowledgments  for 
the  friendly  notice  which  is  taken  of  me.  I  am  rendered  quite 
happy  by  the  kind  feelings  which  have  been  cotemporaneously 
expressed  toward  me  by  my  native  and  adopted  State.  - 

The  address  of  the  Convention  in  the  latter,  I  send  you  here- 
with, and  after  you  have  done  with  it  I  will  thank  you  to  hand  it 
over  to  Pleasants,  who  may  possibly  think  proper  to  publish  it, 
or  parts  of  it,  in  "  The  Whig."  All,  I  hope  and  believe,  will  yet 
go  well.  The  new  year  has  been  characterized  by  many  cheer- 
ing incidents. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  18,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  duly  received  your  favor  of  the  14th 
instant,  prior  to  which  I  addressed  a  short  letter  to  you  at  Rich- 
mond. 

The  proceedings  of  your  Convention  have  been  seen  here 
with  the  greatest  satisfaction.  They  are  all  marked  by  wisdom 
and  discretion.  The  address  is  admired  by  every  body,  and 
fully  realizes  the  high  expectation  which  we  formed  when  it  was 
understood  who  was  to  compose  it. 

The  duty  assigned  you  as  to  the  communication  to  Messrs. 
Madison  and  Monroe,  is  very  delicate ;  but  it  appears  to  me  that, 
by  giving  them  beforehand  sufficient  notice  of  your  intention 
hereafter  to  make  an  official  communication  to  them,  you  have 
adopted  the  most  prudent  course.  I  am  apprehensive  that  they 
will  decline,  which  I  should  very  much  regret.  If  they  do,  it 
will  be  very  desirable  that  it  should  not  be  done  in  such  manner 
as  to  injure  our  cause. 


190  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Our  news  from  the  West  is  very  cheering.  Ohio  is  beyond 
all  doubt  safe.  So  is  Indiana,  and  I  think  Illinois.  Our  friends 
in  Kentucky  are  very  confident  of  success,  as  is  exhibited  by  a 
proposition  in  the  Legislature,  proceeding  from  them,  for  a  gen- 
eral ticket.  It  was  not  decided  when  I  last  heard  from  Frank- 
fort. 

Southard  has  just  returned  from  Annapolis.  I  have  not  yet 
seen  him. 


MR.  VAUGHAN   TO   MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  January  19,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  thank  you  for  your  loan  of  the  message  of 
the  Governor  of  Maine,  and  as  I  am  still  disappointed  of  being 
able  to  procure  a  copy  of  it  through  the  newspapers.  I  take  the 
liberty  of  asking  your  permission  to  keep  your  copy.  If  you 
can  not  conveniently  allow  me  to  do  so,  I  will  return  it  imme- 
diately. 


JAMES  B ARBOUR  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  January  27,  1828. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  regret  much  as  an  apparent  evidence  of  neglect 
the  non-arrival  of  my  letter  to  you  and  Colonel  Mercer,  in  time. 
I  intentionally  delayed  writing  till  the  last  moment,  under  a  high 
hope  of  giving  you  some  determinate  information  of  the  person 
best  to  present  for  the  Vice-Presidency ;  but  it  was  still  in  time 
for  the  period  proposed  by  Colonel  Mercer  for  his  departure. 
Your  own  just  views  made  the  accident  of  no  consequence. 
Here  and  every  where  your  proceedings  have  been  most  favora- 
bly received.  You  did  nobly.  If  Virginia  is  not  mad  beyond 
cure,  she  will  yet  be  saved.  We  are  in  high  expectations  of 
Pennsylvania.  Sergeant  speaks  with  great  confidence.  In  fine 
our  prospects  are  evidently  brightening.  We  are  looking  with 
intense  curiosity  as  to  Madison's  course.  The  Opposition  are  in 
difficulty  with  their  resolution  of  inquiry  as  to  abuses — the 
friends  of  the  Administration  challenge  them  to  proceed.  If 
they  recede  they  will  be  obliged  to  admit  that  the  slanders  of 
profligacy  are  groundless.  If  they  proceed  they  will  find  the 
most  economical  Administration  of  the  public  affairs  since  the 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  191 

establishment  of  the  Government.     is  a  man  just  from 

the  woods,  and  his  resolution  was  for  mere  home  consumption. 
One  of  his  political  associates  warned  the  house,  that  young 
doctors  always  killed  their  patients.  That  the  parties  were  too 
equal  to  admit  of  experiments — and  he  should  not  be  surprised 

if  by  this  tampering killed  them.      Let  me  hear  fror  i  you 

occasionally. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  2,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  sorry  to  learn  by  your  letter  of  the  31st 
ultimo,  that  you  have  continued  to  be  afflicted  with  the  com- 
plaint in  your  knee,  but  as  you  proposed  going  to  Richmond 
(where  I  address  you),  I  hope  you  have  by  this  time  recovered 
from  it. 

Our  late  information  from  Albany  is  highly  encouraging. 
The  partisans  of  Clinton  and  V.  B.  are  beginning  already  to 
display  their  suspicion  and  jealousy  of  each  other ;  and  my  cor- 
respondents assure  me  that  there  is  very  little  prospect  of  a  union 
between  them  to  nominate  a  P.  and  V.  P.  In  the  mean  time,  it  is 
stated  that  a  powerful  reaction  has  taken  place  throughout  tne 
State. 

I  shall  be  glad  to  have  the  earliest  information  of  the  deci- 
sion of  Messrs.  Madison  and  Monroe,  as  to  their  names  continu- 
ing on  the  electoral  ticket. 

Should  you  be  able  to  execute  your  intention  of  visiting  this 
city,  I  pray  you  to  come  at  once  to  my  house,  where  we  have 
plenty  of  room  for  such  accommodations  as  we  shall  take  pleas- 
ure in  affording  you.  It  would  add  to  Mrs.  Clay's  gratification 
and  my  ownx  if  you  would  bring  Mrs.  Brooke  with  you. 


MR.    CRAWFORD   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WOOD  LAWN,  February  4,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Inclosed  is  a  letter  for  Mr.  Poinsett,  our 
minister  in  Mexico,  which  I  will  thank  you  to  forward  to  Mr. 
Poinsett,  with  as  little  delay  as  is  consistent  with  your  conve- 
nience. The  object  of  the  letter  is  to  obtain  from  him  some  of 
the  productions  of  Mexico,  which  will  probably  succeed  in  the 


192  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Southern  and  Western  States.  Perhaps  an  intimation  from  the 
Secretary  of  State  on  this  subject  may  be  productive  of  good 
effects. 

I  hope  you  know  me  too  well  to  suppose  that  I  have  counte- 
nanced the  charge  of  corruption  which  has  been  reiterated 
against  you.  The  truth  is,  I  approved  of  your  vote  for  Mr. 
Adams,  when  it  was  given  ;  and  should  have  voted  as  you  did, 
between  Jackson  ^nd  Adams.  But  candor  compels  me  to  say, 
that  I  disapproved  of  your  accepting  an  office  from  him.  You 
ought,  I  think,  to  have  foreseen  that  his  administration  could 
hardly  fail  to  be  unpopular.  Those  who  knew  his  temper,  dis- 
position, and  political  opinions,  entertained  no  doubt  upon  the 
subject.  By  accepting  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State  from 
him,  you  have  indisputably  connected  your  fortunes  with  his. 
And  it  appears  to  me  that  he  is  destined  to  fall  as  his  father  did, 
and  you  must  fall  with  him.  This  State  could  not  have  been 
driven  under  the  banners  of  Jackson  by  any  other  course  of 
measures  than  that  pursued  by  the  Administration  toward  it.  Mr. 
Adams'  general  measures,  although  very  exceptionable,  would 
not  have  ranged  the  State  under  Jackson's  standard.  Mr. 
Adams  has  professed  to  consider  the  Federal  Government  lim- 
ited by  the  enumerated  powers.  Yet  he  has  recommended  to 
Congress  to  erect  light-houses  to  the  skies — a  recommendation 
utterly  inconsistent  with  the  idea  of  the  Government  being 
limited  by  the  enumerated  powers.  This  recommendation,  it 
appears  to  me,  can  be  supported  by  no  other  construction  than 
that  Congress  can  do  any  thing  which  is  not  expressly  forbidden 
by  the  Constitution.  The  whole  of  his  first  message  to  Con- 
gress is  replete  with  doctrines  which  I  hold  to  be  unconstitu- 
tional. 

Present  my  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay,  and  accept  the  same  your- 
self. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    MR.    CRAWFORD. 

WASHINGTON,  February  18,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  4th  instant,  and 
I  will  take  pleasure  in  having  forwarded  the  letter  which  it  in- 
closed, to  Mr.  Poinsett,  with  the  first  public  dispatches.  I  should 
not  hesitate  to  intimate  to  him  my  wish  that  he  would  comply 
with  your  request  for  the  Mexican  seeds,  etc.,  if  I  were  not  per- 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  193 

suaded  that  it  would  be  altogether  unnecessary  for  me  to  second 
any  expression  of  your  desire  to  him.  Our  country  needs  much 
the  multiplication  of  the  products  of  the  earth,  as  well  as  of  in- 
dustry otherwise  applied,  and  he  deserves  well  of  it,  who  will 
introduce  a  new,  or  more  successfully  cultivate  an  old  article  of 
agriculture. 

I  do,  my  dear  sir,  know  you  too  well  to  suppose  that  you  ever 
countenanced  the  charge  of  corruption  against  me.  No  man  of 
sense  and  candor — at  least  none  that  know  me — ever  could,  or 
did  countenance  it.  Your  frank  admission  that  you  would  have 
voted  as  I  did,  between  Mr.  Adams  and  General  Jackson,  accords 
with  the  estimate  I  have  always  made  of  your  intelligence,  your 
independence,  and  your  patriotism.  Nor  am  I  at  all  surprised  or 
dissatisfied  with  the  expression  of  your  opinion  that  I  erred  in 
accepting  the  place  which  I  now  hold.  When  two  courses  pre- 
sent themselves  in  human  affairs,  and  one  only  is  pursued,  expe- 
rience develops  the  errors  of  the  selection  which  has  been  made. 
Those  which  would  have  attended  the  adoption  of  the  opposite 
course,  can  only  be  matter  of  speculation.  Thus  it  is  in  the 
case  referred  to.  We  see,  or  think  we  see,  distinctly,  the  errors 
">f  the  alternative  which  I  embraced.  But  are  we  sure  that,  if  I 
had  chosen  the  other,  I  should  not  have  been  liable  to  greater 
hazard,  or  more  animadversion  ?  The  truth  is  (as  I  have  often 
said),  my  condition  was  one  full  of  embarrassments,  whatever 
way  I  might  act.  My  own  judgment  was  rather  opposed  to  my 
acceptance  of  the  Department  of  State,  but  my  friends,  and  let 
me  add,  two  of  your  best  friends  (Mr.  McLane,  of  Delaware, 
and  Mr.  Forsyth),  urged  me  strongly  not  to  decline  it.  It  was 
represented  by  my  friends  that  I  would  get  no  credit  for  the  for- 
bearance, but  that,  on  the  contrary,  it  would  be  said  that  that 
very  forbearance  was  evidence  of  my  having  made  a  bargain, 
though  unwilling  to  execute  it.  The  office,  they  thought,  was 
an  office  of  the  nation,  not  of  the  actual  Presidential  incumbent, 
and  I  was  bound  to  look  to  the  good  of  the  country,  and  not  to 
regard  any  personal  objections  which  I  had  to  him.  Can  you, 
who  have  contributed,  said  they,  to  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams, 
decline  the  Department  of  State  ?  Will  you  not  be  charged  if 
you  do,  with  having  co-operated  in  the  election  of  a  man,  of 
whom  you  think  so  ill, -that  you  will  not  serve  in  one  of  the 
highest  places  in  the  public  councils  with  him  ?  Even  if  he 
should  be  wanting  in  any  of  the  requisite  qualifications  for  the 
13 


194  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

station  to  which  he  has  been  elevated,  you  are  the  more  bound 
for  that  very  reason  to  accept,  in  order  to  endeavor  to  guard  the 
country  against  any  danger  from  his  mal-administration.  Your 
enemies  have  sought  by  previous  denunciation  to  frighten  you. 
They  do  not  believe  that  you  have  acted  otherwise  than  from 
motives  of  the  purest  patriotism ;  but  they  wish  to  alarm  you, 
and  prevent  you  from  entering  the  Department  of  State. 

These,  and  other  similar  arguments  were  pressed  on  me,  and 
after  a  week's  deliberation,  I  yielded  to  their  force.  It  is  quite 
possible  that  I  may  have  erred,  and  you  may  be  right  in  predict- 
ing, as  a  consequence  of  my  decision,  that,  being  identified  with 
Mr.  Adams'  administration,  if  he  falls,  I  also  shall  fall.  Should 
such  be  my  fate,  I  shall  submit  to  it,  I  hope,  with  the  fortitude 
of  a  philosopher,  if  not  with  the  resignation  of  a  Christian.  I 
shall  at  least  have  no  cause  of  self-reproach,  for  I  will  undertake 
to  affirm  (and  I  appeal  with  confidence  to  Him  who  knows 
best  the  human  heart,  for  the  truth  of  the  affirmation)  that, 
throughout  my  public  life,  in  the  many  trying  situations  in  which 
I  have  been  placed,  I  have  been  guided  exclusively  by  the  con- 
sideration of  the  good  of  my  country.  You  say  that  I  ought  to 
have  foreseen  that  Mr.  Adams'  administration  could  hardly  fail 
to  be  unpopular.  I  certainly  did  not  foresee  that  the  tree  would 
be  judged  of,  otherwise  than  by  its  fruits.  But  the  popularity 
of  a  particular  course  or  proceeding  (although  I  will  not  pretend 
that  I  have  been  altogether  regardless  of  it),  has  not  been  the 
deciding  motive  with  me  of  my  public  conduct.  Is  the  measure 
right  ?  Will  it  conduce  to  the  general  happiness,  and  the  eleva- 
tion of  the  national  character  ?  These  have  been  always  my 
first  and  most  anxious  inquiries. 

I  had  fears  of  Mr.  Adams'  temper  and  disposition,  but  I  must 
say  that  they  have  not  been  realized,  and  I  have  found  in 
him,  since  I  have  been  associated  with  him  in  the  Executive 
Government,  as  little  to  censure  or  condemn  as  I  could  have 
expected  in  any  man.  Truth  compels  me  to  say  that  I  have 
heartily  approved  of  the  leading  measures  of  his  administration, 
not  excepting  those  which  relate  to  Georgia.  I  have  not  time, 
if  I  had  ability,  and  it  were  necessary,  to  vindicate  them.  But, 
my  dear  sir,  I  must  invoke  your  frankness  and  justice  to  recon- 
sider the  only  exceptionable  measure  which  you  have  specified, 
that  of  his  recommendation  of  light-houses  to  the  skies.  It  is 
not  the  metaphor,  I  presume,  but  the  thing  (an  observatory), 


OP  HKNHY  CLAY.  195 

which  has  provoked  your  censure.  And  can  you  justly  censure 
Mr.  Adams  for  a  recommendation  which  almost  every  previous 
President  had  made  ?  If  there  be  no  power  in  the  general  Gov- 
ernment to  authorize  the  erection  of  an  observatory  within  the 
limits  of  a  State,  is  there  none  to  sanction  its  location  in  this 
District  ?  The  message,  I  believe,  was  silent  as  to  the  place 
where  it  should  be  built.  But  I  will  dwell  no  longer  on  public 
affairs.  I  should  not  have  touched  the  topic  but  for  your  friendly 
allusion  to  it.  I  turn  from  it  with  pleasure  to  the  recollection  of 
our  amicable  relations.  Whatever  you  may  have  thought,  or  may 
have  been  sought  to  be  infused  into  your  mind,  my  friendly 
feelings  toward  you  have  never  ceased  ;  and,  although  our  corre- 
spondence has  been  interrupted  four  or  five  years,  I  have  always 
entertained  a  lively  solicitude  for  your  welfare,  and  availed  my- 
self of  every  opportunity  to  inquire  particularly  about  your 
health  and  situation.  I  have  heard  with  unaffected  pleasure  of 
the  improvement  of  your  health.  That  it  may  be  perfectly  re- 
established, and  that  you  may  be  long  spared  for  the  benefit  of 
your  family,  and  the  good  of  your  country,  is  the  sincere  wish 
of  your  faithful  friend  and  obedient  servant. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  22,  1828. 


MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  yesterday  is  received.  General 
Porter  had  been  ill  and  absent  from  Albany.  He  had  returned, 
however,  and  I  have  a  late  letter  from  him.  All  accounts  con- 
cur that  the  political  effect  of  Mr.  Clinton's  death  will  be  favor- 
able to  the  Administration  ;  and  intelligence  generally  from  that 
State,  especially  from  the  western  portion  of  it,  is  very  cheering. 

I  really  do  not  know  (and  who  does  ?)  what  Mr.  R.  means 
by  his  allusion  to  my  letter  addressed  to  you.  I  do  not  think 
there  is  any  necessity  for  you  or  myself  saying  any  thing  -on  that 
subject.  As  to  a  statement  of  a  conversation  which  he  represents 
himself  to  have  held  with  me,  he  has  been  so  contradictory  in 
the  House  about  it,  that,  although  my  first  impression,  when  I 
heard  of  it,  was  to  have  authorized  a  counter-statement,  my 
friends  think  it  is  not  worthy  of  such  a  notice.  If  I  take  any 
of  it,  1  shall  do  it  in  some  other  way,  and  at  a  future  day. 

I  have  a  curious  but  friendly  letter  from  Mr.  Crawford,  in 


196  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

which  he  says  he  never  countenanced  the  calumny  against  me  ; 
that  he  would  have  voted,  as  I  did,  between  Jackson  and  Adams, 
etc.  I  have  answered  it  in  the  most  friendly  terms,  combatting, 
however,  some  of  his  opinions. 

The  inquiry  in  the  Senate  of  Kentucky  has  terminated  with 
the  adoption  of  resolutions  friendly  to  the  Administration  and 
myself.  My  friends  there  claim  a  decided  and  triumphant 
victory. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  27,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  the  25th  instant  is  received. 
The  House  of  Representatives  of  Kentucky  having  been  limited 
to  an  adjournment  on  a  fixed  day,  when  the  resolution  came  to 
it  from  the  Senate,  there  was  not  time  to  act  on  them,  and  it 
adjourned  without  taking  them  up.  My  friends  there  think  we 
have  gained  a  great  victory.  It  will  possibly  lead  to  some  further 
publications  that  may  render  it  more  decisive.  The  general 
ticket  has  passed,  so  that  the  entire  vote  of  Kentucky  may,  I 
think,  be  now  anticipated. 

Mr.  Crawford's  letter  to  me  has  been  seen  by  several  of  my 
friends,  and  has  been  spoken  of,  I  understand,  generally  in  this 
city.  I  should  regret  that  the  subject  should  get  into  the  news- 
papers, but  with  that  exception  I  do  not  know  that  I  ought  to 
object  to  its  being  mentioned.  It  is  not  confidential ;  and,  in 
my  opinion,  does  Mr.  Crawford  as  much  credit  as  it  does  me. 


FRANCIS  BROOKE    TO    MR.   CLAY. 

RICHMOND,  February  28,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  answers  to  my  circular  from 
Mr.  Madison  and  Mr.  Monroe,  which  you  will  see  in  "  The  Whig" 
next  week.  They  decline  to  accept  the  appointment,  as  was 
apprehended,  though  with  the  expression  of  sentiments,  if  not 
perverted,  rather  flattering  to  the  friends  of  the  Administration. 
The  fact  is,  that  they  have  used  an  expression  susceptible  of 
construction  more  favorable  to  General  Jackson  than  was  in- 
tended. They  speak  of  the  high  estimation  in  which  they  hold 
both  of  the  candidates,  which  may  be  interpreted  now,  and  not 
then,  as  was  intended. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  197 


MR.    CLAY   TO   FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

"WASHINGTON,  March  1,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  was  prepared  to  anticipate  the  declension, 
communicated  in  your  letter  of  the  28th  ultimo,  of  Messrs.  Mad- 
ison and  Monroe,  to  stand  on  your  electoral  ticket  I  regret  that 
there  should  be  any  thing  ambiguous  in  the  terms  which  they 
have  employed  to  express  their  refusal,  though  in  that,  also,  I 
am  not  much  disappointed.  It  will,  for  the  moment,  produce  a 
bad  effect,  but  I  am  persuaded  that  it  will  soon  pass  off.  Our 
prospects  are  better,  at  this  time,  than  they  have  been  for  many 
months. 

You  will  have  seen  the  allusion  made  in  Kentucky  to  a  cor- 
respondence between  Mr.  Blair  and  myself,*  and  the  defiance 
that  has  been  thrown  out  as  to  my  allowing  the  publication  of  it. 
I  have  a  copy  of  the  letter,  on  which  reliance  is  placed.  It  is 
written  in  a  style  of  playfulness,  and  friendly  familiarity,  which 
constitutes  the  only  objection  I  could  possibly  have  to  its  publi- 
cation. I  shall  let  them  go  on  making  confident  assertions  in 
regard  to  its  contents,  and  perhaps  I  may  hereafter  cause  it  to 
be  published.  With  honorable  men,  it  will  do  me  good  rather 
than  harm.  By  the  by,  this  is  not  a  bad  time  to  have  the  letter 
published  which  you  did  me  the  favor  to  submit  to  my  inspec- 
tion, last  fall. 

At  present,  we  have  no  messenger  to  send  abroad.  We  rarely 
employ  one  to  go  to  France  or  England,  on  account  of  the  great 
regularity  of  the  packets.  I  will  bear  in  mind  your  wish  con- 
cerning your  nephew,  should  an  occasion  arise  to  dispatch  a 
messenger. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  10,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  8th  instant. 
If  you  do  not,  I  do,  feel  the  attacks  on  you,  because  I  fear  that 
they  are  the  effect  of  our  long-standing  friendship.  Their  ef- 
fect is  less,  it  is  true,  considering  the  quarter  from  which  they 
proceed.  Pleasants,  of  "  The  Whig,"  has  not  the  merit  of  first 
evincing  a  thorough  knowledge  of  that  being,  Mr. .  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson long  ago  understood  him,  when  he  made  an  allusion  to 

*  For  this  correspondence  see  pp.  109,  111. 


198  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

the  same  physical  defect.  We  ought  to  be  ashamed  of  ourselves,  in 
reflecting  that  such  a  thing  should  be  capable  of  inflicting  any  pain. 

I  wish  my  letter  to  you  of  February  4,  1825,  could  be  drawn 
out ;  but  how  is  that  to  be  done  ?  I  have  a  copy  of  mine  to 
Blair,  mentioned  by  you,  and  although  there  is  a  playfulness, 
not  to  say  levity,  about  it,  which  renders  it,  perhaps,  unfit  for 
the  public  eye,  I  do  believe  that  good,  rather  than  evil,  would 
attend  its  publication.  The  difficulty,  and  the  only  difficulty, 
with  me,  is,  whether  I  ought  to  lend  my  sanction  to  such  a  vio- 
lation of.  private  intercourse,  and  whether,  after  yielding  to  it, 
there  would  not  be  other  and  further  efforts  and  insinuations  to 
deceive  public  credulity  ?  If  I  authorize  its  publication,  I  do 
not  think  the  time  has  yet  arrived  when  that  ought  to  be  done. 
I  will,  if  I  do  not  forget  it,  send  you  hereafter  a  copy  of  the  letter. 

Since  the  publication  of  my  address,  I  have  received  a  large 
mass  of  additional  evidence,  to  the  same  tenor.  Some  of  it  is 
as  strong  as,  if  not  stronger  than,  any  which  is  now  before  the 
public.  Ought  I  to  publish  it?  I  am  afraid,  on  the  one  hand, 
of  teasing  the  public,  and  on  the  other,  of  omitting  any  thing 
that  is  due  to  the  occasion. 

You  are  assailed  for  the  first  time  seriously.  May  I  take  the 
liberty  of  suggesting  that  you  should  not  allow  this  wanton  at- 
tack to  affect  you,  in  the  smallest  degree  ?  Above  all,  you  should 
not  permit  yourself  to  use  one  expression,  or  to  perform  any  act 
hastily.  An  unsullied  character  of  more  than  threescore  years 
duration,  can  surely  successfully  withstand  the  imbecile  assaults 
of  a  miserable  creature. 

I  will  send  you  a  copy  of  the  report  of  the  committee  respect- 
ing the  six  militia  men. 

I  am  sorry  for  Leigh,  quite  as  much  on  his  as  on  public  ac- 
count. The  gratification  of  private  antipathy  will  never  be  al- 
lowed, before  God  or  man,  as  a  sufficient  motive  for  the  neglect 

of  patriotic  duty.  Unless  he  fears  R more  even  than  he 

hates  Mr. ,  the  world  and  his  own  conscience  will  both 

condemn  him. 

Our  accounts  are  truly  encouraging.  From  New  York  the 
current  of  favorable  intelligence  is  steady,  unchecked,  and  such 
as  to  justify  a  confident  anticipation  of  our  success  The  Ken- 
tucky prospects,  too,  are  good  ;  and  if,  as  I  believe,  we  shall  suc- 
ceed there,  we  shall  owe  our  good  fortune,  in  no  small  degree, 
to  our  Virginia  friends. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  199 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  24,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  Sm, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  20th  instant.  I 
had  previously  seen  in  the  Whig  my  letter  to  you  of  the  4th  of 
February,  1825.  It  is  believed  here  that  its  publication  will  do 
good. 

I  am  glad  that  you  do  not  allow  yourself  to  be  affected  by  the 
calumnies  of  Mr. .  Here,  I  assure  you,  they  do  you  no  pre- 
judice, and  create  no  other  than  a  feeling  of  detestation  toward 
the  author.  "  The  Whig"  has  found  out  his  sensitive  part,  and  if 
man  ever  forfeited  all  claim  to  commisseration,  on  account  of  a 
physical  misfortune,  and  justified  the  allusion  to  it  by  the  wan- 
ton and  unprovoked  attacks  which  he  makes  upon  others,  Mr. 
is  that  man. 

I  hope  you  will  not  fail  to  visit  us  in  April.  I  think  you 
would  pass  a  week  or  two  here  very  agreeably,  and  you  are  so 
near  home  that  half  a  day  will  at  any  time  take  you  there. 
Southard  and  Taliaferro  are  my  next  door  neighbors,  so  that  at 
my  house  you  would  be  in  the  midst  of  your  friends. 

The  general  aspect  of  our  political  news  continues  good,  es- 
pecially from  Kentucky  and  New  York. 


REV.  ISAAC  BARD  TO  MR.   CLAY. 


GREENVILLE,  Kentucky,  March  27,  1828. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  know  you  will  not  think  it  strange  if  an  un- 
known friend  should  address  a  letter  to  you.  Have  you  not 
given  yourself  to  your  beloved  country,  devoted  yourself  to  her 
cause,  and  may  not  the  citizen  claim  you  as  his  property  and 
inheritance  ?  If  so,  why  should  an  humble  citizen  be  shy  and 
stand  aloof  from  him  whom  he  has  long  loved  and  admked  ? 

Will  you  be  so  kind  as  to  indulge  me  in  some  desultory  re 
marks  ?  When  I  was  pursuing  my  education  in  Lexington,  I 
first  heard  you  deliver  an  oration  at  the  laying  of  the  corner- 
stone of  the  Hospital.  As  a  student  and  a  boy  I  was  much 
pleased.  Once  on  Poplar  Row,  on  the  pavement,  I  met  you  and 
there  were  none  else  on  the  whole  street,  and  you  spoke  to  me 
so  politely  and  friendly,  it,  though  a  little  thing,  made  no  small 
impression.  The  next  time  I  saw  you  was  when  I  was  on  at 


200  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

College  and  the  Divinity  School,  you  passed  through  Princeton, 
sitting  by  the  driver  on  an  outside  seat  of  the  stage,  spoke  to  Mr. 
Wm.  Warfield,  who  was  with  me  coming  up  street.  To  say  the 
least,  the  way  you  spoke  to  him  (an  acquaintance)  impressed  me 
that  you,  in  no  ordinary  degree,  were  a  man  of  friendly  feeling, 
of  openness  and  urbanity  of  manners. 

But  it  is  not  merely  the  pleasing  qualifications  and  attractions 
of  private  character,  your  eloquence  and  ratiocination,  the  boon 
of  God,  but  your  political  course,  and  those  important  national 
principles  of  internal  improvement,  smiling  on  rising  Republics, 
that  enhance  you  in  the  approbation  and  give  you  such  a  scope 
in  the  affections  of  your  fellow  citizens.  You  have  already  es- 
tablished an  imperishable  reputation.  A  wreath  of  evergreens 
encircles  your  brow,  and  will  entwine  around  your  name  while 
time  shall  last.  Your  reputation,  the  storms  of  persecution  have 
tried  to  carry  away ;  but  it  is  built  on  a  basis  that  moldering 
ages  can  not  waste.  Ethiopia  will  remember  your  colonization 
efforts.  South  America  and  Greece  will  couple  your  name  with 
liberty  and  independence.  Your  Tariff  speech  of  1824  has 
opened  the  eyes  of  the  American  people,  and  they  will  not  forget 
you.  Roads,  and  canals,  and  manufactures,  in  fine,  the  Ameri- 
can system,  will  hail  you  as  their  founder  and  father.  Sir,  if  I 
understand  flattery  it  is  stating  what  is  false  ;  but  I  believe  I  am 
telling  the  truth.  Truth  that  is  already  written  in  American 
history — written  in  the  hearts  and  affections  of  the  American 
people,  more  indellible  than  letters  engraven  on  adamant. 

For  many  years  I  have  read  with  pleasure  your  speeches  and 
observed  your  public  course.  I  have  witnessed  with  heart-burn- 
ing and  disgust  the  vituperation  and  slander  of  ambitious,  wicked 
mea*  In  private  conversation  I  have  often  pleaded  your  cause, 
and  that  of  the  President,  and  of  your  policy.  I  approve 
heartily  of  your  course.  When  my  friend  told  me  that  Mr. 
Adams  was  President,  and  you  had  voted  for  him,  a  sudden  exult- 
ation of  joy  flashed  through  my  bosom. 

We  (of  Greenville)  had  a  large  number  of  your  defenses' 
printed  at  Russelville,  and  I  have  spread  them  from  my  store  far 
and  wide  (for  I  am  a  merchant  and  Presbyterian  preacher).  Be 
assured  they  are  operating  powerfully.  It  is  the  best  antidote 
against  lying  and  slander  that  has  ever  been  used.  Many  of  the 
Jackson  men  of  this  county  (Muhlenberg)  have  turned  complete- 
ly around.  We  are  decidedly  Administration  here,  by  a  very 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  201 

large  majority.  I  hope  you  and  Mr.  Adams  will  not  be  discour- 
aged, but  keep  up  good  spirits. 

In  writing  you  this  letter  I  mean  no  more  than  an  expression 
of  my  friendship  for  you,  my  country,  the  prosperity  of  the 
nation,  and  the  welfare  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  I  am  in 
the  habit  of  praying  for  you  in  secret  and  in  public.  If  I  have 
any  interest  at  the  court  of  Heaven,  I  have  tried  to  make  it  for 
you.  Think ;  they  did  n't  say,  at  Hopkinsville,  they  knew  I  was 
an  Administration  man  from  my  prayer,  as  I  prayed  for  the 
President,  etc.  But  it  is  not  a  cause  I  am  ashamed  or  afraid  of ; 
for  if  even  "  Old  Hickory"  should  be  elected,  we  will  not  give 
up  you.  You  must  come  next.  You  are  consecrated  to  your 
country  and  you  are  ours. 

Permit  me  to  say,  I  have  named  my  first-born  son  Henry  Clay 
Bard.  I  did  it  for  two  reasons  :  1.  As  a  mark  of  affection  and 
friendship  for  you  ;  2.  That  your  character  might  stimulate  him 
to  worthy  deeds. 

Will  you  be  so  good  as  to  give  my  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay.  Will 
you  be  so  good  as  to  give  my  respects  to  the  President,  Mr. 
Adams.  Tell  him  I  pray  for  him  and  his  Cabinet.  May  God 
bless  Mr.  Clay.  May  God  bless  the  President.  May  God  guide 
and  direct,  him  and  his  counselors.  May  you  all  fear  God,  pray 
to  him,  keep  his  "  commandments  that  it  may  be  well  with  you." 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  April  29,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  was  much  disappointed  in  not  having  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  you.  Having  understood  from  Mr.  Maury  that 
you  would  certainly  be  here  on  a  particular  day,  I  even  made 
arrangements  to  get  some  friends  to  meet  you  at  dinner. 

I  transmitted  to  Mr.  Call  copies  of  my  letter  to  Mr.  Blair, 
which  have  formed  the  subject  of  newspaper  animadversions,  and 
requested  him  to  send  them  to  some  friends  in  Richmond.  I 
will  thank  you,  also,  to  look  at  them. 

I  send  herewith  copies  of  Mr.  Crawford's  last  letter  to  me,  and 
my  answer,  which,  after  having  perused  them  yourself,  you  will 
be  pleased  to  exhibit  confidentially  to  such  of  the  gentlemen 
who  saw  Mr.  Blair's  letters  as  you  may  think  proper. 

Our  news  from  Kentucky  is  very  good. 


202  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

MR.    CLAY  TO   FRANCIS   BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  May  18,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  two  favors  of  the  4th  and  6th  instant, 
reached  this  place  during  my  absence  on  a  trip  to  Philadelphia 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  medical  advice,  which  I  am  happy 
to  inform  you  was  favorable. 

I  can  not  object  to  Mr.  Tresslitt's  speaking  of  the  contents  of  , 
the  letter  which  you  showed  him,  though  I  do  not  desire  at 
present  that  they  should  be  published. 

I  will  endeavor  to  procure  and  forward  the  documents  you  re- 
quest. 

I  regretted  much  that  the  considerations  to  which  the  Presi- 
dent felt  himself  bound  to  yield,  did  not  seem  to  him  to  admit 

of  the  appointment  of  our  friend  T .     New  York  has  not,  in 

the  person  of  any  citizen  of  that  State,  a  single  representative  at 
this  place,  in  any  one  of  the  high  executive  offices.  Judge  Sav- 
age is  a  man  of  undoubted  qualifications,  and  standing  high  in 
the  esteem  of  the  people  in  that  State.  Under  these  views,  the 
President  thought  he  ought  to  be  appointed,  and  his  appointment 
has  given  very  great  satisfaction. 


MR.    CLAY   TO   FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  May  28,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  sent  the  documents  to  you  by  mail  requested 
in  your  favor  of  the  20th  instant.  My  intention  is  to  leave  this 
place  in  about  a  fortnight  on  my  contemplated  journey,  which  I. 
propose  taking  through  the  valley  of  Virginia,  by  the  White  Sul- 
phur Springs,  and  thence  by  the  Crab  Orchard  to  Kentucky.  I 
shall  not  return  to  the  city  until  late  in  July,  or  early  in  August. 
If  I  do  not  then  find  myself  entirely  re-established,  I  will  go  to 
some  of  the  sea  baths. 

The  last  appointments  of  the  President  have  given  general 
satisfaction,  as  far  as  I  have  heard.  I  do  not  think  that  a  better 
arrangement  could  have  been  made.  We  shall  lose  no  strength 
in  the  Cabinet  by  the  introduction  of  Porter. 

Our  information  from  Kentucky  continues  to  be  very  encour- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  203 

aging.     We  must  be  greatly  deceived  if  Metcalfe  should  not  be 
elected  by  a  respectable  majority. 

I  hope  you  were  pleased  with  the  address  of  our  friends  in 
Congress  to  the  people,  on  the  prospects  of  the  election. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  June  5,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  2d  instant.  My 
health  remains  pretty  much  in  statu  quo.  I  do  not  anticipate 
any  considerable  improvement  of  it  until  I  commence  my  journey, 
which  I  propose  doing  about  the  15th  instant.  I  shall  go  through 
Virginia,  but  by  what  route  I  have  not  yet  positively  decided. 
I  think  I  shall  go  to  the  mountains  by  the  shortest. 

I  have  prepared  a  letter  to  the  Central  Administration  Com- 
mittee of  Kentucky,  in  answer  to  one  received  from  it  on  the 
subject  of  Amos  Kendall,  and  his  correspondence  with  me.  I 
think  some  letters  from  him  which  I  have  authorized  to  be  pub- 
lished, will  fully  establish  his  infamy. 

I  am  not  preparing,  nor  shall  I  prepare,  any  answer  to  the  ad- 
dress of  the  Jackson  Central  Committee  of  this  place.  My  opin- 
ion is,  that  it  is  unworthy  of  notice  from  me.  But  I  shall  prob- 
ably publish,  by  way  of  supplement  to  my  former  address,  a  mass 
of  testimony  which  has  since  accumulated  on  my  hands,  and  I 
may  publish  it  without  comment.  I  have  also  addressed  a  letter 
to  Kentucky  to  a  friend  (which  he  is  authorized  to  publish),  re- 
specting my  private  affairs,  which  will  relieve  my  friends  from 
any  anxiety  on  that  account. 

Judge  Savage  declined  the  office  of  Treasurer,  and  it  has  been 
given  to  General  Clarke,  late  Treasurer  of  Pennsylvania,  who 
was  turned  out  by  the  Jackson  party  last  winter,  because  he  is  a 
friend  to  the  Administration.  There  is  some  reason  to  hope  that 
circumstances  will  hereafter  admit  of  something  being  done  for 
your  friend. 

I  regret  that  I  have  no  copies  of  Mr.  Burgess'  two  speeches, 
which  I  have  never  seen. 


204  PKIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


DANIEL    WEBSTER   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BOSTON,  June  8>  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  will  have  seen  some  proofs  of  the  pre- 
vailing sentiments,  on  public  subjects,  in  this  quarter.  The  best 
possible  feeling  was  indicated  at  the  meeting  on  the  5th.  I  do 
not  mean  in  regard  to  myself,  but  on  general  subjects,  and  in 
respect  to  others.  The  toast  in  which  you  were  named  was  re- 
ceived with  the  most  enthusiastic  applause.  I  do  not  think  I 
have  ever  seen,  in  Boston,  a  meeting  comprising  so  much  char- 
acter, talent,  influence,  and  respectability.  I  hope  *  it  may  do 
good. 

One  objection,  my  dear  sir,  which  I  have  to  writing  to  you, 
is,  that  your  courtesy  and  kindness  lead  you  always  to  answer 
me,  and  I  feel  that  it  is  wrong,  in  the  present  state  of  your  health 
and  of  your  engagements,  to  impose  any  new  duty,  though  it  be 
a  trifling  one,  upon  you.  I  will  really  take  it  as  a  greater  proof 
of  friendship  and  confidence,  if,  how  often  soever  I  may  write, 
you  will  forbear  all  reply,  unless  when  there  is  something  which 
you  wish  to  say. 


MR.    CLAY   TO   J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

XEWJIARKET,  June  25,  1828. 

DEAR  SIR — At  the  moment  of  my  departure  from  Washington, 
I  received  two  letters  (one  from  Duralde  and  one  from  Dupuy) 
recommending  Mr.  Gibson,  editor  of  "  The  Argus,"  as  Surveyor 
of  the  port  of  New  Orleans.  I  had  not  time  to  consult  with  you 
and  Mr.  Bouligny,  and  directed  the  letters  to  be  laid  before  the 
President.  I  have  no  wish  on  the  subject  but  that  a  competent 
person  should  be  appointed — one  who  is  not  tainted  with  Jack- 
sonism,  and  who  may  be  agreeable  to  friends.  Will  you  confer 
with  Mr.  Bouligny  on  the  matter  ? 

We  are  now  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  from  the 
city.  My  horses  stand  the  journey  better  than  I  do.  The  heat 
is  excessive.  I  shall  stop  a  few  days  at  the  White  Sulphur 
Springs,  in  Green  Brier,  where  a  letter,  put  into  the  post-office 
the  day  you  receive  this,  or  the  next,  would  overtake  me. 

My  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Johnston. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  205 


DANIEL    WEBSTER   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BOSTON,  July  7,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  in  hopes  this  will  find  you  in  Kentucky, 
in  good  spirits  and  renewed  health.  If  you  are  as  well  as  we 
wish  you,  this  way,  you  need  be  no  better.  A  strong  manifest- 
ation of  kindly  feeling  toward  you,  personally,  has  very  gener- 
ally appeared  in  all  the  numerous  celebrations  of  the  4th  instant, 
in  this  quarter  of  the  country,  which  have  fallen  under  my  ob- 
servation. As  far  as  I  can  judge,  the  general  aspect  of  things 
is  favorable. 


P.    B.    PORTER   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  July  15,  1828. 

DEAR  SIR, — Notwithstanding  I  have  been  overwhelmed  with 
business  in  the  office,  ever  since  you  left  here,  I  would  have 
written  you  sooner,  but  that,  from  the  accounts  which  Mrs.  Clay 
has  given  me,  at  different  times,  of  your  progress,  I  calculate 
that  you  will  not  reach  Lexington  sooner  than  this  letter. 

For  the  first  ten  days  of  my  official  labor,  or,  rather,  recon- 
naissance, I  found  myself  located  in  a  field  so  entirely  new  and 
strange,  that  I  could  not  move  a  single  step  without  encounter- 
ing some  serious  obstacle..  I  have  now  become  familiarized  to 
a  small  extent  of  ground,  over  which  I  move  with  tolerable  ease, 
but  my  horizon  is  yet  extremely  circumscribed.  I  hope,  how- 
ever, to  be  able,  by  great  assiduity,  gradually  to  extend  it. 

I  call,  almost  daily,  on  the  President,  who  treats  me  with  great 
kindness.  His  health  and  spirits  have,  I  think,  both  improved 
since  you  left  us. 


RICHARD    RUSH   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  August  3,  1828. 

DEAR  MR.  CLAY, — Although  I  have  had  little  or  nothing  to  say, 
I  should,  at  least,  have  dropped  you  a  line  since  you  went  away, 
if  only  to  tell  you  that  we  are  all  alive  here  ;  but  you  have  been 
whirled  about  so  from  post  to  pillar,  that  I  have  not  known 
where  to  aim  a  letter  at  you.  You  have  been  bargaining  all 
over  the  land,  no  doubt.  No  sooner  have  I  heard  of  your  being 


206  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

at  one  place,  but  the  next  mail  has  fixed  you  at  another,  and  the 
third  somewhere  else  again  ;  but  now  that  you  are  in  Lexington, 
I  may  hope  that  you  will  remain  at  moorings  awhile. 

First  and  foremost,  I  am  glad  to  learn  that  your  health  is 
better.  Next,  I  congratulate  you  on  the  issue  of  the  Louisiana 
election,  hoping  that  you  will  follow  suit  in  old  Kentuck. 

The  President  sets  out  for  the  North  to-morrow.  He  expects 
to  be  gone  a  couple  of  months.  I  am  highly  pleased  with  our 
new  colleague,  General  Porter.  If  I  do  not  mistake,  there  is  a 
fine  mixture  of  suavity  and  energy  in  him.  The  former  is  very 
apparent  and  attractive  ;  you  would  come  at  the  latter,  I  suspect, 
as  soon  as  you  get  below  the  surface. 

Adieu.  Be  sure  you  bring  good  tidings  from  Kentucky,  or 
we  will  give  you  no  welcome  on  your  return. 

P.  S.  August  4. — Hearing  to-day  that  you  are  expected  to 
leave  Lexington  on  the  10th,  and  not  being  sure  that  this  will 
reach  you  there,  I  will  just  fold  it  up  to  wait  your  arrival. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    DR.    R.    PINDELL. 

WASHINGTON,  October  15,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  DOCTOR, — I  observe  that  some  of  the  Jackson  party 
in  Kentucky,  for  the  purpose  of  withdrawing  public  attention 
from  the  alleged  connection  between  General  Jackson  and 
Colonel  Burr,  have  gotten  up  a  charge  against  me  of  participation 
in  the  schemes  of  the  latter.  I  have  not  myself  thought  it  neces- 
sary to  notice  this  new  and  groundless  accusation  ;  but,  prompted 
by  the  opinions  of  some  of  my  friends,  and  actuated  also  by  the 
desire  to  vindicate  the  memory  of  an  inestimable  but  departed 
friend,  who  fell  in  the  military  service  of  his  country,  I  com- 
municate the  following  statement,  which  you  are  at  liberty  to 
publish. 

Public  prosecutions  were  commenced  in  the  Federal  Court  of 
Kentucky,  against  Colonel  Burr,  in  the  fall  of  1806.  He  applied 
to  me,  and  I  engaged  as  his  counsel,  in  conjunction  with  the 
late  Colonel  John  Allen,  to  defend  him.  The  prosecutions  were 
conducted  by  the  late  Colonel  Joseph  Hamilton  Daviess,  a  man 
of  genius,  but  of  strong  prejudices,  who  was  such  an  admirer  of 
Colonel  Hamilton,  that,  after  he  had  attained  full  age,  he  (Colonel 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  207 

D.)  adopted  a  part  of  his  name  as  his  own.  Both  Colonel  Allen 
and  myself  believed  that  there  was  no  ground  for  the  prosecu- 
tions, and  that  Colonel  Daviess  was  chiefly  moved  to  institute 
them  by  his  admiration  of  Colonel  Hamilton,  and  his  hatred  of 
Colonel  Burr.  Such  was  our  conviction  of  the  innocence  of  the 
accused,  that,  when  he  sent  us  a  considerable  fee,  we  resolved 
to  decline  accepting  it,  and  accordingly  returned  it.  We  said  to 
each  other,  Colonel  Burr  has  been  an  eminent  member  of  the 
profession,  has  been  Attorney-General  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
is  prosecuted  without  cause  in  a  distant  State,  and  we  ought  not 
to  regard  him  in  the  light  of  an  ordinary  culprit.  The  first 
prosecution  entirely  failed.  A  second  was  shortly  afterward  in- 
stituted. Between  the  two  I  was  appointed  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States.  In  consequence  of  that  relation  to  the  General 
Government,  Colonel  Burr,  who  still  wished  me  to  appear  for 
him,  addressed  the  note  to  me,  of  which  a  copy  is  herewith 
transmitted.  I  accordingly  again  appeared  for  him,  with  Colonel 
Allen  ;  and  when  the  grand  jury  returned  the  bill  of  indictment 
not  true,  a  scene  was  presented  in  the  Court-room  which  I  had 
never  before  witnessed  in  Kentucky.  There  were  shouts  of 
applause  from  an  audience,  not  one  of  whom,  I  am  persuaded, 
would  have  hesitated  to  level  a  rifle  against  Colonel  Burr,  if  he 
believed  that  he  aimed  to  dismember  the  Union,  or  sought  to 
violate  its  peace,  or  overturn  its  Constitution. 

It  is  not  true  that  the  professional  services  of  either  Colonel 
Allen  or  myself  were  volunteered,  although  they  were  gratuitous. 
Neither  of  us  were  acquainted  with  any  illegal  designs  whatever 
of  Colonel  Burr.  Both  of  us  were  fully  convinced  of  his  inno- 
cence. A  better  or  braver  man,  or  a  more  ardent  and  sincere 
patriot  than  Colonel  John  Allen  never  lived.  The  disastrous 
field  of  Raisin,  on  which  he  fell,  attests  his  devotion  to  his 
country. 

The  affidavit  of  a  Mr.  John  Downing  has  been  procured  and 
published,  to  prove  that  I  advised  him  to  enlist  with  Colonel 
Burr,  and  that  I  told  him  I  was  going  with  him  myself.  There 
is  not  one  word  of  truth  in  it,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  me.  The 
ridiculous  tale  will  be  credited  by  no  one  who  knows  both  of 
us.  The  certificate  of  some  highly  respectable  men  has  been 
procured  as  to  his  character.  His  affidavit  bears  date  on  the 
third,  and  the  certificate,  on  a  detached  paper,  on  the  fourth  in- 
stant. I  have  no  doubt  that  it  was  obtained  on  false  pretences, 


208  PKIVATE   CORRESPOISTDENCE 

and  with  an  entire  concealment  of  its  object.  I  was  at  the 
period  of  the  last  prosecution  preparing  to  attend  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  at  the  seat  of  Government,  many  hundred  miles 
in  an  opposite  direction  from  that  in  which  it  afterward  appeared 
Colonel  Burr  was  bound.  So  far  from  my  having  sent  any  mes- 
sage to  Mr.  Downing,  when  I  was  last  in  Lexington,  I  did  not 
then  ever  dream  that  the  malignity  of  party  spirit  could  fabricate 
such  a  charge  as  has  been  since  put  forth  against  me. 

It  is  not  true  that  I  was  at  the  ball  given  to  Colonel  Burr  in 
Frankfort.  I  was  at  the  time  in  Lexington.  It  is  not  true  that 
he  ever  partook  of  the  hospitality  of  my  house.  It  was  at  that 
time  a  matter  of  regret  with  me  that  my  professional  engage- 
ments, and  those  connected  with  my  departure  for  Washington, 
did  not  allow  me  to  extend  to  him  the  hospitality  with  which  it 
was  always  my  wont  to  treat  strangers.  He  never  was  in  my 
house,  according  to  my  recollection,  but  once,  and  that  was  the 
night  before  I  started  to  this  city,  when,  being  myself  a  stranger 
in  this  place,  he  delivered  me  some  letters  of  introduction,  which 
I  never  presented. 

On  my  arrival  here,  in  December,  1806,  I  became  satisfied, 
from  the  letter  in  cypher  of  Colonel  Burr  to  General  Wilkinson, 
and  from  other  information  communicated  to  me  by  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, that  Colonel  Burr  had  entertained  illegal  designs.  At  the" 
request  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  I  delivered  to  him  the  original  note 
from  Colonel  Burr  to  me,  of  which  a  copy  is  now  forwarded,  and 
I  presume  it  is  yet  among  Mr.  Jefferson's  papers.  I  was  furnished 
with  a  copy  of  it,  in  the  handwriting  of  Colonel  Coles,  his  private 
secretary,  which  is  with  my  papers  in  Kentucky. 

This,  my  dear  doctor,  is  a  true  and  faithful  account  of  my 
connection  with  Colonel  Burr. 


LAFAYETTE   TO   MB.    CLAY. 

LAGRANGE,  October  28,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  Sm, — The  critical  time  of  Presidential  election  is 
now  come ;  the  busy  time  of  the  session  is  coming  on ;  yet  I 
know  you  ever  have  a  thought  to  spare  for  your  affectionate 
friend  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  Mr.  Brown,  whose  excel- 
lent lady,  to  our  inexpressible  gratification,  is  now  in  much  bet- 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  209 

ter  health,  keeps  you  informed  of  European  political  news.  The 
Russians  have  met  with  more  difficulties  than  was  expected. 
It  is  said  that  mistrusts  relative  to  the  suppressed  conspiracy 
have  somewhat  added  to  them.  Mahmond  is  a  spirited  sultan. 
Yet  at  the  long  rim  the  power  of  Russia  is  considered  to  have 
the  better  chance,  unless  the  influence  of  England  and  Austria 
succeed  in  patching  up  a  peace  during  the  winter.  Amid  these 
broils  and  intrigues,  France  is  acting  a  noble  part  quite  the 
reverse  of  the  Spanish  Expedition,  a  contrast  which  has  been 
observed  by  Ibrahim  Pacha  himself  in  his  conversation  with 
the  French  Generals.  The  session  will  not  open  until  the  20th 
of  January.  Some  particular  points  we  wish  to  obtain  have 
been  stated  in  a  public  dinner  at  Meaux,  an  account  of  which  I 
inclose.  There  are  some  others  that  will  be  mentioned ;  but 
while  the  present  ministry  are  less  advanced  in  their  own  liberal- 
ism than  we  wish  them  to  be,  they  find  at  court  a  heavy  draw- 
back in  their  endeavors  to  move  on  the  popular  road.  Some 
progress,  however,  is  made. 

Mr.  Cooper  is  now  on  his  travels ;  his  late  publication  will 
give  to  European  readers  more  correct  notions  of  the  United 
States  than  are  found  in  most  books  on  that  matter,  and  yet  I 
hear  it  is  criticised  in  America  as  being  too  complimentary  to 
his  own  countrymen.  I  don't  find  it  is  so,  and  while  foolish 
slander  is  propagated  in  almost  every  British  publication,  don't 
think  that  feeling,  or  rather  profession  of  humility,  to  be  sea- 
sonable. 

I  understand  Mr.  Cooper  has  resigned  his  Consulship  of  Lyons. 
The  emoluments  of  the  station  do  not  allow  a  special  mission 
from  the  United  States.  I  am  told  applications  have  been  made 
in  favor  of  my  friend  Mr.  Bradford,  a  New  Yorker,  nephew  to 
Mr.  Philip  Hone,  late  mayor  of  that  city,  and  I  hope  I  don't 
break  upon  my  determination,  not  to  solicit  preferments,  when  I 
tell  you  that  Mr.  Bradford,  whose  intimacy  with  us  has  given 
me  full  scope  to  know  him  well,  is  one  of  the  best,  most  sensi- 
ble, and  noble-minded  young  gentlemen  I  ever  met  in  my  life. 
He  is  universally  beloved. 

Be  pleased,  my  dear  sir,  to  remember  me  very  respectfully 
and  affectionately  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  family. 

14 


210  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.   CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  November  9, 1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  7th  as  I  did  the 
previous  one,  inclosing  a  letter  from  Mr.  Spotswood.  I  need 
not  say  that  it  would  have  afforded  me  much  satisfaction  if  I 
could  have  gratified  this  gentleman  with  the  appointment  to  the 
vacant  clerkship  in  the  Department  of  State.  But  Mr.  Trist 
came  recommended  to  me  by  so  many  powerful  considerations, 
of  ample  qualifications,  a  knowledge  of  foreign  languages,  etc., 
the  necessity  of  his  appointment  to  the  personal  comfort  of  Mr. 
R.,  that  I  could  not  decline  appointing  him.  In  his  behalf,  I 
declined  appointing  a  brother-in-law  of  the  President,  who  was 
urged  on  me. 

I  can  give  you  no  satisfactory  news  about  the  election.  The 
most  discouraging  aspect  of  our  cause  is  that  it  is  necessary  that 
we  should  succeed  in  five  or  six  disputed  States  to  insure  Mr. 
Adam's  election.  It  will  be  wonderful  if  we  do  not  fail  in  some 
one  of  them.  The  same  mail  that  carries  this  letter  will  take 
you  some  information  from  New  York,  which  will  enable  you 
to  make  an  approximation.  My  solicitude  about  Kentucky  is 
extreme. 

Have  you  read  my  Russell  correspondence  ?  I  am  deceived 
if  the  publication  of  it  does  not  essentially  benefit  me.  I  wish, 
after  the  smart  of  the  election  is  dissipated,  that  Pleasants 
would  republish  it. 


MR.   CLAY    TO    ADAM    BEATTY. 

WASHINGTON,  November  13,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  6th  instant. 
From  the  information  which  it  communicates,  and  that  which  I 
derive  from  other  channels,  there  is  reason  to  apprehend  that  the 
vote  of  Kentucky  has  been  given  to  General  Jackson.  Without 
that  event,  there  is  but  too  much  probability  of  his  election. 
To  this  decision  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  patriotism 
and  religion  both  unite  in  enjoining  submission  and  resignation. 
For  one,  I  shall  endeavor  to  perform  that  duty.  As  a  private 
citizen,  and  as  a  lover  of  liberty,  I  shall  ever  deeply  deplore  it. 
And  the  course  of  my  own  State,  should  it  be  what  I  have  rea- 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  211 

son  to  apprehend  it  has  been,  will  mortify  and  distress  me.  I 
hope,  nevertheless,  that  I  shall  find  myself  able  to  sustain  with 
composure  the  shock  of  this  event,  and  every  other  trial  to  which 
I  shall  be  destined. 

You  kindly  promise  me  the  suggestion  of  your  ideas  as  to  my 
future  course.  I  shall  await  it  with  anxiety,  and  shall  receive 
and  deliberate  upon  it  in  the  friendly  spirit  by  which  I  know  it 
will  be  dictated. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  November  18,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  llth  instant,  from 
which  I  am  very  sorry  to  learn  that  a  late  political  event  has 
produced  on  you  so  serious  an  effect.  It  is  certainly  not  very 
agreeable,  and,  though  feared,  was  not  expected  by  me.  It  is 
undoubtedly  calculated  to  weaken  our  confidence  in  the  sta- 
bility of  our  free  institutions.  But  we  ought  not  to  allow  this, 
or  any  other  of  the  ills  of  human  life,  to  deprive  us  of  hope 
and  fortitude.  For  myself,  I  declare  to  you  most  sincerely,  that 
I  have  enjoyed  a  degree  of  composure,  and  of  health  too,  since 
the  event  was  known,  greater  than  any  I  experienced  for  many 
months  before.  I  shall  continue  at  my  post,  honestly  and  faith- 
fully discharging  my  duty,  until  the  4th  of  March,  when  I  shall 
surrender  my  trust  to  other  hands,  which  I  hope  may  serve  the 
public  with  more  success — with  more  patriotic  zeal  they  can  not. 
In  my  retirement  to  Ashland,  I  shall  find  tranquillity,  and  what- 
ever my  future  situation  may  be,  I  shall  continue  to  employ  my 
best  exertions  for  the  preservation  and  perpetuation  of  those 
great  principles  of  freedom  and  policy,  to  the  establishment  of 
which  my  public  life  has  hitherto  been  sincerely  dedicated.  I 
believe  the  other  members  of  the  Administration,  including  its 
head,  will,  in  their  respective  spheres,  calmly  exercise  equal  dili- 
gence, till  the  arrival  of  the  same  period. 

A  most  wild  and  reprehensible  suggestion  has  been  made  by 
some  anonymous  correspondent  of  the  Editors  of  "  The  Intelli- 
gencer," whose  letter  is  published  in  their  paper  of  this  day,  to 
defeat  the  election  of  General  Jackson,  by  the  Electoral  Col- 
leges, or  some  of  them,  taking  up  a  new  candidate.  Nothing 
could  be  more  exceptionable  than  such  an  attempt  at  this  time. 


212  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

It  would  be  a  gross  violation  of  the  pledge  which  has  been  im- 
plied, if  not  expressed,  in  the  choice  of  all  the  electors.  Calam- 
itous as  I  regard  the  election  of  General  Jackson,  I  should  con- 
sider the  defeat  of  his  election,  at  this  time,  by  any  such  means, 
as  a  still  greater  calamity. 


CHIEF    JUSTICE    MARSHALL    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

RICHMOND,  November  28,  1828 

Mr  DEAR  SIR, — In  consequence  of  my  inattention  to  the  post- 
office,  I  did  not  receive  your  letter  of  the  23d  till  yesterday  af- 
ternoon. I  need  not  say  how  deeply  I  regret  the  loss  of  Judge 
Trimble.  He  was  distinguished  for  sound  sense,  uprightness 
of  intention,  and  legal  knowledge.  His  superior  can  not  be 
found.  I  wish  we  may  find  his  equal.  You  are  certainly  cor- 
rect in  supposing  that  I  feel  a  deep  interest  in  the  character  of 
the  person  who  may  succeed  him.  His  successor  will,  of 
course,  be  designated  by  Mr.  Adams,  because  he  will  be  re- 
quired to  perform  the  most  important  duties  of  his  office,  before 
a  change  of  administration  can  take  place. 

Mr.  Crittenden  is  not  personally  known  to  me,  but  I  am  well 
acquainted  with  his  general  character.  It  stands  very  high. 
Were  I  myself  to  designate  the  successor  of  Mr.  Trimble,  I  do 
not  know  the  man  I  could  prefer  to  him.  Report,  in  which 
those  in  whom  I  confide  concur,  declares  him  to  be  sensible, 
honorable,  and  a  sound  lawyer.  I  shall  be  happy  to  meet  him 
at  the  Supreme  Court  as  an  associate.  The  objection  I  have  to 
a  direct  communication  of  this  opinion  to  the  President  arises 
from  the  delicacy  of  the  case.  I  can  not  venture,  unasked,  to 
recommend  an  associate  justice  to  the  President,  especially  a 
gentleman  who  is  not  personally  known  to  me.  It  has  the  ap- 
pearance of  assuming  more  than  I  am  willing  to  assume.  I 
must,  then,  notwithstanding  my  deep  interest  in  the  appoint- 
ment, and  my  conviction  of  the  fitness  of  Mr.  Crittenden — a 
conviction  as  strong  as  I  could  well  feel  in  favor  of  a  gentleman 
of  whom  I  judge  only  from  general  character — decline  writing 
to  the  President  on  the  subject. 


OF  HENEY   CLAY.  213 


P.    GUAL   TO   MB.    CLAY. 

TACUBAYA,  November  20,  1828. 

ESTEEMED  SIR, — I  take  the  liberty  to  recommend  Colonel 
Belford  Wilson,  a  son  of  the  illustrious  friend  of  America,  Sir 
Robert  Wilson,  to  your  attentions  and  civilities.  This  gentle- 
man, after  having  conducted  himself  admirably  well  among  us, 
returns  now,  with  honor,  to  the  bosom  of  his  country  and  fam- 
ily. As  he  first  thinks  of  visiting  those  States,  I  assure  you  that 
I  will  be  very  grateful  for  any  demonstration  of  regard  which 
you  may  have  the  goodness  to  bestow  on  him. 

It  is  with  particular  pleasure  I  avail  myself  of  this  occasion 
to  renew  to  you  the  assurances  of  the  ancient  esteem  and  re- 
spect for  your  person,  with  which  I  am  ever  your  affectionate 
and  obedient  servant. 


MR.  CLAY  TO    H.    NILES. 

WASHINGTON,  November  25,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  22d.  The  in- 
auspicious issue  of  the  election  has  shocked  me  less  than  I  feared 
it  would.  My  health  and  my  spirits,  too,  have  been  better, 
since  the  event  was  known,  than  they  were  many  weeks  before. 
And  yet  all  my  opinions  are  unchanged  and  unchangeable,  about 
the  dangers  of  the  precedent  which  we  have  established.  The 
military  principle  has  triumphed,  and  triumphed  in  the  person  of 
one  devoid  of  all  the  graces,  elegances,  and  magnanimity,  of  the 
accomplished  men  of  the  profession. 

Our  course  is  a  plain  one.  We  must  peaceably  submit  to 
what  we  have  been  unable  to  avert,  firmly  resolved  to  adhere  to 
our  principles,  and  to  watch  over  the  Republic  like  faithful  sen- 
tinels. We  should  especially  avoid  gratuitous  propositions  of 
support  to  the  new  Administration,  or,  on  the  other  hand,  a  rash 
and  precipitate  opposition.  Many  of  OITC  friends  have  got  un- 
der the  hostile  standard.  We  should  endeavor  to  recall  them  to 
their  duty  by  kindness.  A  blind  and  precipitate  attack  would 
produce  union  where  now  there  is  nothing  but  the  elements  of 
discord. 

I  thank  you  and  Mrs.  Niles  for  the  high  compliment  you 


214  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

have  lately  paid  me.  It  is  a  better  evidence  of  the  fidelity  of 
your  friendship  than  of  your  discretion,  at  this  time.  With  my 
best  wishes  for  the  mother  and  son,  I  remain  your  friend. 


J.    J.    CRITTENDEN    TO    MB.    CLAY. 

FEANKFORT,  December  3,  1828. 

DEAR  SIR, — Though  recent  occurrences  have  a  good  deal  de- 
pressed my  spirits,  my  principles  forbid  me  to  despair.  I  have 
yet  a  strong  confidence  "  that  truth  is  omnipotent,  and  public 
justice  certain,"  and  that  you  will  live  to  hail  the  day  of  retri- 
bution and  triumph.  Your  political  enemies  render  involuntary 
homage  to  you,  by  their  early  and  spontaneous  apprehensions 
of  your  future  elevation,  and  your  friends  find  their  consolation 
by  looking  upon  the  same  prospect.  The  combination  that  has 
been  formed  against  you  will  dissolve — its  leaders  have  too 
many  selfish  views  of  personal  aggrandizement  to  harmonize 
long ;  your  friends  will  remain  steadfast,  bound  to  you  more 
strongly  by  adversity ;  you  will,  of  necessity,  be  looked  to  as 
the  great  head  and  hope  of  the  great  mass  that  constitutes  the 
present  Administration  party.  This  is  the  spirit  already  visible 
here,  and  I  am  sanguine  of  its  final  result. 

What  an  excellent  philosophy  it  is  which  can  thus  extract 
good  from  evil — consolation  from  defeat !  But  enough  of  it. 

You  will,  of  course,  go  on  with  the  Administration  to  the  last 
moment,  as  though  Mr.  Adams  had  been  re-elected,  and  with  all 
the  good  temper  and  discretion  possible.  But  what  then? 
That  you  should  return  to  your  district,  and  represent  it  again 
in  Congress,  seems  to  be  the  general  wish  and  expectation  of 
your  friends  here.  It  is  certainly  mine. 


HENRY    CLAY,  JR.,  TO    HIS    FATHER. 

WEST  POINT,  December  16,  1828.    . 

MY  DEAR  FATHER, — When  last  in  Washington,  I  mentioned 
to  my  mother  that  it  would  be  in  my  power  to  be  absent  from 
West  Point  during  the  two  months  of  the  next  encampment ; 
and  intimated  that  it  would  be  highly  agreeable  to  me  to  visit 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  215 

Kentucky.  My  feelings  on  this  subject  still  remain  the  same, 
but  I  must  confess  that  I  am  not  very  eager  to  go,  all  things  being 
considered.  For  if  I  amjo  remain  in  the  army,  it  will  be  of  the 
last  importance  to  me  to  enter  as  honorable  a  corps  as  possible, 
and  this  may,  in  some  measure,  be  influenced  by  my  going,  for 
it  is  but  reasonable  to  suppose  that  my  mind  will  be  somewhat 
estranged  from  study.  You  will  perceive  that  I  am  beginning 
to  lose  all  other  ambition  than  that  of  being  an  honest  man.  A 
professorship  of  mathematics  in  some  college,  or,  lastly,  a  post  in 
the  army,  are  all  that  I  now  aspire  to.  My  talents,  I  am  forced  to 
coincide  with  you  in  what  I  have  long  supposed  to  be  your 
opinion,  are  not  above  mediocrity.  This  presents  to  me  an  in- 
surmountable obstacle  to  the  profession  of  law  ;  for  in  this  pro- 
fession there  is  no  medium.  A  good  lawyer  and  a  great  man,  a 
poor  lawyer  and  a  contemptible  man,  are  synonymous  terms. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  26,  1828. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Having  nothing  to  offer  you  from  this  place,  I 
am  anxious  to  learn  from  you  what  is  passing  at  Richmond. 
Here  we  are  in  a  political  eddy,  the  currents  from  which  will  not 
break  out  and  show  themselves  until  about  the  Ides  of  March. 
There  is  nothing  but  vague  speculation  in  regard  to  the  inten- 
tions of  the  President-elect,  with  which  it  is  not  worth  while  to 
trouble  you.  Toward  the  bottom,  indeed,  there  is  some  move- 
ment in  the  water  already,  but  it  does  not  show  itself  upon  the 
surface.  It  is  said  that  a  good  deal  of  jealousy  is  felt,  and  in 
private  circles  sometimes  manifests  itself,  amorrg  the  partisans  of 
the  Vice-President  and  the  Governor-elect  of  New  York. 

I  get  a  great  many  letters  from  all  quarters,  conveying  strong 
sentiments  of  unabated  confidence  and  ardent  attachment.  I  am 
frequently,  too,  favored  with  the  advice  of  friends  of  a  directly 
opposite  tenor.  One  tells  me,  for  example,  that  I  should  retire 
from  public  life  for  two  or  three  years  ;  while  another  is  equally 
positive  that  I  should  forthwith  return  to  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. I  have  as  yet  decided  upon  no  course  for  myself, 
and  shall  decide  upon  none  until  my  return  to  Kentucky.  In 
the  meantime,  I  should  be  glad  to  be  favored  with  your  opinion, 
and  that  of  other  friends  whom  you  may  think  proper  to  consult. 


216  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  HENRY  CLAY. 

Mr.  Madison's  letters  are  sought  after  with  great  avidity.  They 
have  produced  much  effect,  and  I  think  are  likely  to  produce 
much  more.  This  is  evidenced  by  the  violence  of  some  of  those 
who  are  opposed  to  the  Tariff.  You  will  be  shocked  when  I 
tell  you  that  one  of  them,  and  one,  too,  from  Mr.  Madison's  own 
State,  I  have  been  told,  said  that  he  ought  to  have  died,  or  that 
he  wished  he  had  died,  five  years  ago. 

But  to  return  to  Richmond.  What  will  be  done  with  the  Con- 
vention question  ?  What  is  the  tone  of  party  spirit  ?  Is  it  a 
proscription  there,  as  in  some  other  places  ? 


CHAPTER    VI. 

CORRESPONDENCE    OF   1829. 

MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  10,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  perceive  from  your  letter  of  the  5th  instant, 
at  St.  Mien,  that  you  had  not  then  received  one  which  I  ad- 
dressed to  you  at  Richmond,  where  I  presume  it  is  now  await- 
ing your  return. 

We  are  here  absolutely  without  any  thing  new  or  interesting. 
Congress  is  in  no  disposition  to  do  business.  The  present  Ad- 
ministration is  winding  up  their  public  affairs,  originating  no  new 
measures,  and  endeavoring  to  turn  their  stewardship  over  to  their 
successors  in  the  best  state  possible.  In  respect  to  the  purposes 
of  the  new  Administration,  or  rather  the  intentions  of  the  Presi- 
dent-elect, nothing  seems  to  be  known  here.  We  have  vague 
speculations  only  in  place  of  positive  information.  Washing- 
ton, therefore,  is  not  at  present  the  source  of  news.  We  must 
look  to  other  quarters  for  it.  And  accordingly  we  have  been 
turning  our  attention  toward  Richmond.  There  appears  in 
your  Legislature  to  be  so  many  projects  in  regard  to  the  basis  of 
the  representation  in  your  Convention,  that  we  are  at  a  loss  to 
conjecture  whether  any  thing  or  what  will  be  done. 

As  far  as  I  can  learn  (and  on  that  subject  a  good  deal  of  in- 
formation reaches  me),  there  is  a  good  spirit  prevailing  among 
our  friends  every  where.  They  seem  to  be  generally  impressed 
with  the  belief  that  our  true  policy,  at  present,  is  to  do  nothing 
but  look  on ;  that  they  ought  to  avoid  alike  hostility  or  profes- 
sions of  support  toward  the  new  Administration ;  that  until  it 
begins  to  act,  there  are  no  means  of  judging  what  its  course  will 
be  ;  that  in  the  mean  time,  holding  fast  to  all  our  principles,  and 
keeping  constantly  in  view  the  danger  to  civil  liberty  of  the  pre- 
dominance of  the  military  spirit,  we  should  preserve  stout  hearts, 


218  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

and  be  prepared  to  act,  under  contingences,  according  to  the 
impulses  of  a  generous  patriotism. 

Whether  I  ought  to  be  brought  out,  and  when,  must  be  left 
exclusively  to  my  friends.  This  latter  point,  supposing  the  first 
affirmatively  settled,  is  one  of  great  delicacy.  Precipitancy  and 
tardiness  should  be  equally  avoided.  The  public  wants  tran- 
quillity after  the  late  agitation.  To  present  formally  candidates 
for  the  succession,  before  the  President-elect  enters  on  the  duties 
of  his  office,  would  be  premature  and  offensive  to  the  quiet, 
that  is,  the  larger  portion  of  the  community.  It  would  be  other- 
wise if  the  candidates  of  the  Jackson  party  were  announced. 

Where  Jacksonism  has  prevailed,  and  secured  majorities  in  the 
Legislatures  of  the  different  States,  those  majorities  are  more  in- 
imical to  me,  at  this  time,  than  majorities  in  those  Legislatures 
ever  will  be  hereafter.  They  have  been  elected  under  an  ex- 
citement, and  I  have  remarked  always  that  the  representatives  of 
the  people,  when  so  elected,  are  ahead  of  the  people  themselves 
in  reference  to  that  particular  excitement. 

It  will  be  time  enough,  upon  my  return  to  Kentucky  after  the 
4th  of  March,  to  decide  whether  I  shall  remain  in  private,  or 
again  seek  to  enter  public  life.  I  should  be  glad  to  know  your 
views,  and  those  of  other  friends,  on  that  point.  I  presume  there 
will  be  no  difficulty  in  my  return  to  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives, if  I  should  permit  myself  to  be  a  candidate. 

The  health  of  Mr.  Southard  has  been  bad  throughout  the 
session.  He  is  now  confined  to  his  house,  but  I  hear  is  better 
to-day.  Without,  perhaps,  there  being  any  cause  of  immediate 
apprehension,  I  think  his  situation  is  one  full  of  anxiety  to  his 
friends  and  connections. 

Do  you  not  mean  to  visit  us  ?  I  need  not  say  that  I  should 
see  you  with  great  pleasure,  and  although  this  city  presents  less 
attractions  than  usual  at  this  season  to  the  ladies,  we  should  be 
most  happy  to  see  Mrs.  Brooke  also  with  you  at  my  house. 


HENRY  CLAY,  JR.,  TO  HIS  FATHER. 

WEST  POINT,  January  21,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER, — I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  14th 
instant.  By  it  all  my  fears  are  quieted ;  and  I  can  now  look  for- 
ward to  something  honorable.  You  can  hardly  conceive  of  a 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  219 

more  wretched  state  than  that  in  which  I  was  before  this  letter 
was  received.  I  have  always  had  an  inclination  for  the  law, 
which  arose  from  an  entire  conviction  that  it  was  the  path  which 
led  to  distinction.  When,  therefore,  it  was  first  proposed  to  me 
to  come  to  West  Point,  I  thought  that  I  saw  all  my  hopes  blasted 
forever,  and,  though  I  desired  to  acquire  the  education  given 
here,  yet  I  must  confess  to  you  that  I  looked  upon  my  stay  at 
this  place  with  a  kind  of  horror.  But  now  that  I  see  that  your 
intentions  have  all  along  been  in  unison  with  my  wishes,  I  feel 
sensibly  how  much  I  have  erred  in  the  supposition,  too  hastily 
formed,  that  you  purposed  that  I  should  become  a  member  of  the 
army.  Feeling  as  I  now  do,  I  can  not  but  beseech  you  to  for- 
give me  for  the  uneasiness  which  my  but  half-suppressed  discon- 
tent must  have  caused  you. 


RICHARD  HENRY  LEE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

LEESBURG,  January  23,  1829. 

DEAR  SIR, — When  I  last  enjoyed  the  honor  of  your  company, 
I  took  the  liberty  of  asking  the  favor  of  you,  to  prepare  for  me 
a  list  of  all  the  treaties  negotiated  by  yourself  and  by  our  foreign 
ministers,  during  your  occupancy  of  the  State  Department.  You 
were  kind  enough  to  promise  me  the  enumeration  I  desired.  I 
am  obliged  to  you  for  the  call  of  my  attention  to  the  principle 
you  mentioned,  so  favorable  to  our  navigation  interests,  and  for 
the  history  of  its  introduction  into  our  later  treaties. 

Permit  me  to  obtrude  again  on  your  attention,  so  far  as  to  beg 
that,  amid  the  various  and  important  business  constantly  engaging 
your  mind,  you  would  not  forget  the  memoranda  I  want.  You 
will  add  to  the  favor,  if  you  will  attach  a  note  to  the  name,  etc., 
of  any  treaty,  noticing  any  novel  principle  contained  in  it,  and 
elucidating  the  history  and  the  intention  of  its  introduction,  and 
its  actual  or  probable  effect  upon  our  national  interests  and  na- 
tional relations. 

In  composing  the  history  I  took  the  liberty  of  telling  you  I 
intend  to  write,  if  I  have  the  leisure  and  opportunity  of  writing, 
I  shall  devote  no  small  portion  of  it'  to  the  first  Department  un- 
der the  Executive,  and  to  the  labors  and  character  of  its  head. 
I  say  this,  my  dear  sir,  without  any  purpose  of  flattery  or  cour- 
tier-like spirit  (my  Republican  spirit  is  -above  this),  but  because 


220  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

its  concerns  and  the  character  and  labors  of  its  officer,  of  the 
period  I  shall  be  writing  of,  belong  to  the  history  and  glory  of 
my  country.  When  I  again  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you,  I 
will  take  the  liberty  of  submitting  it  to  you,  whether  it  would 
be  your  wish  that  an  historian,  if  thought  adequate  to  his  task, 
should  take  any  notice  of  the  false  and  malicious  imputations  cast 
upon  you  and  Mr.  Adams,  of  intrigue  and  corruption.  For  my- 
self, I  am  inclined  to  think  that  to  notice  them  would  be  beneath 
the  dignity  of  history  and  of  your  characters. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  30,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Ten  days  confinement  from  a  severe  indispo- 
sition produced  by  cold,  has  delayed  my  answer  to  your  favor 
of  the  14th  inst.  I  am  now  better,  though  I  still  feel  much  de- 
bility from  the  attack. 

I  should  be  extremely  gratified  to  be  able  to  accept  for  myself 
and  Mrs.  Clay  your  kind  invitation  to  visit  you  and  Mrs.  Brooke, 
at  St.  Julien,  but  I  regret  that  it  will  not  be  in  our  power  to 
avail  ourselves  of  it.  At  the  season  of  the  year  when  we  shall 
return  to  Kentucky,  that  is,  about  the  10th  of  March,  we  have 
no  alternative  but  to  proceed  to  Wheeling  or  Pittsburg.  The 
roads  on  every  other  route  will  be  then  almost  impassable. 
From  the  present  time,  until  the  period  of  our  departure,  we 
shall  be  constantly  occupied  with  winding  up  my  official  busi- 
ness ;  with  packing  up,  sending  off,  and  disposing  of  furniture; 
and  with  other  arrangements  for  the  journey. 

I  should  be  very  much  pleased  to  visit  Richmond.  It  would 
afford  me  much  satisfaction  to  see  my  friends,  and  I  doubt  not 
that  there  are  many  of  them  that  would  be  happy  to  meet 
me.  But  I  must  own  to  you  frankly,  that  I  should  not  expect  to 
derive  any  political  benefit  from  such  a  visit.  The  contest  has 
been  too  recent,  passions  have  not  yet  sufficiently  abated,  preju- 
dices are  yet  too  high  and  strong,  to  make  me  an  acceptable 
guest  at  Richmond,  where  a  large  majority  of  the  Legislature  is 
of  an  opposite  faith  from  that  which  I  profess.  I  should,  un- 
doubtedly, find  among  that  majority  much  of  the  courtesy  which 
characterizes  our  native  State.  I  should  even,  now  and  then,. 


OP  HENRY   CLAY.  221 

find  a  friend,  but  the  great  mass  would  be  animated  by  a  spirit, 
positively,  if  not  bitterly  hostile.  You  must  have  remarked 
what  I  have  often  observed,  that  when  a  particular  popular  cur- 
rent prevails,  the  representatives  of  the  people  elected  under  its 
impulse,,  are  in  advance  of  the  people  themselves  in  violence. 
It  is  on  this  principle  that  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  Jack- 
son majorities  in  the  Legislatures,  this  winter,  are  more  adverse 
to  me  than  they  will  probably  be  at  any  future  time. 

With  respect  to  any  movements  in  regard  to  the  successor  of 
General  Jackson,  I  believe  I  have  already  said  to  you  that  I  think 
it  would  be  premature  now  to  commence  them.  The  next  six 
months — the  next  six  weeks — may  develop  important  events, 
and  shed  brilliant  light  upon  our  path.  At  all  events,  I  do  not 
wish  that  our  friends  should  disturb  the  public  in  the  enjoyment 
of  that  tranquillity,  of  which,  after  the  late  violent  agitation,  it 
has  so  much  need.  As  to  the  danger  which  some  apprehend, 
of  the  separation  and  dispersion  of  our  friends,  I  do  not  partici- 
pate in  their  fears.  The  same  principles  which  have  guided 
them  heretofore,  will  continue  to  unite  them  together.  In  every 
demonstration  which  has  been  made  during  the  present  winter 
(witness  the  Senatorial  elections  in  Ohio,  Delaware,  Maine,  etc.), 
they  stand  firm  and  unshaken. 

Should  any  thing  occur  to  me  prior  to  my  departure  for  Ken- 
tucky, as  being  expedient  to  be  done,  in  relation  to  the  Presi- 
dential succession,  I  will  communicate  it  to  you. 



JAMES  BROWN   TO  MR.  CLAY. 

PAKE,  February  13,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  happy  to  find  that  you  have  borne  your 
disappointment  and  loss  of  place  with  so  much  true  philosophy. 
If  you  have  lost  your  office,  you  will  regain  your  health  and  im- 
prove your  fortune,  and  therefore  I  think  you  may  felicitate 
yourself  on  the  result.  I  hope,  as  you  love  a  little  agitation, 
you  will  obtain  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  where 
your  weight  of  talents  will  be  felt,  and  where,  by  resuming  your 
cheerfulness  and  former  popular  manners,  you  will  again  fill  a 
high  place  in  the  esteem  of  the  nation.  The  outs  have  acted 
wisely  in  resolving  not  to  set  up  opposition  until  the  new  Ad- 
ministration shall  have  done  something  which  merits  opposition. 


222  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTOX,  February  21,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  the  last  letter  which  you  did  me 
the  favor  to  write  me,  and  I  have  since  received  the  publication 
relating  to  the  Tariff,  to  which  it  refers.  Prom  the  course  which 
that  business  is  taking  in  your  Legislature,  I  apprehend  that  a 
majority  will  oppose  itself  to  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Madison. 

After  a  great  deal  of  speculation  in  relation  to  the  new  Cabi- 
net, an  arrangement  of  it  is  now  spoken  of  with  great  confi- 
dence. If  that  be  executed  it  will  consist  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  for 
the  State  Department,  Ingham  for  the  Treasury,  Eaton  for  the 
War,  Branch  for  the  Navy,  Berrian  for  Attorney-General,  M'Lean 
to  continue  Post-master  General,  or  to  be  put  upon  the  bench 
of  the  Supreme  Court ;  and,  in  the  latter  case,  Colonel  Johnson, 
of  Kentucky,  to  be  appointed  Post-master  General.  Van  Buren 
has,  from  the  first,  run  upon  all  the  tickets  for  the  State  Depart- 
ment, and  I  conclude,  therefore,  that  he  will  be  appointed.  I 
was  at  first  incredulous  as  to  the  other  persons  spoken  of  as  Sec- 
retaries ;  but  I  have  been  compelled  at  last  to  believe  that  they 
are,  at  least  at  this  time,  designed  for  these  respective  places. 

I  should  be  glad  to  hear  from  you  after  the  decision  of  the 
Tariff  resolutions  in  your  House  of  Delegates.  Let  me  know 
if  there  is  any  diminution  in  the  number  of  those  who  have 
heretofore  opposed  the  power.  From  your  silence  in  your  last 
letter,  I  infer,  as  I  had  anticipated,  that  the  tone  of  the  Jackson 
portion  of  your  Legislature,  with  two  or  three  exceptions,  is  de- 
cidedly hostile  to  me. 


FRANCIS  BROOKE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

RICHMOND,  February  23,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  hasten  to  answer  your  letter  of  to-day. 
The  intelligence  it  gives  of  the  proposed  Cabinet  had  reached 
here  on  yesterday,  and  filled  the  Jackson  party  with  consterna- 
tion. Some  affect  not  to  believe  it,  and  some  few  to  palliate  it ; 
you  will  see  the  vote  on  the  Tariff,' the  minority  has  increased 
from  forty-nine  to  seventy-five,  and  would  have  been  higher  but 
for  the  absence  of  some  members.  You  have  not  drawn  the 
intended  inference  from  any  letter.  There  can  be  little  doubt 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  22S 

that  a  large  portion  of  the  Jackson  party  are  favorable  to  you,  at 
least,  this  is  my  information  from  every  quarter.  I  think  the 
people  must  say  with  Hamlet,  "  Look  at  this  picture  and  look  at 
that,"  and  for  this  only  has  been  the  mighty  strife.  I  confess  I 
am  myself  disappointed.  I  thought  General  Jackson,  if  he  could 
not  get  splendid  talents  and  information,  at  least  would  have 
brought  around  him  great  moral  worth,  as  those  who  have  least 
of  it  are  not  insensible  to  its  value.  Feeling  must  have  super- 
seded this  instinct.  I  think  that  now  his  future  course  will  not 
be  doubtful.  He  must  put  himself  into  the  hands  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  State,  who  will  be  de  facto,  President,  etc. 


LAFAYETTE    TO    MR.  CLAY. 

PARIS,  March  8,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — A  precious  book,  beautifully  bound,  and  con- 
taining several  of  your  admirable  speeches,  has  been  lately  pre- 
sented to  me,  by  your  excellent  brother,  Mr.  Brown,  as  a  new 
token  of  your  friendship.  That  it  has  been  received  with  every 
sentiment  of  affection  and  gratitude  I  need  not,  I  know,  to  as- 
sert, but  I  want  to  express,  and  so  I  want  to  add  that  while  I 
am  happy  to  acknowledge  your  personal  kindness  along  with 
your  public  eloquence,  there  is  one  speech,  strongly  tinctured 
with  both,  which  although  not  recorded  in  the  book,  as  it  relates 
to  a  more  private  object,  shall  ever  be  engraved  in  my  heart. 

Four  days  are  now  elapsed,  my  dear  friend,  since  you  have 
been  restored  to  a  life  of  repose  ;  it  will  probably  not  last  long, 
and  I  anticipate  the  approaching  time  when  you  will  be  returned 
to  Congress,  and  probably  to  the  Chair  of  the  House.  I  hope 
the  intervals  will  be  consecrated  to  the  restoration  of  your  health, 
above  which,  and  also  above  every  thing  that  concerns  yourself 
and  family,  I  beg  you  to  give  me  frequent  and  minute  informa- 
tion. They  become  the  ^more  necessary  to  me  as  we  are  going 
to  lose  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Brown,  a  loss  that  is  deeply  felt  by  every 
American  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  by  none  more  than  by 
me,  and  my  family  who  are  attached  to  them  by  every  tie  of 
gratitude,  affection,  and  respect.  Mrs.  Brown's  health  is  now 
better  than  when  they  took  the  resolution  to  return  home.  We 
have  been  much  alarmed  on  her  account ;  it  is  now  over,  as  to 
danger,  and  a  few  days  ago  she  looked  quite  well.  But  all  the 


224  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

particulars  relative  to  her  health  she,  no  doubt,  gives  to  her  sis- 
ter, and  these  lines  will  go  by  the  same  opportunity.  Packets 
now  run  three  times  in  the  month.  Miss  Brown,  who  lives  with 
them,  is  a  most  amiable  young  lady. 

Of  the  affairs  of  Europe  you  have,  in  your  official  capacity, 
heard  a  great  deal,  and  much  of  them  is  to  be  found  in  the  pub- 
lic papers.  It  appears  the  two  great  despots  of  the  East  will  try 
the  fortune  of  war.  The  conduct  of  the  French  Government 
has  been  liberal  and  disinterested.  Not  so  with  the  rulers  of 
England  j  they  strive  to  contract  the  limits  and  independence  of 
Greece.  Their  connections  with  Don  Miguel,  and  late  behavior 
at  Terceira,  have  roused  a  general  cry  against  them.  The  Amer- 
ican stars  have  lately  lighted  on  a  dextrous  and  honorable  pri- 
vate attempt,  of  which  I  feel  very  proud.  Austria  is  as  bad  as 
ever.  Italy  deserves  the  leaden  inquisitorial  yoke.  It  is  impos- 
sible for  Spain  and  Portugal  to  go  on  as  they  are  now  governed. 
The  downfall  of  the  Villele  administration,  and  a  better  choice 
of  deputies  which  occasioned  it,  has  set  the  interior  affairs  of 
France  on  a  somewhat  improved  line  of  march.  But  very  slow, 
timid  steps  indeed.  Far  even  from  what  could  be  done  within 
the  so  very  limited  circle  of  an  octroid  charter.  Yet,  I  think  it 
a  duty  to  assist  in  the  little  progressive  good  that  can  be  obtained. 

On  reading  again  your  observations  on  our  Colonization  So- 
ciety, of  which  to  have  been  chosen  a  Vice-President  is  to  me 
a  great  honor,  and  a  most  highly  valued  gratification,  I  have 
thought  you  will  employ  some  of  your  time  of  leisure  in  pro- 
moting the  most  important  object  that  it  remains,  in  my  opinion, 
for  our  part  of  America  finally  to  obtain.  The  settlement  of 
Liberia  may  in  future  times  civilize  Africa,  and  facilitate  a  grad- 
ual abolition  of  slavery.  I  have  seen  with  much  pleasure  that 
measures  of  the  kind  were  talked  of  for  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia. You  know  that  while  I  feel,  as  much  as  any  man,  the 
cursed  evil  entailed  upon  America  by  Great  Britain,  I  am  not 
insensible  of  the  immense  difficulties,  but  think  that  if  an  inces- 
sant attention,  in  the  Southern  States,  to  that  momentous  object 
of  self-interest  as  well  as  of  humanity,  is  directed  that  way, 
means  may  be  found  out  consistent  with  prudence  and  posses- 
sion, to  limit,  lessen,  and  perhaps,  in  time  to  eradicate  that  only 
obstacle  to  Southern  improvements,  that  only  objection  to  the 
example  proposed  to  the  world  in  the  superior  state  of  American 
civilization. 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  225 

I  am  told  our  friend  Mr.  Adams '  intends  to  remain  with  his 
family  in  the  District  of  Columbia ;  if  you  see  them,  and  your 
former  colleagues  in  the  Cabinet,  remember  me  very  affection- 
ately to  them  all.  Present  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay  and 
family. 

My  son  requests  me  to  present  his  best  respects.  Le  Valleur 
is  now  a  partner  in  a  bookselling  firm  under  the  name  of  Mal- 
ker  &  Co.,  Faubourg,  St.  Germain,  where  he  has  settled  his 
family  and  himself.  You  know  that  M.  David,  one  of  the  first 
statuaries  in  the  world,  and  the  first  in  Paris,  member  of  the  In- 
stitute, etc.,  has  presented  Congress  with  a  marble  bust,  made  on 
purpose  to  be  offered  as  a  tribute  to  them.  It  has  been  much 
admired  by  the  artists  of  Paris. 


MR.  CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  12,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  not  written  you  very  lately,  because, 
having  nothing  to  communicate  which  the  papers  did  not  con- 
tain, I  did  not  wish  to  make  you  pay  postage  for  the  thousand 
rumors  with  which  this  city  has  been  filled.  Among  the  official 
corps  here  there  is  the  greatest  solicitude  and  apprehension.  The 
members  of  it  feel  something  like  the  inhabitants  of  Cairo  when 
the  plague  breaks  out ;  no  one  knows  who  is  next  to  encounter 
the  stroke  of  death ;  or  which,  with  many  of  them  is  the  same 
thing,  to  be  dismissed  from  office.  You  have  no  conception  of 
the  moral  tyranny  which  prevails  here  over  those  in  employ- 
ment. It  is,  however,  believed  that  the  work  of  expulsion  will 
not  begin  till  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Senate. 

It  is  said  that  Amos  Kendall,  of  Kentucky,  is  to  be  appointed 
an  auditor,  arid  Tom  Moore  minister  to  Colombia ! 

I  take  my  departure  to-morrow.  My  inclination  at  present  is 
not  to  return  to  the  next  Congress,  but  I  shall  reserve  a  final 
decision  of  the  question,  for  a  consideration  of  all  circumstances, 
after  my  return  home.  The  major  part  of  my  friends,  whom  I 
have  consulted,  think  a  seat  in  the  next  Congress  inexpedient. 
Among  them  all  the  best  spirit  prevails,  and  high  and  confident 
hopes  are  cherished  by  them.  Every  movement  of  the  President, 
15 


226  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

though  dictated  by  personal  resentment  toward  me,  conduces  to 
my  benefit,  especially  his  Kentucky  appointments. 

Let  me  hear  often  from  you,  and  believe  me  ever  your  devoted 
friend. 


>IK.  CLAY  TO  J.   S.  JOHNSTON. 

WHEELING,  April  1,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — W.  C.  C.  Claiborne  having  decided  rather 
suddenly  to  throw  himself  on  board  a  steamboat  about  departing 
for  Louisville,  I  have  only  time  to  say  that  we  reached  this  place 
the  day  before  yesterday,  nine  days  after  you,  in  good  health. 
I  found  here  your  letter,  informing  me  of  your  journey, 
etc.  The  same  snow  that  you  left  on  the  mountains  remained, 
and  smoothed  our  passage  over  them,  although  it  rendered  us 
somewhat  uncomfortably  cold. 

My  journey  has  been  marked  by  every  token  of  warm  attach- 
ment and  cordial  demonstrations.  I  never  experienced  more 
testimonies  of  respect  and  confidence,  nor  more  enthusiasm. 
Dinners,  suppers,  balls,  etc.  I  have  had  literally  a  free  passage. 
Taverns,  stages,  toll-gates  have  been  generally  thrown  open  to 
me,  free  from  all  charge.  Monarchs  might  be  proud  of  the  re- 
ception with  which  I  have  been  every  where  honored. 

The  work  of  proscription  has  commenced  at  Washington  and 
elsewhere.  Our  poor  friends,  Cutts,  Watkins,  and  Lee,  are 
among  the  sufferers.  Editor  Hill  has  succeeded  the  first,  Editor 
Kendall  the  second,  and  Major  Lewis  the  last.  So  we  go. 

Let  me  hear  from  you,  and  often;  I  entreat  of  you,  for  no  one 
feels  more  warmly  actuated  in  the  welfare  of  you  both  than  your 
constant  friend. 


MR.    ADAMS    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

MERIDIAN  HILL,  WASHINGTON,  April  21,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  the  12th  instant,  inclosing  a 
letter  to  you  from  Mr.  Child,  with  your  answer,  has  come  to 
hand.  The  letter  to  Mr. -Child  has  been  forwarded  to  him  as 
you  desired. 

I  have  no  design  or  wish  that  old  party  distinctions  should  be 
revived,  and  do  not  believe  that  they  will  or  can  be.  A  struggle 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  227 

by  certain  individuals  of  the  old  Federal  party  to  recover  the 
ascendency  they  had  lost,  may  render  a  reaction  of  the  Repub- 
licans necessary  for  their  own  defense  ;  it  can  be  necessary  for 
no  other  purpose  of  which  I  am  aware,  and  I  have  no  wish  to 
fortify  myself  by  the  support  of  any  party  whatever. 

The  objection  there  appears  to  me  to  be  against  applying  the 
denomination  of  Federalists  to  the  opposers  of  protection  to 
manufactures  and  internal  improvement  is,  that  I  believe  the 
fact  to  be  otherwise.  The  old  Federalists  were  generally  friendly 
to  those  interests.  Washington  was  pre-eminently  so.  The 
remains  of  the  Federal  party  now  are  divided  upon  those  ques- 
tions, as  they  are  upon  all  others  of  present  political  interest. 
They  have  now  no  public  principle  peculiar  to  themselves. 

The  Federalists  have  generally  supported  the  measures  of  the 
two  last  Administrations,  Those  Administrations  have  adopted 
and  practiced  upon  many  of  their  favorite  opinions.  Most  of  the 
New  England  manufacturers  are  Federalists,  and  would  hardly 
be  gratified  by  the  application  of  their  names  to  their  opponents. 

The  composition  of  the  new  Administration  indicates  the  in- 
tention to  conciliate  the  South.  Perhaps  means  will  be  found 
also  of  propitiating  the  West.  New  England  will  .not  be  a 
favorite  ;  nor,  it  would  seem,  will  Virginia  ;  but  there  is  now  no 
propensity  to  opposition  in  either. 

You  will  have  time,  between  this  and  next  August,  to  fix 
your  opinion,  whether  it  will  be  advisable  for  you  to  come  to 
the  House  or  not.  I  have  no  doubt  your  presence  here  will  be 
salutary.  But  whether,  at  the  present  Congress,  a  seat  in  the 
House  would  conduce  to  your  health  or  comfort  may  admit  of 
doubt. 

Wherever  you  may  be,  you  will  have  with  you  my  respect 
and  esteem. 


RICHARD    HENRY   LEE   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTOX,  April  22,  1829. 

DEAR  SIR, — From  a  late  paper,  I  learn  that  you  and  your  fam- 
ily have  arrived  at  home,  without  accident.  Permit  me  to  ex- 
press to  you  the  pleasure  this  intelligence  has  given  me. 

I  was  chagrined,  that  through  misinformation  of  the  time  of 
your  departure  from  this  city,  I  did  not  enjoy  the  friendly  privi- 


228  PBIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

lege  of  presenting  to  you  the  parting  assurances  of  my  respect 
and  remembrance.  I  felt  this  circumstance  so  much,  that  I  de- 
termined to  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  presenting  them  to 
you,  which  I  do  now,  when  they  are  as  strongly  entertained. 

No  one,  my  dear  sir,  of  your  friends  and  fellow-citizens,  has 
traced  the  course  and  incidents  of  your  return  to  Kentucky  with 
more  interest  and  gratification  than  myself.  "  I  will  not  despair 
of  the  American  Republic"  while  I  observe  the  redeeming  and 
purifying  leaven  which  yet  remains  in  her  citizens.  It  is  essen- 
tially diffusive,  and  will  yet  leaven  the  whole  mass.  It  is  not 
the  frothy  effervescence  of  sordid  interest  and  ignorance,  but  the 
genuine  risings  of  enlightened  and  fearless  patriotism.  To  drop 
all  figure,  the  gloom  in  which  you  left  us  here  was  dispelled  by 
the  events  of  your  journey.  I  rejoiced  in  the  testimonials  of 
the  confidence  and  gratitude  of  the  country,  so  generously  and 
enthusiastically  offered  you.  They  have  cheered  more  than 
half  a  million  of  freemen,  who,  as  you  truly  observed,  are  not 
surpassed  by  any  body  of  men  on  earth,  in  civic  virtues  and  in- 
telligence. I  was  cheered  with  them,  not  only  because  they 
prove  the  sense  of  justice  to  be  strong  and  fearless,  but  because 
they  give  us  reason  to  hope  that  by  concentrating  all  our  efforts 
upon  a  statesman,  we  may  yet  be  able  to  bring  back  the  people 
to  a  just  estimate  of  civil  services,  civil  qualifications,  and  civil 
freedom. 

Mr.  Adams  (whom  I  have  lately  seen,  in  fine  health  and 
spirits)  has  very  much  gratified  his  friends  by  his  letter  to  the 
citizens  of  New  Jersey.  The  irony  of  the  last  paragraph  was 
keen,  and  just  toward  him,  who,  on  such  an  occasion,  had  the 
indecorum  to  charge  him  with  corruption  and  abuse  of  office, 
and  to  libel  half  a  million  of  his  fellow-citizens.  The  truth 
and  faithfulness  of  the  portraits  Mr.  Adams  has  so  glowingly 
drawn,  have  struck  the  public  with  a  force  which  has  exceed- 
ingly annoyed  the  unwilling  beholders,  whose  eyes  could  not  be 
altogether  turned  away  from  the  brilliant  colors  and  the  striking 
resemblances.  That  letter  has  blistered  the  tribes  of  error  in  all 
their  gradations. 

I  can  not  but  hope,  my  dear  sir,  that  in  considering  your  own 
plans  and  views,  and  the  wishes  of  your  friends  and  fellow-citi- 
zens, you  may  decide  that  your  duty  requires  you  to  appear  again 
in  public  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  Aside  from  all  pub- 
lic views,  which  you  are  best  able  to  take  and  correctly  to 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  229 

weigh,  it  would  afford  me  great  gratification  to  be  able  to  renew 
the  personal  intercourse  with  which  you  honored  me. 

You  have  said,  that  "  the  country  needed  repose."  However 
true  this  may  be,  /  know  that  it  is  contemplated  in  Virginia,  in 
less  than  two  years,  to  accept  your  pledge  to  serve  your  country, 
which  will  be  signified  by  public  meetings,  the  number  and 
character  of  which  will  be  impressive  to  others,  and  imperative 
upon  you.  I  expect  to  return  to  my  native  State  in  two  years, 
and  to  mingle  my  efforts  in  giving  impetus  to  these  move- 
ments. 

I  once  mentioned  to  you  my  design  of  writing  a  History  of 
the  Administration  of  Mr.  Adams.  My  relation,  Mr.  Fendall, 
had  anticipated  me.  He  will  execute  this  just  and  grateful  task, 
while  we  will  compare  our  views  and  unite  our  researches. 


FRANCIS  BROOKE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

ST.  JULIEN,  April  29,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  may  now  congratulate  you  on  your  safe  ar- 
rival with  your  family  at  Lexington,  and  on  your  triumphal 
journey  from  Washington  to  your  peaceful  home.  The  unso- 
licited and  nnbought  respect  and  affection  of  numerous  bodies  of 
your  fellow-citizens,  must  much  enhance  the  feelings  with 
which  a  consciousness  of  having  discharged  faithfully  your  du- 
ties to  your  country  inspires  you,  and  give  an  example  to 
others  which  will  stimulate  them  to  do,  the  like,  in  despite  of 
the  slanders  that  may  annoy  them. 


MR.    ADAMS   TO   MR.    CLAY. 


MERIDIAN  HILL,  WASHINGTON,  May  2,  1829. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  obliging  letters  of  the  16th 
and  19th  ultimo,  the  latter  covering  a  copy  of  my  correspond- 
ence with  the  New  Jersey  Committee,  printed  upon  satin.  I  am 
happy  that  my  letter  was  satisfactory  to  you,  and  I  have,  learned 
that  it  has  been  generally  gratifying  to  our  friends.  There  was 
a  testimony  due  from  me  to  all  the  members  of  the  late  Admin- 
istration, and  in  a  special  manner  to  yon.  No  better  opportunity 
could  have  been  afforded  me  to  give  it  than  that  presented  me 


230  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

by  the  New  Jersey  Address,  and  I  availed  myself  of  it  with 
pleasure. 

The  Catholic  Question  has  assumed  in  England  an  aspect 
entirely  new  ;  and  is  presenting  appearances  quite  unexpected. 
Brought  forward  in  Parliament  by  the  Duke  of  Wellington  and 
Mr.  Peel,  carried  in  the  House  of  Commons  by  a  majority  of 
more  than  two  to  one,  it  is  almost  doubtful  whether  it  will  yet 
overpower  the  cry  of  "  No  Popery"  in  the  House  of  Peers,  among 
the  people,  and  with  the  king.  Mr.  Gallatin,  who  is  here,  and 
called  upon  me  a  few  days  since,  thinks  it  will  pass  the  House 
of  Lords  by  a  small  majority. 

May  11,  1829. 

I  was  interrupted  in  the  writing  of  this  letter  by  information 
of  a  domestic  calamity,  of  which  you  will  have  seen  some  ac- 
count in  the  newspapers,  and  which  has  disqualified  me  for  the 
time  even  for  the  performance  of  some  of  the  duties  of  social 
life.  The  loss  of  my  eldest  son  has  been  followed  by  an  aggra- 
vation of  the  infirm  health  of  his  mother,  and  by  an  effect  upon 
my  own  spirits,  calling  for  more  than  the  consolations  of  phi- 
losophy. 

Mr.  Southard,  before  he  left  this  city,  had  met  with  an  afflic- 
tion similar  in  its  nature,  though  not  equally  severe,  in  the  loss 
of  his  youngest  daughter.  He  has  returned  home,  and,  I  have 
learned,  is  recovering  his  health.  Mr.  Rush  has  sailed  for  Eng- 
land. 

I  expect  to  leave  this  place  toward  the  close  of  this  month. 
I  have  no  intercourse  with  any  member  of  the  Administration 
and  am  a  silent  observer  of  passing  events. 


JOHN  L.  LAWRENCE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  May  2, 1829. 

DEAR  SIR, — Since  our  separation  at  Gottenburg,  I  have  ha( 
but  few  opportunities  of  presenting  myself  to  your  remembrance 
except  in  the  way  of  recommending  to  your  notice,  personally  o 
officially,  some  whom  I  deemed  worthy  of  it.  Let  my  motivt 
excuse  me  for  now  obtruding  on  a  subject,  immediately  relating 
to  yourself,  but  interesting  to  the  nation  at  large. 

A  report  reached  us  on  the  30th  ult.,  that  a  duel  had  beei 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  231 

fought  in  which  Mr.  Pope  was  your  antagonist,  which  terminated 
fatally  to  you.  Although  it  came  in  so  questionable  a  shape  as 
to  warrant  disbelief,  it  filled  the  minds  of  our  worthiest  citizens 
with  apprehensions  of  its  truth.  Idle  as  the  arrival  of  success- 
ive mails  has  proved  the  rumor  to  be,  it  has  forced  the  commu- 
nity to  reflect,  most  seriously,  on  the  consequences  that  would 
flow  from  the  reality,  and  has  created  feelings,  of  which,  I  am 
sure,  you  will  not  be  regardless. 

In  looking  for  relief  from  the  evils,  actual  and  prospective,  to 
which  an  inconsiderate  admiration  of  great  military  talent  has 
exposed  the  country,  the  eyes  of  the  largest  portion  of  the  in- 
telligent and  reflecting  turn  to  you,  as  the  instrument  of  our  de- 
liverance. From  you,  therefore,  duties  are  manifestly  owing  of 
higher  obligation  than  any  purely  personal.  It  is  undoubtedly 
difficult  to  repress  the  sensibilities  of  an  honorable  mind  smart- 
ing under  wrongs,  and  goaded  by  their  repetition  ;  but  the  effort 
is  noble  in  itself,  and  is  imperatively  demanded  by  your  present 
relations  to  your  fellow-citizens.  The  sentiment,  that  in  a  crisis 
like  this,  all  private  considerations  should  yield  to  our  regard  for 
the  national  welfare,  is  one  to  which  you  are  pledged  by  repeated 
declarations.  I  submit,  whether  you  have  not  thus  offered  the 
guarantee  of  your  personal  reputation,  that  no  matters  merely 
affecting  yourself  shall  tempt  you  to  endanger  the  public  cause  ? 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  enter  into  prosing  remarks  on  duel- 
ling, or  to  say  that  it  never  ought  to  be  resorted  to.  Your  own 
affair  at  Washington  was  perhaps  unavoidable,  situated  as  you 
then  were.  But  your  position  has  materially  changed  with  the 
times,  and  brings  a  corresponding  change  of  obligation  along 
with  it.  Public  sentiment  would  now  condemn  what  then  it 
might  excuse  or  even  approve.  The  honest  prejudices  of  the 
people  exact  from  you  a  homage  which  need  not  before  have 
been  accorded.  In  a  large  section  of  the  Union  the  practice  is 
regarded  with  horror.  In  our  own,  where  the  pistol  has  been 
as  fashionable  and  as  fatal  as  elsewhere,  appeals  to  it,  as  the  ar- 
biter, have  become  absolutely  disreputable.  Even  in  those  States 
where  duelling  is  yet  countenanced,  I  apprehend  that  it  is  a 
necessary  recourse  only  when  one's  character  for  personal  cour- 
age might  suffer  by  declining.  This  motive  can  not  operate  in 
your  case.  Were  your  worst  enemy  required  to  pronounce  on 
that  point  he  would  probably  censure  you  for  being  too  chival- 
rous. 


232  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

Besides  the  considerations  above  stated,  there  is  another  de- 
manding much  attention.  The  new  Administration  is  essentially 
belligerant ;  and  without  a  corps  of  sharp-shooters  its  arrange- 
ments would  seem  incomplete.  It  might,  peradventure,  be  im- 
agined by  some  self-constituted  legion  of  honor,  that  your  re- 
moval from  "  this  world  of  woe"  were  a  meritorious  service  ! 
If  it  be  understood  that  you  are  to  take  the  field  whenever  an 
adversary  gives  occasion,  you  may  make  up  your  mind  to  suc- 
cessive hazards  of  your  life,  until  the  catastrophe  shall  be  accom- 
plished. 

I  have  been  thus  plain,  perhaps  I  ought  to  say  abrupt,  on  this 
subject,  because  I  have  seen  and  felt  how  intimately  it  is  con- 
nected with  the  best  hopes  of  the  country.  A  repetition  of 
apology  is  needless  to  one  of  your  own  frank  disposition.  On 
that  disposition  I  rely  for  permission  to  add  my  confidence,  that 
if  similar  reports  shall  hereafter  reach  us,  we  may  at  once  stamp 
them  with  discredit  and  denial. 


MR.  CLAT  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

ABIILAND,  May  12,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  the  29th  ultimo  is  duly  re- 
ceived. I  must  refer  you  to  the  public  prints  for  the  incidents 
of  a  journey  which,  though  performed  at  an  unpleasant  season, 
and  over  bad  roads,  was  full  of  gratification,  on  account  of  the 
testimonials  of  esteem,  public  and  private,  by  which  it  was  at- 
tended. On  Saturday  next  I  am  to  attend  a  public  dinner, 
which  promises  to  be  the  largest  ever  given  in  this  State. 

I  have  been  much  occupied,  since  my  return,  with  repairs  to 
my  house,  grounds,  and  farm.  As  far  as  I  have  yet  been  able 
to  learn  the  state  of  public  feeling  and  sentiment  toward  me,  it 
is  far  from  being  unfavorable,  except  with  a  few  of  the  most 
violent  of  the  Jackson  party.  Many  of  them  have  come  out 
openly  for  me,  and  several  of  the  most  prominent  of  them  in  this 
district  have  communicated  their  wishes  that  I  would  offer  for 
Congress.  I  could  not  only  be  elected  with  the  most  perfect 
ease,  but  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  there  would  be  no  oppo- 
sition from  any  quarter  whatever.  The  public,  nevertheless, 
confiding,  perhaps,  too  much  in  my  judgment  as  to  what  is  best 
to  be  done,  is  entirely  disposed  to  acquiesce  in  any  resolution  1 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  233 

may  take.  That  which  I  have  adopted,  is,  to  offer  for  no  office 
at  present,  and  until  I  can  see  more  distinctly  than  I  do  now 
:how  I  can  be  useful,  but  to  remain  in  private  life,  attending  to 
the  care  of  my  private  affairs,  and  the  re-establishment  of  my 
health.  I  was  consulted  repeatedly  to  know  if  I  would  serve  in 
the  Legislature,  but  I  thought  it  best  to  decline. 

There  is  enough  in  passing  events,  God  knows,  to  alarm,  to 
arouse,  and  to  urge  to  the  most  strenuous  exertions ;  but,  if  I 
were  to  put  myself  forward,  my  motives  and  my  actions  would 
be  questioned,  and  perhaps  the  reaction  so  desirable  would  be 
retarded,  instead  of /being  accelerated.  Others,  I  think,  had 
better  take  the  lead,  who  stand  in  attitudes  less  likely  to  excite 
passion  and  prejudice.  Above  all,  we  must  rely  upon  the  rer 
flections  and  convictions  among  the  Jackson  party  themselves. 
Already  they  begin  to  repent,  that  is,  many  of  the  better  portion 
of  them.  Pride  restrains  them  from  denouncing  openly,  with 
their  mouths,  an  Administration  which  they  detest  from  their 
hearts.  As  time  elapses,  and  new  events  are  developed,  they 
will  take  courage,  and  finally  concur  in  restoring  the  civil  rule. 

I  have  not  determined  to  return  to  the  practice  of  my  old  pro- 
fession, and  nothing  but  necessity  will  compel  me  to  put  on  the 
harness  again.  That  I  hope  to  be  able  to  avoid. 

I  must  request  that  you  will  keep  me  informed  of  all  that  re- 
lates to  your  Convention,  its  composition,  etc.,  etc. 


HENRY  CLAY,  JR.,  TO  HIS  FATHER. 

WEST  POINT,  May  19, 1829. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER, — You  caution  me  against  remitting  my  ef- 
forts in  my  present  pursuits,  in  my  eagerness  to  enter  upon  the 
study  of  the  law.  I  hope,  and  at  present  feel  confident,  that  I 
shall  preserve  my  rank  in  my  class.  The  course  of  studies  of 
his  year  is  by  no  means  so  difficult  as  that  of  the  last,  or  of 
the  coming  year.  I  now  find  time  to  attend  to  some  studies 
which  I  believe  will  be  useful  to  me  when  I  commence  the  study 
of  law.  I  am  reading  Montesquieu's  Spirit  of  Laws.  I  take 
much  interest  in  it.  The  subjects  treated  of  are  such  as  would 
present  themselves  continually  to  a  man's  mind  in  our  country 
of  laws  and  of  free  inquiry.  The  style  of  the  work  is  very  dif- 


234  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

ferent  from  the  general  style  of  the  French,  for  it  is  both  concise 
and  comprehensive. 

I  shall  be  with  you  by  the  1st  of  July.  Remember  me  to 
our  friends. 

P.  S. — I  would  be  glad  if  you  would  send  me  an  application 
by  you  for  a  furlough  for  me.  I  believe  I  have  not  mentioned 
this  to  you  before,  although  it  ought  to  have  been  done,  for  by 
a  regulation  of  the  Academy,  it  is  required  that  the  application 
of  the  parent  or  guardian  should  be  handed  in,  together  with 
that  of  the  cadets,  on  the  1st  of  June. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  ADAM  BEATTT. 

ASHLAND,  June  2,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  lately  purchased  in  Washington  Coun- 
ty, Pennsylvania,  fifty  full-blooded  Merino  ewes,  the  choice  out 
of  three  hundred,  part  of  one  of  the  finest  flocks  in  the  country, 
which  belonged  to  the  late  Mr.  R.  W.  Meade,  whose  persecution 
and  sufferings  were  so  well  known  in  Spain.  The  choice  was 
made  by  a  friend  of  mine,  himself  one  of  the  largest  sheep  own- 
ers in  Pennsylvania,  and  one  of  the  best  judges  that  I  know  of. 
There  are  about  sixteen  or  eighteen  lambs  with  them,  and  I  sup- 
pese  an  equal  portion  of  rams.  I  expect  them  all  at  Maysville 
in  the  course  of  eight  or  ten  days,  on  their  way  to  my  resi- 
dence. 

It  is  my  intention  to  let  a  few  of  my  particular  friends  have 
about  a  dozen  of  them,  at  reasonable  prices.  If  you  wish  any 
of  them  you  may  have  your  choice  of  an  ewe  with  the  ram 
lamb  belonging  to  her,  at  $25  for  both.  Should  you  decide  to 
take  them,  you  may  show  this  letter  to  Messrs.  January  &  Co., 
as  their  authority  for  delivering  them  to  you. 

Is  there  not  danger,  my  dear  sir,  of  an  adverse  result  to  the 
Congressional  election  in  your  district  ?  I  fear  it,  and  I  hear  per- 
haps some  things  that  you  do  not.  There  is  much  dissatisfac- 
tion among  our  friends  in  Bourbon,  as  I  regret  to  learn.  They 
think  that  they  are  entitled  to  the  member.  Can  you  not  de- 
vise some  plan  to  collect  and  concentrate  public  opinion  in  be- 
half of  one  candidate  of  the  party  of  our  friends  ?  There  is  no 
one  in  the  district  that  I  should  be  more  happy  to  see  elected 
than  yourself ;  and  I  hope,  if  you  continue  to  offer,  that  you  may 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  235 

be.  But  if  it  be  impracticable,  from  any  cause,  perseverance 
might  display  resolution  without  leading  to  any  good  issue. 
Perseverance  indeed,  without  success,  might  lead  to  the  worst 
consequences  to  yourself  and  to  the  district.  It  might  give  a 
permanently  unfriendly  character  to  the  district.  Such  I  have 
several  times  observed  to  be  the  effect  of  divisions  elsewhere 
among  our  friends. 

There  is  always  danger,  which  I  trust  I  need  not  guard  you 
against,  of  the  opposite  party  practicing  deception  in  regard  to 
the  prospects  of  candidates  among  their  opponents. 

I  pray  you,  my  dear  sir,  to  appreciate  the  friendly  motives 
which  have  dictated  these  observations,  to  which  you  will  give 
just  so  much  weight  as  they  deserve. 

Under  all  circumstances  and  every  contingency  I  pray  you  to 
believe  me  sincerely  your  friend. 


MR.    CLAY   TO  ADAM  BEATTT. 

ASHLAND,  June  7,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  been  mortified  by  the  late  movements 
in  Bourbon,  in  bringing  out  Mr.  Marshall  for  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, lest  you  might  suppose  that  when  I  wrote  to  you  a 
few  days  ago,  I  had  some  knowledge  that  they  were  in  contem- 
plation. Such  a  supposition  would  be  very  far  from  the  fact. 
I  had  no  more  knowledge  or  information  about  them,  when  I 
wrote  that  letter,  than  the  man  in  the  moon.  I  had  indeed  un- 
derstood from  Mr.  Marshall  himself,  that  he  would  not  be  a  can- 
didate, and  I  was  well  pleased  with  that  decision,  because  I  be- 
lieved it  to  be  in  conformity  with  the  best  interests  of  his  family. 
And  now  I  have  no  doubt,  indeed  I  have  heard  that  he  had  been 
brought  out,  most  reluctantly  on  his  part,  in  consequence  of  the 
state  of  things  to  which  I  alluded  in  my  last,  as  existing  in 
Bourbon. 

I  derived  information  of  that  state  of  things,  principally  from 
Mr.  Rain,  the  sheriff  of  Bourbon,  and  Mr.  Spiers,  who  were  at 
my  house  the  day  after  the  dinner  at  Fowler's  garden.  They 
both  represented  the  dissatisfaction  in  Bourbon,  among  our 
friends,  to  be  very  great,  because  a  candidate  was  not  selected 
from  that  county,  and  they  both  concurred  in  expressing  the 
belief  that  they  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  rally  at  the  polls 


'236  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

on  any  candidate  out  of  Bourbon,  Mr.  Rain  expressing  that  opin- 
ion with  more,  and  Mr.  Spiers  with  less,  confidence.  I  urged 
them  to  support  you.  They  said  that  they  hoped  some  measure 
would  be  yet  adopted  to  collect  the  sense,  and  unite  the  exertions 
of  our  friends  throughout  the  district.  I  of  course  supposed  that 
that  measure  would  be  some  such  as  was  adopted  last  year.  I 
went  to  Madison  on  Tuesday  last,  and  it  was  not  until  my  return 
on  Thursday,  that  I  learned  what  had  transpired  in  Bourbon. 

I  have  thought  these  statements  due  to  our  long  and  warm 
friendship,  and  I  hope  they  will  be  received  in  the  spirit  in  which 
they  are  made. 

I  have  not  yet  heard  of  my  sheep  having  been  started. 


MR.    CLAY   TO   J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

LOUISVILLE  June  26,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  quit  this  city  with  much  regret,  on  account 
of  my  not  seeing  you.  The  trial  of  young  Wickliffe,  fixed  for 
Tuesday  next,  and  the  preparations  incident  to  it,  oblige  me  to 
go.  I  have,  during  four  days,  been  in  constant  expectation  of 
your  arrival.  I  am  informed  by  rumor  only,  of  your  being  on 
board  the  Hibernia. 

I  have  not  time  to  enter  into  details  on  public  affairs.  Unless 
my  friends  are  greatly  deceived,  there  is  not  a  particle  of  doubt 
about  the  disposition  of  Kentucky  to  support  me,  and  although 
it  is  too  early  to  draw  the  line  between  those  who  are  for,  and 
those  who  are  against  me,  we  have  reason  to  hope  the  friendship 
of  the  majority  of  the  next  Legislature. 

I  should  be  extremely  delighted  to  see  you  at  Ashland.  Can 
you  not  visit  us  ?  If  not,  do  let  me  hear  from  you. 


MR.    VAUGHAN   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  July  1,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  return  you  my  very  best  thanks  for  the 
promptitude  with  which  you  have  executed  rny  commission,  and 
procured  for  me  a  genuine  Kentucky  rifle.  I  shall  hope  to  re- 
ceive it  about  the  time  of  the  meeting  of  Congress,  if  not  before. 
I  find  the  opportunities  of  sending  any  thing  from  Washington 


OF  HENEY  CLAY.  237 

to  Kentucky  by  private  hands  rarely  occur.  I  have  long  had  in 
my  possession,  the  portrait  of  a  spaniel  dog,  lithographed  by  a 
very  young  boy,  the  son  of  our  friend  Christopher  Hughes. 
Among  many  copies  which  he  sent  to  me  to  distribute  among 
his  friends  at  Washington,  was  one  for  Mrs.  Clay.  To  send  it 
by  the  post  would  be  to  risk  spoiling  it.  Do  suggest  to  me 
some  means  of  forwarding  it. 

I  have  a  letter  from  Christopher  Hughes,  dated  the  10th  of 
May.  when  he  was  waiting  with  anxiety  to  know  his  fate, 
whether  he  was  to  be  envoys  or  renvoye.  I  am  very  sorry  to 
know  that  by  this  time  he  must  be  aware  that  he  is  to  be  super- 
seded by  Mr.  Preble,  and  I  do  not  yet  hear  what  other  appoint- 
ment he  is  likely  to  get. 

Mr.  Ouseley  is  to  embark  on  the  8th,  at  New  York,  for  Eng- 
land, with  the  first  statement  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
respecting  the  Boundary  Question,  referred  to  arbitration.  I 
think  the  statement  well  done. 

I  am  glad  of  an  occasion  of  opening  a  communication  with 
you.  You  will  be  glad  to  know  that  I  am  perfectly  satisfied 
with  the  conduct  and  feelings  of  the  present  President,  in  all 
communications  which  I  have  had  with  his  Government,  as 
British  minister. 

I  leave  it  to  others  better  informed  than  myself,  to  tell  you  the 
news  of  Washington.  I  am  glad  to  find  that  you  justly  appre- 
ciate the  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  in  carrying  through 
the  Catholic  Relief  Bill.  The  difficulties  were  insurmountable 
for  any  other  man. 

With  kindest  regards  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  all  your  family,  not 
forgetting  Johnny,  believe  me  ever  yours,  etc. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    ADAM   BEATTT. 

ASHLAND,  July  9,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  and  have  attentively  read  your 
favor  of  the  26th  ultimo,  with  the  inclosure,  the  address  to  the 
voters  of  the  Second  Congressional  district.  I  entertain  no  doubt 
that  you  have  correctly  represented  the  purport  of  your  interviews 
with  Major  Allen,  and  that  you  have  been  unjustly  dealt  by  on 
account  of  them. 

I  view  with  inexpressible  regret  the  state  of  things  in  your  dis- 


238  PRIVATE   COEEESPONDENCE 

trict,  and  I  should  be  most  happy  to  learn  that  any  mode  had 
"been  adopted  to  concentrate  on  yourself,  or  any  other  friend,  the 
votes  of  those  who  concur  in  their  political  principles.  Can  no 
such  mode  be  fallen  upon  ?  Is  it  not  yet  practicable  to  convene 
persons  together  from  all  parts  of  the  district  ?  Of  what  avail  to 
the  present  candidates,  on  the  same  side,  can  it  be  to  persevere, 
with  the  certainty  of  defeat  before  them  all  ?  How  will  the 
honor  of  any  one  of  them  be  vindicated  by  such  a  course  ?  De- 
feat can  neither  gratify  friends  nor  the  candidate  himself.  It 
may  display  his  resolution,  but  it  can  prove  nothing  else.  Most 
certainly  neither  of  the  candidates  can  feel  gratified  by  being  the 
instrument  (should  such  be  the  result)  of  the  failure  of  his  com- 
petitor on  the  same  side. 

The  existing  state  of  things  can  afford  pleasure  to  none  but  our 
opponents.  They  alone  will  profit  by  it.  And  I  fear  that  it 
may  lead,  in  your  district,  to  pernicious  consequences  permanently. 
^1  have  not  seen  nor  heard  directly  from  Mr.  Marshall  since  he 
was  announced.  I  believe  him  utterly  incapable  of  deception  ; 
and  I  therefore  feel  confident  that  he  has  been  brought  out  con- 
trary to  his  wishes  ;  for  he  told  me  in  April  that  he  had  no  desire 
whatever  to  be  a  candidate.  I  do  not  know  him,  if  he  would 
not  concur  in  any  honorable  expedient  by  which  a  member  can 
be  returned  favorable  to  those  views  of  national  policy  which 
both  he  and  you  entertain. 

But  I  must  leave  this  painful  subject,  fearing,  I  confess,  that 
owing  to  the  unhappy  divisions  among  friends,  we  are  destined 
to  add  another  to  the  long  catalogue  of  defeats,  from  the  same 
cause,  which  we  have  sustained  within  a  few  years. 

I  have  been  disappointed  in  not  receiving  the  Merino  sheep, 
which,  I  presume,  have  been  kept  to  be  sent  when  the  weather 
is  somewhat  cooler.  You  shall  be  advised  of  their  arrival. 


MR.    CLAT  TO   J.  S.  JOHNSTON. 

AsntAND,  July  18,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  letter  of  the  8th  in- 
stant, under  date  at  Maysville,  and  I  perused  with  great  satisfac- 
tion the  information  and  reflections  it  contains.  Although  I  have 
an  aversion  to  some  long  letters,  it  does  not  extend  to  that,  and 
you  would  greatly  oblige  me  by  frequently  writing  me  similar 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  239 

ones.  I  agree  with  yon  in  most  of  the  reflections  which  you 
have  communicated.  The  elements  undoubtedly  exist  for  a 
gerions,  if  not  doubtful  struggle,  at  the  next  presidential  election. 
I  believe  with  you,  that,  on  certain  contingences,  General  Jack- 
son will  be  again  brought  forward.  But  whether  he  should  be 
or  not,  if  the  party  that  elected  him  can  be  kept  together,  in 
any  considerable  extent,  it  will  be  formidable,  whoever  else  may 
happen  to  be  taken  up.  The  next  session  of  Congress  will,  I 
think,  greatly  add  to  the  dissolvents  of  that  party  which  are  now 
operating.  Whatever  the  President  may  say  or  recommend  in 
his  message  to  Congress,  his  friends  in  the  body  must  divide  on 
certain  leading  measures  of  policy.  Each  section  of  it  will  claim 
him  as  belonging  to  it,  if  he  should  be  silent,  and  a  quarrel  be- 
tween them  is  inevitable.  On  the  contrary,  if  he  speak  out  his 
sentiments  (probably  the  safest  course  for  him,  whatever  they 
may  be),  he  must  throw  from  him  all  of  his  party  who  are  op- 
posed to  his  sentiments,  and  those  thus  cast  off,  must,  sooner  or 
later,  attach  themselves  to  the  party  which  has  all  along  been 
adverse  to  the  General.  If,  for  example,  he  comes  out  for  the 
Tariff,  the  South  leaves  him,  and  will  try  another  change,  if  it  can 
effect  it,  of  the  office  of  chief  magistrate.  If  he  comes  out  in 
opposition  to  the  Tariff,  there  will  be  such  an  opposition  to  him 
in  the  Tariff  States,  as  must  prevent  his  re-election. 

The  worst  course  for  those  who  were  opposed  to  his  election, 
and  are  now  unwilling  to  see  him  re-elected,  is  that  he  should 
declare  himself  unequivocally  for  the  Tariff.  The  best  course  for 
them  is,  that  he  should  come  out  clearly  against  the  Tariff.  In 
the  former  case,  it  would  be  difficult  to  detach,  in  sufficient  num- 
bers, the  friends  of  the  system  from  him,  and  make  them  compre- 
hend the  expediency  of  supplanting  the  head  of  an  Administra- 
tion favorable  to  their  views.  This  was  done  in  the  case  of 
Mr.  Adams,  but  that  was  an  exception,  from  various  causes.  In 
the  latter  supposition  it  would  not,  I  think,  be  at  all  difficult  or 
impracticable  to  unite  the  friends  of  the  Tariff,  and  place  at  the 
head  of  the  Administration  one  who  would  promote  their  policy. 
In  short,  I  think  matters  have  come,  or  are  rapidly  tending,  to 
such  a  state  of  things,  that  those  who  are  in  favor,  or  those  who 
are  against  certain  measures  of  policy,  must  govern.  Masks  must 
be  cast  off,  and  the  real  color  and  complexion  of  men  and  their 
opinions  must  be  seen. 

In  respect  to  my  future  personal  movements,  I  hope  so  to  con- 


240  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

duct  myself  as  to  satisfy  my  friends.  I  appeared  for  young 
Wickliffe  with  some  reluctance.  I  would  have  avoided  doing 
so,  if  I  could  have  avoided  it  honorably.  But  the  case  had  such 
a  triumphant  issue,  that  I  have  been  greatly  benefited  by  it,  in 
this  State,  instead  of  being  injuriously  affected. 

I  will  write  you  after  the  result  of  the  August  elections  is  cer- 
tainly known.  Prospects  continue  very  good,  but  they  are  bet- 
ter for  the  State  Legislature  than  for  Congress.  In  Chambers' 
late  district  you  saw  what  they  were.  Mr.  Marshall  has  declined, 
but  Beatty's  election  is  still  regarded  uncertain. 


MB.    CLAY   TO   J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  August  26,  1829 

MY  DEAR  SIB, — The  result  of  our  Congressional  elections  was 
not  as  favorable  as  might  have  been,  owing  to  bad  arrangements. 
Beatty  was  beaten  by  a  majority  of  only  twelve,  owing  to  Bed- 
inger's  perseverance  as  a  candidate,  and  his  own  want  of  tact. 
In  Tom  Moore's  old  district  our  triumph  is  complete. 

In  both  branches  of  our  General  Assembly  we  have  large  ma- 
jorities, bordering  upon  two  thirds  in  each,  of  friends  of  the  late 
Administration.  The  majorities  friendly  to  me  are  still  larger. 

Ought  our  Legislature  to  do  any  thing,  and  what,  at  the  en- 
suing session  ?  Let  me  know  your  opinion,  and  that  of  our 
friends  in  your  quarter. 

It  may  adopt  either  of  two  courses :  Make  a  direct  nomination, 
or,  avoiding  that,  limit  itself  to  an  expression  of  undiminished 
confidence  and  attachment,  and  a  discrediting  of  calumnies,  etc., 
etc.  What  is  best  ?  Or  is  it  best  to  embrace  neither  course  ? 

My  health  continues  good.  Mrs.  Erwin  remains  at  Ashland. 
but  I  shall  accompany  her  to  Russellville  about  the  10th  of  next 
month. 

My  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs.  J. 


MR.  CLAY   TO    ADAM   BEATTY. 

ASHLAXD,  September  5,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — My  friend  Mr.  Ewing  informs  me  that  he-sent 
my  sheep  on  the  26th  ultimo,  from  his  residence,  near  Washing- 
ton, in  Pennsylvania,  in  the  care  of  a  man  whose  name  he  has 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  241 

omitted  to  mention.  They  were  to  proceed  by  land,  and  were 
expected  to  travel  at  the  rate  of  about  fifteen  miles  per  day.  If 
no  accident  has  happened,  they  ought  to  be  at  Maysville  about 
the  time  this  letter  reaches  you.  I  will  thank  you  to  take  meas- 
ures to  secure  a  knowledge  of  their  arrival,  so  that  you  and  ^Ir. 
Foreman  may  make  choice  of  the  ewe  and  ram  lamb  which  I 
have  reserved  for  each  of  you.  Should  you  prefer  not  to  take 
the  dams  of  the  particular  lambs  which  you  may  choose,  you 
are  at  liberty  to  take  other  ewes,  without  lambs,  in  lieu  of  them. 
As  the  weaning-time  is  at  hand,  I  thought  this  option  might  be 
agreeable  to  you.  This  letter  is  an  authority  for  the  selection 
which  you  may  make,  as  well  as  your  friends. 

I  received  your  favor  in  regarjj  to  the  unfortunate  issue  of  the 
election.  You  have  no  friend  who  more  sincerely  regrets  it  than 
I  do ;  but  as  that  is  now  unavailing,  I  hope,  with  you,  that  it 
may  lead  to  no  lasting  consequences  of  a  nature  to  be  deprecated. 


ALEXIS    DE    SARCY*   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

SEPTEMBER  6,  1829. 

SIR, — To  address  you  directly  through  the  mail  is  hazardous, 
and  as  I  have  information  to  communicate  which  I  deem  of  im- 
portance as  well  to  you  personally  as  to  the  country,  you  may 
expect  in  a  few  days  to  hear  from  me,  under  cover  to  some 
friend  in  Lexington.  In  that  dispatch  you  will  learn  the  mode 
of  communicating  with  me. 

There  is  a  Virginian  at  present  residing  in  Franklin,  in  Louisi- 
ana, a  Dr.  John  N.  Field,  he  is  an  active  zealous  friend  to  you, 
and  has  influence  which  he  uses  freely ;  he  receives  "  The 
Focus;"  send  him  "  The  Reporter."  The  cause  derives  benefit 
from  his  efforts. 


HENRY  CLAY,  JR.,  TO  HIS  FATHER. 

WEST  POINT,  September  18,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  3d  instant. 
I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  write,  in  answer  to  a  portion  of  it,  that 
I  am  not  only  satisfied  about  West  Point,  but,  in  fact,  am  so 
well  persuaded  that  advantages  closely  connected  with  my  fu- 

*  Au  assumed  name. 
16 


242  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

ture  welfare  may  result  from  the  continuation  of  my  academic 
course,  that  nothing  would  now  induce  me  to  leave  this  place. 
My  dear  father,  your  kindness  and  indulgence  have  convinced 
me  that  I  have  greatly  erred,  and  that  I  can  not  too  soon  ask 
youf  forgiveness  of  my  offense.  "When  I  wished  to  act  in  di- 
rect opposition  to  your  decided  advice,  by  not  returning  to 
West  Point,  my  unwillingness  to  return  did  not  arise  from  any 
obstinacy  of  opinion  as  to  the  utility  of  the  course  of  this  school, 
but  merely  from  a  sanguineness  of  success  which  so  often  leads 
young  men  to  suppose  that  they  are  as  competent  to  contend 
against  the  difficulties  of  the  law,  at  eighteen  years  of  age,  as 
they  will  be  at  any  future  time.  However,  all  this  has  passed 
by,  and  I  am  now  completely  suh/nissive.  You  tell  me  that  you 
wish  me  to  receive  your  opinions,  not  as  commands,  but  as  ad- 
vice. Yet  I  must  consider  them  as  commands,  doubly  binding, 
for  they  proceed  from  one  so  vastly  my  superior  in  all  respects, 
and  to  whom  I  am  under  such  great  obligations,  that  the  mere 
intimation  of  an  opinion  will  be  sufficient  to  govern  my  conduct. 


MB.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  September  5,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,— I  received  both  your  favors  of  the  llth  July 
and  4th  ultimo,  to  which  I  should  have  sooner  replied;  but  for 
my  absence  from  home,  and  that  I  did  not  suppose  there  was 
any  urgency  in  my  transmitting  a  reply. 

On  public  affairs,  I  have  but  little  to  say  in  addition  to  what 
you  will  find  in  the  public  prints.  The  result  of  our  election  to 
the  Legislature  of  Kentucky,  gave  a  decided  majority,  beyond 
all  doubt,  to  our  friends,  in  both  of  its  branches.  The  people 
of  the  State  would,  to-morrow,  give  a  different  decision  from 
what  they  did  in  November  last,  upon  the  same  state  of  the  ques- 
tion on  which  they  then  acted ;  that  is,  a  contest  between  the 
same  parties.  The  manner  in  which  the  power  of  patronage 
has  been  exercised,  has  dissatisfied  thousands  who  voted  for 
Jackson.  There  is  a  large  class  of  his  supporters  who  now 
avow  that  their  opposition  was  to  Mr.  Adams,  and  not  to  me. 
This  same  distinction  is  taken  in  other  Western  States.  I  have 
every  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  the  state  of  things  in  Kentucky. 
Whether  any  measures,  in  relation  to  myself,  will  be  adopted  at 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  243 

the  next  session  of  our  Legislature,  and  if  any,  what  its  charac- 
ter may  be,  will  depend  upon  intervening  events,  and  upon  con- 
sultation among  my  friends  after  they  assemble  at  the  seat  of 
Government. 

I  hardly  know  what  to  say  about  your  land  near  Madison- 
ville.  It  would  afford  me  much  pleasure  to  render  you  any 
assistance  in  my  power,  but  I  am  afraid  to  assume  any  direc- 
tion about  it,  lest  I  should  not  be  able  to  do  what  might  be 
necessary.  The  land  is  remote  from  me,  and  it  would  be  as 
difficult  for  me  to  attend  to  the  tenanting  or  processioning  of  it 
as  it  would  be  for  you  to  perform  the  same  operation  on  a  tract 
of  land  in  Franklin  or  Pittsylvania.  I  have  great  confidence  in 
Triplett,  and  I  think  when  you' hear  from  him,  he  will  account 
satisfactorily  for  his  silence.  My  personal  acquaintance  in  that 
quarter  is  very  limited.  I  shall  set  out,  in  a  few  days,  on  a  trip 
to  Russellville,  and  perhaps  I  may  meet  with  some  one,  during 
the  performance  of  it,  who  may  give  me  useful  information  in 
regard  to  your  land,  and  I  will  bear  the  subject  in  mind,  so  as 
to  make  inquiries  when  opportunities  shall  occur.  But  I  must 
advise  that  you  would  rely  more  particularly  on  some  one  resid- 
ing nearer  the  land  than  I  do.  If  it  has  no  intruder  upon  it, 
you  are  in  no  danger.  But  if  there  be  any  person  settled  on  it, 
claiming  under  an  adverse  title,  it  may  be  necessary  for  you  to 
adopt  measures,  by  bringing  suit,  or  otherwise,  to  prevent  the 
operation  of  the  law  of  this  State,  commonly  called  the  Seven 
Years'  Limitation  Law.  According  to  that  law,  a  peaceable  and 
undisturbed  possession,  during  seven  years,  under  a  title  derived 
from  the  State,  protects  the  occupant  against  any  outstanding 
adverse  claim.  I  need  not  tell  you  that  the  validity  of  the  law 
is  controverted  ;  but  it  is  wise  not  to  be  obliged  to  depend  upon 
that  plea  exclusively.  Pray  remember  me  affectionately  to  Mrs. 
Brooke,  and  believe  me  ever  cordially  your  friend. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  J.   S.  JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  October  5,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  with  great  thankfulness  your  sev- 
eral interesting  communications  from  Northampton,  which  shall 
be  returned  as  you  desire.  I  have  also  received  your  last  favorr 
without  date,  from  Washington.  I  have  perused  with  great 


244  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

attention  these  several  letters.  The  contents  of  some  of  them 
are  highly  curious. 

I  envy  you  your  pleasure  at  Boston.  How  much  should  I 
have  been  delighted,  if  I  could  have  shared  them  with  your- 
self and  Mrs.  J. 

I  have  just  returned  from  my  dreaded  tour  to  the  southern 
part  of  this  State.  I  went  as  far  as  Hopkinsville.  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Erwin,  and  four  or  five  ladies  from  Mississippi,  accompa- 
nied me  to  Russellville.  Frpm  that  point  they  proceeded  to 
Nashville.  The  tour  was  full  of  gratification.  Every  sort  of 
enthusiastic  demonstration  of  friendship  and  attachment,  on  the 
part  of  the  people,  was  made  toward  me.  Barbecues,  dinners, 
balls,  etc.,  etc.,  without  number. 

I  have  been  really  in  danger  of  that  gout  with  which  I  have 
been  threatened  by  some  of  the  Jackson  party.  And  tell  Mrs.  J. 
that  if  I  had  a  younger  heart,  that  also  would  have  been  in  danger 
amid  the  blaze  of  beauty  in  the  State  of  Green  River.  I  thought 
the  men,  and  women  too,  would  devour  me.  I  devoured  many 
of  their  good  dishes  at  their  numerous  festivals. 

In  spite  of  all  my  prudence,  which  nobody,  I  am  sure,  will 
question,  I  was  forced  to  speak  often  and  long.  At  Russellville, 
and  Hopkinsville,  I  spoke  upward  of  three  hours  together,  to  at 
least  three  thousand  persons  at  each  place.  My  addresses  were 
never  better  received  by  all  parties,  nor  were  they  ever  more 
satisfactory  to  myself. 

Things  could  noi  be  expected  to  be  more  favorable  in  Ken- 
tucky than  they  are  at  this  time.  1  entertain  not  a  particle  of 
doubt  of  there  being  at  this  moment  a  decided  majority  for  me 
against  all  and  every  person  whatever. 

From  what  I  hear,  the  Legislature  will  do  something  at  the 
next  session,  to  testify  its  regard  for  me.  What  that  will  be 
may  depend  on  subsequent  events.  But  something  will  be  done. 
Should  things  remain  pretty  much  as  they  now  are,  it  may  not, 
and  I  think,  ought  not  to  be  a  nomination.  We  ought  not  to 
take  upon  ourselves  the  responsibility  of  a  premature  agitation 
of  a  certain  question.  Still,  events  at  Washington  may  possibly 
occur  early  in  the  winter,  to  render  necessary,  and  to  justify 
that  measure.  I  think  our  friends  may  place  all  reliance  on 
Kentucky,  and  on  the  discretion  of  the  next  general  assembly. 

Present  me  affectionately  to  Mrs.  J.,  whose  leisure  I  hope  will 
permit  her  often  to  write  me  during  your  abode  at  Washington. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  245 


MR.  CLAY   TO    J.  S.  JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  October  8,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Will  you  think  of  the  suggestion  contained 
in  the  inclosed. letter,  from  a  very  worthy  and  intelligent  friend, 
formerly  in  Congress,  and  send  it  to  Niles,  or  some  other  com- 
placent person  to  act  upon,  if  you  do  not  disapprove  it  ? 

I  have  nothing  to  send  you  from  this  quarter.  In  Kentucky 
and  I  believe  generally  in  the  West,  we  have  every  reason  for 
encouragement. 

I  shall  go  to  the  last  (I  must  sincerely  hope)  of  the  public 
barbecues  in  this  State  next  week.  That  is  in  Mercer,  to  which 
I  am  invited  by  a  majority  of  Jackson  men.  You  know  Mer- 
cer is  the  center  of  our  State  and  Tom  Moore's  headquarters. 
If  my  addresses  should  satisfy  me  as  well  as  those  did  at  Rus- 
sellville  and  Hopkinsville,  it  will  do  good. 


JAMES   BROWN   TO   MR.  CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  November  1,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  will  see  by  the  papers  our  safe  arrival 
announced  in  the  unusually  short  passage  of  twenty-four  days, 
during  which  time  we  enjoyed  fine  weather,  excellent  accom- 
modations, and  good  society,  in  a  splendid  packet  with  an  oblig- 
ing captain.  Mrs.  Brown  suffered  throughout  the  voyage  from  sea- 
sickness, but  I  am  happy  in  assuring  you  that  her  general  health, 
if  not  materially  improved,  is  certainly  not  impaired  by  the 
voyage.  We  have  been  received  with  the  most  flattering  at- 
tentions by  the  respectable  inhabitants  of  the  city. 

Be  so  good  as  to  write  to  me  in  Philadelphia  and  let  us  know 
how  you  are,  and  what  you  are  doing.  They  say  here  that 
many  are  anxious  to  make  you  President.  Are  you  not  tired  of 
the  troubled  ocean  of  politics,  or  will  you  again  launch  into  the 
busy  strife  ?  I  hope  my  poor  bark  is  once  more  safe  in  port,  and 
it  is  not  my  intention  again  to  meddle  with  politics  unless  driven 
to  it  by  ill  usage  or  persecution,  which  I  do  not  now  apprehend. 

Be  so  good  as  to  present  our  love  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  all  our 
dear  relations.  We  are  impatient  to  see  them,  but  find  Mrs. 
Brown's  health  too  delicate  to  bear  the  journey. 


246  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


D.    MALLORY   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  November  2,  1829. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  your  friend  Mr. 
Johnson,  the  Senator  of  Louisiana,  a  short  time  since,  and  during 
our  conversation,  which  related  mostly  to  you,  he  advised  my 
writing  to  you  "  fully  and  freely." 

You  have  known  me  a  great  many  years,  and  during  this  long 
period  of  time,  I  think  I  can  boast  of  having  possessed  your 
confidence  to  a  flattering  extent,  considering  my  humble  preten- 
sions to  influence.  You  have  often  honored  me  with  your  ap- 
probation, and  have  at  various  times  given  to  my  views  and 
opinions  attention  and  respect.  If  I  have  not  succeeded  in  all 
respects  to  the  extent  my  vanity  and  zeal  had  projected  for 
your  interest,  I  have  the  approbation  of  numerous  acquaintances 
that  industry  and  attention  have  not  been  spared  to  accomplish 
these  views. 

I  have  but  recently  returned  from  a  visit  to  several  of  the 
New  England  States,  and  my  information  is  certainly  cheering 
as  it  relates  to  you.  In  Boston,  during  a  stay  of  nearly  two 
weeks,  I  had  various  and  highly  interesting  communications 
made  to  me  on  the  state  of  public  opinion.  The  result  of  these, 
and  numerous  others  made  at  other  times  and  in  other  States  and 
places,  is,  that  there  is  scarcely  a  doubt  but  that  nearly  all  the 
States  north  and  east  of  this  will  join  heartily  in  your  nomina- 
tion. The  excitement  on  this  subject  in  these  sections  of  the 
country  is  much  greater  than  I  had  supposed.  We  can  securely 
rely  on  Connecticut,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and  Ver- 
mont, and  if  by  any  casualty  the  "  hero"  is  out  of  the  question, 
no  reasonable  doubt  can  be  entertained  of  the  other  two. 

The  wish  is  very  general  that  you  should  visit  them  dur- 
ing the  ensuing  summer.  I  do  not,  however,  consider  a  visit  to 
them  half  so  important  or  politic  as  a  visit  to  New  York.  Some 
time  previous  to  the  late  Presidential  election,  while  I  had  the 
honor  of  a  seat  in  the  City  Convention,  [  introduced  a  resolu- 
tion expressive  of  a  wish  that  a  committee  should  be  formed  to 
invite  you  to  the  city.  At  that  time,  and  since,  but  one  opinion 
prevailed.  It  was  unanimous  among  our  party,  and  much  good 
was  anticipated  by  such  an  event.  If  it  was  deemed  so  im- 
portant at  that  period,  it  surely  is  much  more  so  now. 

Mr.  Johnson  informed  me  that  he  believed  it  was  your  inten- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  247 

tion  to  visit  General  Porter  next  season  ;  if  so,  I  trust  you  will 
not  refuse  us  the  gratification  of  a  visit.  Indeed,  it  will  do  much 
good.  Thousands  of  people  are  anxious  to  see  you,  and  among 
them  are  many  leading  and  influential  men. 

I  wrote  to  -Mr.  Smith,  the  editor  of  "  The  Reporter,"  a  few 
days  since,  on  the  subject  of  a  likeness  of  yourself,  which  I  am 
about  publishing  from  the  portrait  by  Wood :  will  you  do  me 
the  favor  to  request  him  to  answer  as  early  as  his  convenience 
will  admit  of  it.  I  shall  feel  greatly  honored  and  obliged  by  an 
early  reply  from  yourself. 


MR.    ADAMS    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  December  11,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — On  my  return  here  from  the  North  a  few  days 
since,  I  received  your  letter  of  the  23d  October,  written  at 
Frankfort,  and  inclosing  the  printed  copy  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  let- 
ter to  Mr.  Breckenridge  of  12th  August,  1803.  It  corresponds 
in  opinion  with  his  letter  to  Mr.  Dunbar  of  nearly  the  same  date, 
which  had  been  published  before. 

The  sacrifice  of  principle,  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  sanctioning  the 
assumption  by  Congress  of  the  power  to  do  that  which  he  thus 
acknowledges  could  rightfully  be  done  only  by  an  amendment 
to  the  Constitution,  is  destined  to  produce  consequences  from 
which  1  turn  my  eyes. 

I  have  written  a  reply  to  the  Confederate  Appeal  of  Mr.  Giles' 
auxiliaries  j  but  have  hitherto  forborne  to  publish  it.  The 
friends  to  whom  I  have  communicated  it  are  not  altogether 
agreed  as  to  the  expediency  of  its  immediate  publication,  and  I 
have  cheerfully  postponed  it  for  the  present.  When  published, 
I  shall  not  fail  of  transmitting  a  copy  of  it  to  you. 

I  offer  you  my  warm  and  sincere  thanks  as  well  for  your  con- 
dolence as  for  your  congratulations.  I  have  had  the  pleasure 
this  day  of  seeing  Mr.  Clarke,  and  of  hearing  from  him  the  en- 
tire re-establishment  of  your  health.  I  saw  Mr.  Southard  last 
Saturday  at  Philadelphia,  and  rejoiced  at  meeting  him  quite  re- 
covered both  in  health  and  spirits.  Mr.  Brown  is  also  at  Phila- 
delphia ;  but  my  stay  there  was  so  short  I  did  not  see  him.  I 
heard  that  Mrs.  Brown's  health  was  much  improved. 


PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.    VAUGHAN   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  December  18,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Mr.  Clark  has  delivered  to  me  the  rifle,  and 
it  seems  to  me  to  be,  in  workmanship,  most  perfect;  and  I  am 
as  well  pleased  with  it  as  any  child  you  ever  saw  with  a  new 
toy.  Mr.  Clark  and  Mr.  Letcher  have  promised  to  teach  me  how 
to  use  it,  and  it  will  not  be  my  fa.ult  if  we  have  not  a  field-day 
very  soon. 

Gratified,  as  I  feel,  by  your  kindness  in  executing  the  com- 
mission which  I  took  the  liberty  of  giving  you,  to  procure  for 
me  a  genuine  Kentucky  rifle,  which  you  have  so  admirably  ex- 
ecuted, it  is  very  painful  to  me  to  be  obliged  to  accompany  my 
thanks  with  a  severe  scolding.  Your  friends  tell  me  that  they 
were  specially  instructed  by  you  (in  diplomatic  phrase)  not  to 
allow  me  to  reimburse  you,  through  them,  for  the  heavy  expense 
which  my  commission  has  brought  upon  you.  This  is  too  bad, 
and  makes  me  very  restless.  The  only  way  in  which  you  can 
soothe  me  is  by  telling  me  what  article  you  want,  or  would 
covet,  from  England,  as  I  shall  have  time  to  get  it  out  before 
your  friends  return  to  Kentucky,  after  the  session  of  Congress. 
If  you  will  not  make  choice  of  something  useful,  I  shall  be 
obliged  to  send  you  some  article  which  may  prove  very  useless 
and  very  unacceptable.  Exercise,  therefore,  your  frankness,  and 
pray  put  me  in  a  way  of  executing  a  commission  for  you,  in  as 
acceptable  a  manner  as  you  have  just  executed  one  for  me.  I 
shall  ever  be  proud  of  the  rifle  as  a  memorial  of  your  friendship. 

I  have  not  any  public  or  private  news  to  send  you.  I  rejoice 
at  the  termination  of  the  war  in  Turkey,  and  the  opening  of  the 
commerce  of  the  Black  Sea  has  pleased  all  the  world.  As  to 
politics  at  Washington,  you  will  know  better  than  I  do  what  is 
the  state  of  them.  Congress  has  opened,  it  appears  to  me,  in  a 
perfect  calm. 

I  have  been  lately  out  of  spirits,  on  account  of  the  death  of  a 
brother,  who  was  younger  than  myself,  and  who  was  a  clergy- 
man of  exemplary  life  and  character,  and  who  has  left  behind 
him  a  widow  and  thirteen  children. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Johnston,  Messrs.  Letcher  and  Clark,  and  some 
others,  your  friends,  are  to  dine  with  me  on  Chnstrq^  ^ay, 
when  we  shah1  drink  your  health. 

My  kind  regards  to  Mrs.  Clay,  and  to  Johnny. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  249 


MR.    CLAY   TO   J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  December  25,  1829. 

My  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  favor  of  the  12th  in- 
stant. I  shall  leave  here  for  New  Orleans,  from  the  16th  to  the 
20th  of  next  month,  and  I  purpose  remaining  there  until  early 
in  March.  There  will  be  time  for  a  letter  to  reach  me  after  you 
receive  this,  if  you  write  by  the  next  mail.  Tell  me  how  I  can 
serve  you  while  there — who  is  to  be  soothed,  who  to  be  won,  to 
secure  your  next  election.  Whatever  I  can  do  on  that  subject, 
with  propriety,  shall  be  done. 

Will  you  do  me  the  favor  to  place  the  endorsed  letter  for 
Hughes  in  a  train  for  reaching  him  ?  Poor  fellow  !  he  has  met 
with  most  unkind  and  most  unjust  treatment. 

With  the  compliments  of  the  season  to  yourself  and  Mrs. 
.  Fohnston. 


MR.    CLAY  TO   J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  December  31,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  the  20th  instant,  under  cover  to 
Major  Tilford,  and  franked  by  Judge  Clarke,  came  safe  to  hand ; 
and  I  thank  you  for  the  views  and  information  which  it  com- 
municates. 

There  is  the  best  and  most  friendly  disposition  prevailing  so 
far  with  our  Legislature  at  Frankfort.  They  are  disposed  to  do 
any  thing  right  and  politic  ;  but,  from  what  I  learn,  I  presume 
nothing  will  be  done  but  to  present  an  argumentation-report  in 
favor  of  the  Tariff  and  Internal  Improvements,  in  which  will  be 
embodied  some  friendly  expressions  concerning  me.  The  Gov- 
ernor gets  along  without  difficulty.  Much  good  spirit  exists  in 
regard  to  the  State's  doing  something  for  its  own  improvement  ; 
but  the  great  obstacle  is  the  want  of  means,  and  the  want  of 
union  as  to  objects  to  be  first  undertaken. 

I  am  busy  in  making  preparation  for  my  intended  voyage  to 
New  Orleans.  I  purpose  leaving  home  in  less  than  a  fortnight, 
about  the  12th  of  next  month.  I  regret  to  find  that  my  expected 
visit  there  has  already  excited  more  expectation  than  I  would 
have  wished.  I  have  heard  nothing  of  General  Van  Rensselaer. 
I  am  afraid  that  the  frightful  state  of  our  roads  has  deterred  him 


250      PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  HENRY  CLAY. 

from  making  his  intended  detour.  I  shall  lament  this  the  more, 
because  I  think  we  should  have  arranged  it  to  descend  the  river 
together. 

P.  S.  Should  you  address  me,  as  I  hope  you  may,  white  I  am 
at  New  Orleans,  your  letters  put  under  cover  to  Nicholas  Ber- 
trand,  Esq.,  Shipping-port,  Kentucky,  would  quickly  reach  me. 


REV.  JOHN  S.  BARGER  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  could  not  conscientiously  drink  to  you  a  toast, 
but  I  indulge  the  hope  that  you  will  permit  me  to  offer  to  Al- 
mighty God  an  humble  prayer  for  the  Hon.  Henry  Clay. 

May  God  the"  Judge  who  "  putteth  down  one  and  setteth  up 
another"  reward  you  with  the  confidence  and  highest  honor  of 
your  happy  country,  for  whose  glory  you  have  so  arduously  and 
faithfully  toiled.  May  your  labors  for  your  country's  glory  be 
at  least  equaled  by  your  competitor. and  surpassed  by  your  efforts 
to  secure  your  Maker's  favor  and  to  proclaim  your  Saviour's  re- 
nown. And  having  faithfully  served  your  country  and  your 
God,  may  you  largely  and  forever  share  with  his  saints  the  hon- 
ors and  kingdom  of  our  common  Saviour.  Amen. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

CORRESPONDENCE   OF   183O. 

MR.  CLAY  TO  J.  3.  JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  January  12,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  Alma  Mater  is  a  petitioner  to  Congress. 
The  affliction  which  has  recently  occurred,  presents  her  in  that 
posture.  Transylvania  University  was  the  first  temple  of  science 
erected  in  the  wilds  of  the  West.  Do  not  these  circumstances 
give  some  claim  to  the  charity  of  a  generous  Government  ?  If 
you  think  so,  will  you  say-  one  friendly  word  in  behalf  of  the 
application  ? 


REV.  WM.    HAWLEY  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

"WASHINGTON,  January  14,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Permit  me  to  return  you  my  humble  but  sin- 
cere thanks  for  the  very  able,  interesting,  and  I  trust,  useful 
speech  in  favor  of  the  Colonization  Society,  which  you  have 
given  to  the  public,  a  copy  of  which  I  received  yesterday. 

I  had  read  it  the  day  before  in  the  "  National  Intelligencer"  with 
a  pleasure  and  satisfaction  I  will  not  attempt  to  describe.  Not  a 
word  is  out  of  place,  nor  is  there  a  sentence  too  much  or  too  little. 
The  whole  subject  is  presented  in  so  clear  a  light  and  happy  ar- 
rangement that  he  who  runs  may  read  and  understand  the  object,  the 
importance  and  the  usefulness  of  the  institution.  The  appropriate 
manner  in  which  you  have  introduced  the  subject  of  Christianity 
and  exhibited  the  powerful  operation  and  extensive  effects  which 
would  be  produced  by  the  successful  accomplishment  of  the  ob- 
jects of  the  Society,  in  a  religious  point  of  view,  will,  I  doubt 
not,  command  the  united  approbation  of  all  denominations  of 
Christians,  and  insure  their  cordial  co-operation. 


252  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Our  anniversary  takes  place  next  Monday  and  I  hope  to  suc- 
ceed in  having  this  speech  placed  on  the  pages  of  our  Report ; 
for  it  ought  to  be  in  the  hands  of  every  man,  woman  and  child, 
throughout  the  country. 

In  your  retirement  from  the  honorable,  but  arduous  situation, 
which  you  recently  occupied,  I  hope  your  health  has  improved, 
and  that  the  subject  of  religion,  which  you  so  eloquently  advo- 
cate, and  which  my  feeble  endeavors  to  impress  on  your  mind 
may  have  failed  to  accomplish  to  the  extent  of  my  wishes,  will 
now  occupy  that  portion  of  your  time  to  which  it  has  so  power- 
ful and  just  a  claim  both  as  it  regards  this  world  and  that  which  is 
to  come.  In  this  world  true  religion  sweetens  all  our  joys,  miti- 
gates all  our  sorrows  and  eventuates  in  preparing  us  for  the  death 
of  the  righteous,  and  for  those  mansions  of  bliss  prepared  by  the 
Saviour  of  the  world  for  all  those  who  truly  love  and  obey 
him. 

You  have  my  earnest  prayer  that  your  life  may  be  long  pre- 
served to  your  family  and  to  your  country,  and  that  you  may 
yet  receive  her  highest  reward  for  the  many  useful  services  you 
have  rendered  the  Republic,  and  finally  obtain  an  unfading  crown 
of  glory  at  the  right  hand  of  God. 

Mrs.  Hawley  unites  with  me  in  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs. 
Clay  and  yourself,.,  and  I  beg  you  to  accept  the  assurance  of  my 
very  high  esteem  and  respectful  consideration. 


ALEXIS    DE    SARCY    TO    MR.    CLAY.* 

February  11,  1830. 

It  will  not  be  in  my  power  to  meet  you  so  soon  as  I  expected, 
but  you  may  rest  satisfied  that  all  goes  well.  Be  true  to  your- 
self, be  discreet,  and  there  is  nothing  to  apprehend.  Say  noth- 
ing about  Mr.  Adams,  nothing  in  allusion  to  him ;  the  reasons 
assigned  in  your  speech,  not  long  since,  for  accepting  office  under 
him,  were  injudicious.  It  will  be  impracticable  for  me  to  be  iii 
Kentucky  earlier  than  May  or  June. 

*  This  note,  and  the  folio-wing  extract  from  a  long  letter  of  bold  advice,  are 
written,  over  an  assumed  name,  Alexis  de  Sarcy,  but  the  writer  appears  to  have 
been  well-known  to  Mr.  Clay,  and  a  sort  of  Mentor.  How  he  was  entertained  in 
this  capacity,  is  not  known.  See  another  note  from  same,  page  241. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  253 


ALEXIS    DE    SARCY    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

SIR, — You  are  reputed  to  possess  judgment,  tact,  a  deep  and 
correct  knowledge  of  the  human  character,  and  a  self-possession 
that  never  falters.  I  am  not  disposed  to  controvert  the  opinion, 
yet  I  think  if  you  are  to  be  judged  by  the  events  of  the  last  five 
years,  your  claim  to  these  qualities  must  be  denied.  During 
that  period,  you  have  committed  errors  so  palpable  and  gross, 
that  no  man  so  distinguished  could  have  been  betrayed  into. 
It  might  be  ungracious,  as  well  as  unnecessary,  to  notice  all  the 
blunders  of  that  time,  but  you  will  permit  me  to  mention  one, 
that  remarkable  one,  your  defense  of  yourself  against  the  charge 
of '-'bargain,  intrigue,  and  management."  Had  you  avowed  a 
bargain,  instead  of  denying,  explaining,  and  defending,  I  am 
grossly  mistaken  in  the  character  of  the  American  people,  if  you 
had  not  sustained  your  popularity  at  its  highest  flow.  If,  instead 
of  your  letter  to  your  constituents,  and  all  your  other  letters  and 
speeches  and  sayings,  and  the  sayings  of  all  your  friends,  you 
had  promptly  declared  that  your  vote  for  Mr.  Adams  was  the 
result  of  a  bargain,  of  a  pledge  on  his  part,  to  support  the  Ameri- 
can system  and  internal  improvements,  while  General  Jackson's 
silence,  reserve,  and  affectation  of  offended  dignity  at  being  ap- 
proached, left  you,  the  founder  of  the  system,  and  all  its  other 
friends,  in  doubt  as  to  the  policy  of  his  administration  upon  these 
subjects — that  this  consideration,  added  to  your  other  objections 
to  the  General,  had  decided  your  course  upon  that  question,  and 
that  you  accepted  the  Department  of  State  under  the  influence 
of  the  same  motives,  to  aid  in  extending  and  supporting  the  sys- 
tem, with  a  determination  to  resign  and  oppose  the  Administra- 
tion, if  Mr.  Adams  played  false — that  it  was  the  operation  of 
such  considerations  which  induced  you  to  disregard  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  and  offer  yourself  a 
victim  on  the  altar  of  your  country,  as  General  Jackson  had 
himself  done  in  declaring  martial  law  at  New  Orleans — had  you 
done  this,  my  life  on  it,  the  newspaper  clamor  would  have  been 
hushed,  that  prolific  theme  been  removed,  and  your  adversaries 
confounded.  It  is  over !  How  shall  we  repair  the  loss  and  cor- 
rect the  evil  ? 


254  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MB.  CLAY  TO  J.  S.  JOHNSTON. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  February  27,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR. — Your  several  letters  addressed  to  me  in  Ken- 
tucky, and  at  this  place,  have  been  received.  Owing  to  the 
Ohio  river  being  closed  by  ice,  I  did  not  receive  the  former  as 
early  as  they  would  have  reached  me  by  land.  That  obstruction 
being  now  removed,  and  boats  daily  arriving  from  Louisville,  I 
shall  receive  the  letters  of  my  friends  with  more  regularity, 
during  the  ten  or  twelve  days  that  I  propose  yet  to  continue  in 
this  city.  Except  the  two  short  excursions  to  Mr.  Goniot's  and 
Mr.  Millegan's,  I  have  not  been  out  of  the  city  and  its  immedi- 
ate neighborhood.  I  have  been  treated  throughout  with  the 
greatest  respect  and  attention.  Some  of  the  more  prominent 
Jacksonians,  especially  those  who  are  expecting  offices,  keep 
•at  a  distance  ;  but  all  others,  embracing  many  of  that  party, 
have  been  extremely  civil.  I  have  been  invited  to  public 
dinners  at  Memphis,  Vicksburg,  Fort  Gibson,  Natchez,  and 
Baton  Rouge,  but  I  have  declined  all,  except  that  proposed  at 
Natchez. 

I  have  been  often  with  your  friend,  Judge  Porter,  who  I  think 
worthy  of  all  the  fine  things  you  have  said  of  him  to  me.  I 
like  him  extremely,  and  hope  that  our  acquaintance  will  leave 
impressed  upon  him  toward  me  the  same  sentiments  of  esteem 
and  friendship  which  I  feel  for  him. 

I  shall  expect  eagerly  Mr.  Webster's  second  speech  on  Mr. 
Foote's  resolution,  of  which  your  letters  and  those  of  other  friends 
have  communicated  such  flattering  accounts.  The  triumph  which 
he  enjoyed  was  a  noble  one.  I  fear  his  resolution  against  Duff 
Green  was  premature,  and  dictated  by  a  chafed  and  proud  spirit, 
indignant  at  his  vile  misrepresentations.  His  ninth  Thermidoi 
has  not,  I  fear,  yet  arrived. 

I  have  been  agreeably  surprised  to  find  the  opinion  in  favor 
of  the  Tariff  so  general  and  so  strong  in  this  State.  You  must 
not  be  surprised  to  find  yourself  shortly  instructed  by  the  Legis- 
lature to  support  it.  From  what  I  learn,  at  least  two  thirds  of  the 
Legislature,  if  not  more,  are  in  favor  of  it ;  but  they  have  great 
difficulty  in  collecting  and  keeping  the  members  at  Donaldsville. 

Duralde  has  declined  being  a  candidate  for  Governor,  at  a  mo- 
ment when,  they  tell  me,  his  election  would  have  been  certain, 
if  Roman  had  declined,  and  probably  if  he  would  not.  He  did 


OF  HENBY  CLAY.  255 

not  wish  to  produce  divisions  among  friends,  and  really  cared 
nothing  about  the  office. 

My  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Johnston. 


MR.    CLAY   TO   J.  S.  JOHNSTON. 
ON  BOARD  THE  CALEDONIA,  near  BATON  ROUGE,  March  11,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  will  perceive,  from  the  inclosed,  that  my 
anticipation  has  been  realized.  You  will  now  be  at  liberty  to 
pursue  your  own  judgment  in  relation  to  the  great  measure  refer- 
red to.  On  that  subject  two  grounds  will  naturally  suggest  them- 
selves to  you,  as  forming  a  justification  for  your  future  course  : 
1st,  the  will  of  your  constituents  ;  and,  secondly,  that  you  will 
not  assist  in  disturbing  an  established  policy. 

I  expect  to  reach  Natchez  to-morrow  morning,  and  I  shall  re- 
main there  until  Sunday  the  14th,  when  I  shall  ascend  in  the 
George  Washington. 

All  parties  tell  me  that  your  re-election  is  safe.  I  think  you 
were  wise  in  declining  being  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  Gov- 
ernor. Rorhan,  I  believe,  will  be  elected.  I  think  it  the  inter- 
est of  our  friends  to  unite  on  him.  There  is  a  good  prospect  of 
our  returning  those  friends  to  the  House  of  Representatives; 
and  yet  I  am  not  without  fears  that  we  may  lose  the  majority  in 
your  Legislature.  The  city  of  New  Orleans  is  the  pivot ;  and 
it  is  extremely  difficult  there  to  animate  our  friends  to  proper 
exertion.  It  will  be  well  for  you  to  come  here  after  the  close  of 
Congress.  My  cordial  regards  always  to  Mrs.  Johnston. 


MR.    DURALDE*   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

NEW  OEIEANS,  March  18,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received,  by  the  return  of  William  Clai- 
borne,  your  letter  of  the  14th  instant.  I  was  glad  to  hear  that 
Henry,  so  far,  had  been  a  good  boy,  and  had  given  no  trouble  to 
those  around  him.  I  shall  feel  greatly  relieved  when  I  hear  of 
your  safe  arrival  at  Louisville. 

Your  friends  here  feel  grateful  toward  the  people  of  Natchez 
*  Son-in-law  to  Mr.  Clay. 


256  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

for  having  treated  you  so  kindly  during  your  short  stay  among 
them. 

The  resolutions  concerning  the  Tariff,  which  passed  the  Sen- 
ate unanimously,  have  also  passed  the  House  of  Representatives 
by. a  large  majority,  there  having  been  but  seven  dissenting 
votes. 

Unless  a  very  great  change  should  take  place,  I  have  no  doubt 
but  that  A.  B.  Roman  will  be  elected  Governor  of  this  State  in 
July  next. 

Mr.  Thomas  Hart,  who  is  the  bearer  of  this,  will  give  you 
the  pocket-handkerchief  you  had  left  at  Donaldsonville. 

Present  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay,  and  to  the  rest  of  the 
family,  and  remember  me  to  my  dear,  dear  little  Henry. 


MB.     CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

FRANKFORT,  March  25,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  reached  this  place  this  morning  from  Louis- 
ville. My  passage  from  Natchez  in  the  George  Washington 
comprehended  all  the.  agreeable  circumstances.  Nothing  could 
surpass  the  warmth  of  my  reception  in  Mississippi.  Both  parties 
attended  the  dinner  and  ball  at  Natchez,  and  they  vied  with  each 
other  in  their  testimonies  of  respect.  I  had  the  satisfaction  to 
make  the  acquaintance  of  Drs.  Duncan  and  Mercer,  with  both 
of  whom  I  was  much  pleased. 

•  I  believe  that  I  have  not  heretofore  said  to  you,  that  I  found  in 
Louisiana  an  unanimous  and  strong  opposition  to  the  acquisition 
of  Texas.  Your  brother  is  disinclined  to  offer  at  the  next  elec- 
tion for  the  Legislature.  I  endeavored  to  overcome  his  repug- 
nance. I  think  he  ought  to  be  there,  where  he  might  essentially 
serve  you.  He  has  an  excellent  standing  in  the  House.  Gen- 
eral Thomas  will  beat  Ripley  with  ease  for  Congress,  if  those 
two  only  offer. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  J.   S.  JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  April  6,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  14th  ultimo, 
transmitted  through  a  friend.  It  discloses  a  state  of  public 
affairs  at  Washington,  both  curious  and  mortifying.  Your  ac- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  257 

counts  and  conclusions  are  substantially  concurred  in  by  other 
friends  who  write  me.  If  the  incompetency  of  the  President 
could  be  manifested  to  the  public,  I  have  no  doubt,  with  you, 
that  his  re-election  would  be  impracticable.  But  how  is  that 
to  be  done?  How,  especially,  will  that  large  portion  of  it 
which  contributed  to  place  him  where  he  is,  be  made  to  believe 
his  unfi tness  ? — particularly  when  majorities  in  both  Houses  con- 
tinue to  support  all,  even  his  most  exceptionable  acts? 

I  say,  continue  to  support  them.  For  I  infer,  from  what  I 
have  seen,  that  the  principle  of  removal,  in  its  most  odious 
form,  has  been  sanctioned  by  the  majority.  What  does  the 
Senate  believe  will  be  thought  of  its  dignity  and  independence, 
in  after  time,  when  it  will  sanction  (as  in  the  case  of  the 
Treasurer  of  the  United  States)  the  removal,  without  cause,  of 
a  high  public  officer,  whose  appointment  it  only  a  few  months 
before  approved  ?  Does  it  imagine  that  the  miserable  sophistry 
of  that  pliant  tool,  Felix  Grundy,  will  justify  it?  According  to 
him,  the  Senate  can  not  look  beyond  the  mere  question  of  fit- 
ness of  the  person  nominated ;  the  President  acts  upon  his  re- 
sponsibility, and  there  is  no  remedy  but  in  impeachment !  Does 
he  not  see  that  he  strips  the  body  of  one  of  its  most  important 
constitutional  functions — that  of  operating  as  a  check  upon  the 
executive  ?  Does  he  not  see  that  the  Senate,  after  making  itself 
a  particeps  with  the  President  in  a  dangerous  and  pernicious 
proceeding,  will  be  a  very  unfit  and  unsafe  tribunal  to  arraign 
him  before  for  that  identical  proceeding  ? 

The  consequence,  I  fear,  will  be,  of  this  approbation  in  both 
houses  of  the  worst  acts  of  the  President,  that  the  Jackson  por- 
tion of  the  public  will  be  lulled  into  security,  and  believe  that 
all  is  right.  In  this  point  of  view,  I  have  thought  it  of  much 
importance  that,  when  any  great  principle  was  involved  (such 
as  the  appointment  of  editors,  or  removals  without  cause),  the 
Senate  would  show  itself  worthy  of  the  esteem  which  it  once 
enjoyed,  by  putting  itself  against  the  evils  to  be  dreaded. 

You  perceive  no  effect,  at  a  distance,  from  the  state  of  things 
which  you  describe  at  Washington.  Witness  the  result  in  New 
Hampshire. 

If  Mr.  Calhoun  really  intends  to  set  himself  up  in  opposition 
to  General  Jackson,  I  should  begin  to  think  there  was  a  pros- 
pect of  some  division  that  might  lead  to  beneficial  results. 

Do  not  imagine  from  any  thing  that  I  have  said  that  I  at  all 
17 


258  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

despair  of  the  Republic.  I  only  fear  that  the  day  of  soundness 
and  sanity  is  more  distant  than  you  believe. 

Mr.  Chilton's  last  letter  on  the  comparative  expenditures  of 
the  two  Administrations,  like  his  first,  will  do  good. 

I  shall  not  disappoint  my  friends  in  remaining  still.  I  shall 
remain  more  than  ever  at  Ashland,  the  occupations  of  which  I 
relish  more  than  ever. 

Duralde  writes  me  that  the  Tariff  resolution,  which  I  informed 
you  had  passed  the  Senate  of  Louisiana  unanimously,  has  passed 
the  House  with  only  seven  dissentients.  I  sent  you  a  copy  of 
the  resolution,  which  I  hope  you  received. 

I  heard  nothing  more,  after  I  wrote  you,  of  Waggerman's  op- 
position to  you.  I  hope  it  will  not  take  place.  Our  friends 
were  very  confident  of  your  success,  but  you  should  go  home 
after  the  session.  Duralde  thinks  Roman  will  be  elected  Gov- 
ernor. 

I  will  thank  you  to  remit  me  the  amount  you  may  receive 
from  Mann,  in  a  check  of  the  office  of  Discount  and  Deposit,  at 
Washington,  on  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  at  Philadelphia. 
My  warmest  regards  to  Mrs.  Johnston. 


WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

STEAMBOAT  TELEGRAPH,  near  MAYSVILLE,  April  11,  1830. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  would  have  written  to  you  immediately  upon 
my  arrival  in  the  United  States  if  I  had  not  heard  that  you  had 
gone  on  a  visit  to  New  Orleans,  to  inform  you  that  I  had  for- 
warded your  letter  to  General  Bolivar,  from  Bogota,  and  that  I 
had  received  a  note  from  him  acknowledging  its  reception  and 
adding  that  there  "  was  no  answer."  Herewith  I  send  a  pamph- 
let which  I  have  lately  published,  in  which  you  will  find  a  letter 
addressed  by  me  to  the  same  distinguished  character,  to  which 
also  he  did  not  think  proper  to  reply.  I  could  have  inserted 
many  interesting  circumstances  which  I  omitted  from  the  fear  of 
injuring  persons  who  still  remain  subject  to  the  power  of  the 
Colombian  Government. 

Accept  for  yourself  and  family  my  best  respects. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  259 

MR.    CLAY   TO    REV.    JAMES    E.  WELCH. 

ASHLAND,  April  17,  1830. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  very 
friendly  letter  of  the  5th  instant,  and  to  thank  you  for  the  infor- 
mation which  it  contains,  and  for  your  kind  endeavor  to  vindi- 
cate me  from  the  aspersions  to  which  I  have  been  exposed  on 
account  of  my  public  conduct.  I  have  almost  daily  proofs  of 
the  general  conviction  which  prevails  of  my  having  been 
wronged ;  and  I  have  full  confidence  that  my  fellow  citizens 
will  ultimately  render  me  perfect  justice.  These  good  feelings 
were  strongly  manifested  toward  me  during  a  late  visit  I  made 
to  Louisiana.  Kvery  where  I  was  received  with  warmth  and 
cordiality,  and,  in  some  instances,  with  enthusiasm.  When  the 
passions  lately  so  strongly  excited,  shall  subside,  and  the  people 
come  to  reflect  on  the  past,  and  to  reason  upon  the  promises  made 
by  or  for  the  successful  Presidential  candidate,  and  the  shameful 
violation  of  all  of  them  at  Washington,  they  can  not  fail  to  come 
to  right  conclusions. 

I  met  Colonel  Drake  to-day  and  delivered  him  your  message, 
as  I  will  endeavor  to  recollect  to  do  to  the  other  gentlemen  men- 
tioned by  you. 

Accept  my  best  wishes  for  the  success  of  the  cause  in  which 
you  are  engaged,  and  for  your  individual  prosperity. 


DANIEL  WEBSTER  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  April  18,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR. — We  have  heard  with  great  pleasure  of  your 
safe  arrival  at  your  own  home,  after  your  interesting  trip  down 
the  great  river ;  and  we  all  enjoyed,  as  sincerely  as  you  could 
have  done,  the  tokens  of  regard  and  affection  which  the  good 
people  manifested  toward  you  at  the  various  points  of  your  tour. 
More  than  all,  it  was  gratifying  to  hear  from  Mr.  Poinsett  such 
excellent  accounts  of  your  health. 

******* 

The  President  means  to  be  re-elected.  He  has  meant  so  all 
along.  Seeing  this,  Van  Buren  has  been  endeavoring  to  make 
a  merit  of  persuading  him  to  do  so,  on  the  ground  of  its  being 
necessary  to  keep  the  party  together.  Calhoun  is  more  than 


260  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

half  reconciled  to  it  from  two  considerations  :  first,  he  hardly  feels 
as  confident  as  he  has  done,  of  his  own  present  strength  j  second, 
he  regards  the  chance  of  succession,  in  seven  years,  as  pretty 
important.  If  any  thing  should  prevent  General  Jackson  from 
being  a  candidate  for  re-election,  my  hopes  would  now  be  ex- 
ceeding strong  of  beating  both  Van  Buren  and  Calhoun.  How 
it  will  be  expedient  for  us  to  act,  in  case  the  present  incumbent 
should  actually  be  candidate  again,  we  can  better  determine 
hereafter.  My  own  firm  belief  is,  that  if  we  were  to  let  the 
Administration,  this  session  and  the  next,  have  their  own  way, 
and  follow  out  their  own  principles,  they  would  be  so  unpopular 
as  that  the  General  could  not  possibly  be  re-elected.  I  do  not 
mean  by  this,  that  we  should  let  them  disturb  the  Tariff,  or 
injure  any  other  existing  interest ;  still  less  that  we  should,  in 
the  slightest  degree,  vote  or  act  against  our  own  principles.  All 
these  being  safe,  and  all  existing  interests  preserved,  I  still  think 
if  we  leave  to  t'hem  to  decide  on  new  measures  of  internal  im- 
provement, etc.,  according  to  their  own  will,  they  will  soon  find 
what  the  sense  of  the  people  is.  But  I  forbear  further  talk. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

ASHLAXD,  April  19,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  8th  instant.  I 
returned  from  Louisiana  about  three  weeks  ago.  My  visit  to 
that  State  and  to  Mississippi,  was  full  of  gratification.  Not  a 
single  painful  incident  occurred.  Every  where  my  reception  was 
warm  and  cordial,  and  sometimes  enthusiastic.  The  Legislature 
of  Louisiana  paid  me  a  compliment,  the  more  estimable  because 
it  was  spontaneous,  and  without  previous  concert.  When  I  un- 
expectedly attended  it,  the  whole  body  (Speaker  and  all),  with- 
out distinction  of  party,  rose  to  receive  me.  While  I  was  in 
that  State,  its  Senate  passed  unanimously  a  resolution  in  favor  of 
the  Tariff,  which  has  since  been  concurred  in  by  the  House  of 
Representatives,  with  only  seven  dissentients.  Nothing  could 
have  surpassed  the  cordiality  of  my  reception  and  entertainment 
at  Natchez.  At  one  of  the  largest  public  dinners  I  ever  attended, 
I  found  myself  in  the  midst  of  about  equal  numbers  of  both 
parties.  A  Jackson  man  sat  on  my  right,  an  Adams  man  on  my 
left.  From  all  that  I  learned,  I  should  think  that  the  vote  of 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  261 

Louisiana  would  certainly  be  given  me  against  any  one,  and 
that  of  Mississippi  against  any  one  but  Jackson.  Against  him 
also,  if  he  continues,  during  the  next  two  years,  to  lose  his  pop- 
ularity there  in  proportion  to  his  loss  this  last  year. 

As  to  the  state  of  things  at  Washington,  you  are  probably  as 
well,  if  not  better  informed  than  I  am.  My  friends,  prior  to  the 
recent  nomination  in  Pennsylvania,  were  sanguine,  extremely 
sanguine,  of  success.  They  represent  great  animosity  as  exist- 
ing between  the  partisans  of  Calhoim  and  Van  Buren,  inso- 
much that  each  party  prefers  me  to  the  other ;  and  that  there  are 
riot  thirty  members  of  Congress  who  desire  Jackson's  re-election. 

Events  which  may  have  already  happened,  or  which  may 
occur  in  the  course  of  the  residue  of  the  present  session  of  Con- 
gress, will  throw  great  light  on  the  future.  If  the  three  great 
States  of  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  York,  should  unite 
on  any  particular  candidate,  opposition  to  that  candidate  will 
be  unavailing,  in  all  probability.  If  there  should  be  no  such 
union,  Jackson  himself  or  either  of  the  two  prominent  members 
of  his  party,  may  be  beaten.  Of  the  prospect  of  the  supposed 
union,  you  can  form  as  correct  a  conjecture  as  I  can. 

Meantime  I  assure  you,  most  sincerely,  that  I  feel  myself  more 
and  more  weaned  from  public  affairs.  My  attachment  to  rural 
occupation  every  day  acquires  more  strength,  and  if  it  continues 
to  increase  another  year  as  it  has  the  last,  I  shall  be  fully  pre- 
pared to  renounce  forever  the  strifes  of  public  life.  My  farm  is 
in  fine  order,  and  my  preparations  for  the  crop  of  the  present 
year,  are  in  advance  of  all  my  neighbors.  I  shall  make  a  bet- 
ter farmer  than  statesman.  And  I  find  in  the  business  of  culti- 
vation, gardening,  grazing,  and  the  rearing  of  the  various  de- 
scriptions of  domestic  animals,  the  most  agreeable  resources. 

I  presume  your  new  Constitution  will  be  adopted.  It  has  in- 
corporated in  it  some  very  exceptionable  elements  of  aristocracy. 
I  should,  nevertheless,  vote  for  it,  if  I  had  a  vote,  as  being, 
with  all  its  defects,  preferable  to  the  old  Constitution.  I  am  cu- 
rious to  learn  those  anecdotes  occurring  at  Richmond,  which 
you  are  afraid  to  intrust  to  the  mail.  I  think  a  letter  commu- 
nicating them,  put  under  cover  to  the  Honorable  R.  P.  Letcher, 
at  Washington,  would  reach  me  in  safety.  I  have  never  been 
able  to  comprehend  Mr.  Madison's  course.  At  a  distance,  it  ap- 
peared to  me  marked  by  some  inconsistency,  which  I  regretted, 

Mrs.  Clay  unites  with  me  in  best  regards  to  Mrs.  Brooke. 


262  TRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  April  24,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Upon  my  return  home  from  New  Orleans,  I 
found  here  your  two  favors  of  the  28th  December  last,  and  6th 
ult.  Although  I  met  a  vast  accumulation  of  correspondence 
and  of  business,  I  should  have  immediately  answered  your  let- 
ters but,  to  tell  the  truth,  for  my  desire  to  see  the  issue  of  the 
elections  in  your  Legislature.  My  anxious  looks  were  directed 
toward  Richmond,  on  account  of  yourself  especially,  and  other 
friends.  The  papers  have  at  length  brought  the  intelligence  I 
desired,  and  I  offer  you  my  cordial  congratulations  on  your  elec- 
tion, which,  under  all  circumstances,  is  as  honorable  as  I  hope 
it  will  prove  satisfactory  to  you.  You  are  not,  I  remark  again, 
appointed  President  of  the  Court,  but,  considering  every  thing, 
I  do  not  think  you  should  be  mortified  or  even  regret  that  the 
choice  and  the  responsibility  have  fallen  on  a  younger  man.  It 
would  have  given  me  inexpressible  pain  if  I  could  have  be- 
lieved that  your  friendship  to  me,  which  has  been  of  such  long 
duration,  and  such  great  value,  had  affected  you  injuriously. 

Important  events  at  home  and  abroad  have  happened  since 
I  last  wrote  you.  These  changes  in  Europe  are  so  rapid  that 
we  have  scarcely  time  to  speculate  on  one  before  it  is  succeeded 
and  supplanted  by  another.  You  will  have  heard  probably  by 
the  time  this  letter  reaches  you,  the  decision  of  the  question  of 
a  general  war  in  Europe.  I  regret  that  such  a  war  now  seems 
to  me  almost  inevitable.  That  regret  will  be  diminished  if  we 
can  remain  at  peace.  But  if  there  should  be  a  general  war, 
embracing  England,  she  will  make  every  endeavor  to  involve 
us  in  it.  Such  a  purpose  was  openly  avowed  to  me  by  men 
high  in  authority,  when  I  was  in  England,  on  the  contingency 
supposed. 

Among  the  incidents  at  home,  the  correspondence  between 
the  President  and  Van  Buren,  is  perhaps  the  most  important  oc- 
currence during  the  late  session  of  Congress.  I  think  it  lowers 
them  both,  although  confining  our  consideration  to  the  parties 
to  the  controversy,  Mr.  Calhoun  must  be  allowed  to  have  ob- 
tained the  advantage. 

What  course  he  may  take  in  respect  to  the  next  election  I  am 
uninformed.  From  the  knowledge  I  possess  of  his  character 
and  disposition,  I  believe  he  will  be  regulated  altogether  by  his 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  263 

estimate  of  the  probability  of  successful  opposition  to  Jackson. 
If  he  thinks  he  can  be  defeated  by  himself  or  another,  he  will 
oppose  his  re-election  directly  or  collaterally,  according  to  cir- 
cumstances. If  he  believes  he  can  be  defeated  by  no  one,  he 
will  support  his  re-election,  make  a  merit  of  a  magnanimous  sac- 
rifice of  his  sense  of  his  wrongs,  and  endeavor  to  enlist  the 
gratitude  and  sympathies  of  the  Jackson  party  to  elevate  him- 
self hereafter.  In  any  event,  we  can  not  fail  to  profit  by  the 
controversy. 

Mr.  Crawford's  conduct,  in  respect  to  myself,  surprised  me. 
That  he  should,  at  the  very  period  of  holding  such  language 
toward  me  as  he  did  in  his  letters,  have  been  addressing  letters 
to  others  containing  the  most  improper  expressions,  betrays  great 
duplicity.  But,  after  his  letter  to  me  of  March,  in  the  last  year, 
ought  we  to  be  surprised  at  anything  he  may  do  ?  I  have  never 
written  to  him  since  I  received  that  letter,  nor  do  I  desire  any 
correspondence  with  him  again.  I  shall  not,  however,  permit 
the  publication  of  his  letter  of  March.  It  could  only  be  justified 
by  some  public  good,  and  I  see  none  that  it  would  accomplish. 
The  public  feeling  of  Louisiana  in  regard  to  the  President  is  all 
that  we  could  desire.  Not  a  doubt  can  be  entertained  of  the 
vote  of  that  State  by  any  one  acquainted  with  it.  There  have 
been  numerous  changes,  and  some  of  very  influential  individuals. 
In  Kentucky,  both  parties  are  preparing  for  a  vigorous  campaign. 
Our  friends  are  confident  of  carrying  majorities  both  in  the 
General  Assembly  and  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  I  was 
so  greatly  mortified  with  the  issue  of  our  last  August  election, 
that  I  am  unwilling  either  to  indulge  or  inspire  hopes.  I  can  not, 
however,  but  believe  that  nothing  but  a  corrupt  and  most  exten- 
sive use  of  money  can  defeat  us.  Of  that  there  is  some  reason 
to  fear. 

As  to  the  issue  of  the  contest  generally,  my  opinion  remains 
the  same  that  it  has  been  for  the  last  eighteen  months.  If  Jack- 
son loses  either  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  or  Virginia,  he  will  be 
defeated.  If  he  unites  the  votes  of  all  three  of  those  States,  he 
will  succeed.  And  I  have  generally  supposed  that  the  degrees 
of  probability  of  loss  to  him  of  those  States  were  in  the  order  in 
which  I  have  placed  them.  If  I  am  right,  he  is  most  certain  of 
Virginia.  Of  course  I  am  unable  to  estimate  the  effect  upon  her 
of  recent  transactions,  especially  the  correspondence  and  votes 
of  your  Senators. 


264  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

The  movement  in  Philadelphia  is  strong  and  encouraging.  It 
remains  to  be  seen  whether  it  will  be  seconded  in  other  parts  of 
the  State.  I  am  afraid  it  will  be.  In  New  York  some  progress 
has  been  made  toward  effecting  an  union  of  the  various  parties 
opposed  to  the  present  Administration,  but  the  problem  is  yet  to 
be  solved  whether  such  an  union  can  be  accomplished. 

The  whole  case  presents  one  encouraging  view.  Jackson 
has  lost,  is  losing,  and  must  continue  to  lose.  If  the  ratio  of  his 
loss  hereafter  shall  equal  what  it  has  been  in  the  two  last  years, 
he  will  be  defeated. 

I  am  much  pressed  to  visit  the  north  this  summer ;  and  al- 
though my  judgment  is  opposed  to  any  journey  having  a  political 
object,  or  which  might  be  construed  into  such  an  object,  I  have 
been  somewhat  shaken  in  my  resolution  by  the  great  anxiety 
manifested.  But  I  believe  I  shall  resist  it,  and  remain  in  Ken- 
tucky, where  (will  you  believe  it  ?)  I  am  likely  to  make  an  ex- 
cellent farmer.  I  am  almost  tempted  to  believe  that  I  have  here- 
tofore been  altogether  mistaken  in  my  capacity,  and  that  I  have, 
though  late,  found  out  the  vocation  best  suited  to  it. 

I  received  from  our  friend  Call  a  very  kind  letter,  and  I  have 
to  request  that  you  will  ask  him  to  consider  this  equally  in- 
tended for  his  eye  and  your  own.  It  has  been  a  long  time  since 
I  heard  from  him,  but  I  see  nobody  from  Richmond  of  whom  I 
do  not  inquire  about  him ;  and  I  learn  from  all  that  he  retains 
generally  his  good  spirits,  and  his  attachments  with  great  con- 
stancy ;  of  mine  to  him  and  you  I  pray  you  both  to  be  fully 
persuaded. 


MR.   CLAY    TO    J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  April  30,  1830. 

Mr  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  13th  instant, 
communicating  the  rejection  of  Hill,  and  your  expectation  that 
Kendall  will  follow  the  same  fate.  This  latter  anticipation,  from 
what  others  tell  me,  I  apprehend,  has  not  been  realized.  I  at- 
tach some  consequence  to  the  rejection  of  these  men.  Who  is 
the  uncertain  Senator  ?  Is  he  from  Indiana  ?  If  he  be,  it  is  to 
be  attributed  to  his  approaching  election.  If  my  information 
from  that  State  be  correct,  he  need  not  fear  the  issue,  unless  he 
proves  treacherous  to  our  cause. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  265 

I  observe  that  you  regard  the  movements  of  Harrisburg  and 
Albany  as  putting  Jackson  in  nomination.  They  may  bear  that 
interpretation,  but  they  are  also  susceptible  of  another.  The 
terms  in  which  the  two  caucuses  express  themselves  do  not 
necessarily  import  the  presentation  of  Jackson  as  a  candidate. 
May  not  the  movements  be  regarded  as  a  stratagem  of  Van 
Buren  to  gain  time,  to  disconcert  his  rival,  to  concentrate  the 
Jackson  party  upon  himself,  and  to  come  out,  at  a  suitable  time, 
as  a  candidate  ? 

Ask  Mr.  Webster  to  show  you  a  letter  which  I  wrote  him  a 
few  days  ago,  stating  a  proposition  which  I  received  from  Mr. 
Crawford,  and  be  pleased  to  regard  that  matter  as  strictly  con- 
fidential, resting  between  you  two.  Mr.  Crawford,  supposing 
him  to  be  in  the  secrets  of  Van  Buren  and  his  faction,  does  not 
appear,  on  the  31st  of  March,  to  have  suspected  that  Jackson 
would  be  a  candidate. 

You  inform  me  that  my  friends  contemplate  taking  some  de- 
cisive measures  in  regard  to  me,  before  they  separate.  I  shall 
acquiesce  in  whatever  decision  they  may  make.  If  Jackson 
should  be  a  candidate,  and  can  unite  upon  himself  the  three 
States  of  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  York,  opposition  to 
him  will  be  unavailing.  If  either  of  those  States  can  be  de- 
tached from  his  support,  I  think  he  can  be  beaten.  Whether 
that  be  practicable  or  not,  you  have  better  means,  and  are  other- 
wise more  competent  to  judge,  than  I  am.  *  * 

The  disadvantage  of  delay,  if  we  mean  to  act,  is  the  uncer- 
tainty in  which  our  friends  among  the  great  body  of  the  people, 
are  left.  Already  I  have  been  frequently  spoken  to,  and  some- 
times have  been  written  to,  to  know  if  I  am  a  candidate.  Of 
course  I  give  but  one  answer,  which  is,  that  I  shall  never  present 
myself  as  a  candidate. 


G.    Vf.    FEATHERSTONHAUGH   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  4,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  appearance  of  our  friend,  General  Van 
Rensselaer  here,  within  a  few  days,  and  some  other  incidents, 
have  induced  me  to  write  you  a  few  lines,  before  a  contemplated 
voyage  to  Europe  takes  place.  I  was  exceedingly  pleased  with 
the  cheerful  accounts  General  Van  Rensselaer  gave  me  of  your 


266  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

health,  spirits,  and  well-deserved  popularity  at  the  West  and  South. 
The  value  of  my  political  attachment  to  you  consists  in  its  dis- 
interestedness. Having  no  selfish  views,  I  am  not  obliged  to 
seek  selfish  connections.  Independent  of  my  ardent  wishes  for 
the  prosperity  of  the  whole  human  race,  I  have  lived  too  long 
here,  and  been  too  nearly  and  dearly  connected  with  the  United 
States  to  see  with  indifference  its  best  interests  the  sport  of  irre- 
sponsible men,  who  owe  their  distinction  to  the  temporary  delu- 
sion of  popular  favor,  and  who  know  not  how  to  vindicate  their 
claims  to  distinction,  in  the  eyes  of  men  of  sense  and  honor. 
My  intercourse  with  you  has  always  been  very  frank.  I  may 
never  see  you  again,  though  I  hope  I  shall.  Wherever  I  am,  I 
shall  be  most  happy  to  see  the  Government  of  this  country  in 
your  hands.  I  have  been  long  satisfied  you  are  the  man  America 
wants.  *  *  *  *  *  * 


MR.    CLAY   TO    ADAM   BEATTY. 

LEXINGTON,  May  4,  1830. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  to-day  your  favor  of  the  29th  ult.  I 
had  received  from  Mr.  Yates  a  similar  letter  to  that  which  he 
addressed  to  you,  which  I  immediately  answered,  communicating 
all  the  information  I  could  give  him  upon  the  subject  to  which  it 
related.  I  therefore  now  return  his  letter  to  you,  with  the  ac- 
companying papers. 

There  is  not  the  smallest  ground  for  the  intimation  which 
you  have  received  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  being  disposed  to  decline 
in  favor  of  Mr.  Calhoun.  On  the  contrary,  there  is  the  greatest 
animosity  prevailing  between  these  two  rivals  and  their  respect- 
ive partisans.  The  late  movements  at  Harrisburg  and  Albany, 
are  well  understood  to  have  been  prompted  by  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
to  arrest  the  progress  which  Mr.  Calhoun  was  making  with  the 
Jackson  party,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  they  are  not  to  be  taken 
as  evidence  that  Jackson  will  ultimately  be  a  candidate. 

It  is  impossible  that  any  reception  could  have  been  more 
warm  and  cordial  than  that  which  was  given  me  below. 

I  am  very  busy  farming,  to  which  I  am  becoming  every  day 
more  and  more  attached. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  267 


MR.    CLAY   TO    J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  May  9,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favors  of  the  28th  and  29th 
ult.  I  do  not  think  that  the  object  of  Colonel  Benton  and 
Colonel  Hayne,  in  detaching  the  West  from  New  England,  has 
been  at  all  promoted  by  their  speeches  on  Foote's  resolution.  It 
has  been  well  understood,  and  I  think  has  entirely  failed.  How- 
ever extensively  their  speeches  have  been  circulated,  they  have 
not  been  so  widely  or  so  generally  read  as  Mr.  Webster's,  and 
his  triumph  in  that  matter  has  been  complete.  Qreat  aid  has 
been  afforded  to  him  by  the  speeches  of  Mr.  Sprague  and  Mr. 
Holmes.  We  are  waiting  anxiously,  however,  to  see  yours,  and 
I  hope  you  will  not  omit  to  send  me  the  proof-sheets  promised 
by  you. 

I  am  rejoiced  at  the  passage  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
of  the  bill  for  the  Maysville  road.  I  sincerely  hope  you  are 
correct  in  your  anticipation  of  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate. 
The  South  will  of  course  be  opposed  to  it.  If,  as  I  hope,  the 
New  England  Senators  shall  generally  vote  for  it,  there  will 
be  a  fine  commentary  upon  Colonel  Benton's  text.  We  shall 
then  be  able  practically  to  know  who  are  our  real  friends.  Give 
my  respects  to  our  friends  from  New  England,  and  tell  them  not 
to  deprive  us  of  the  benefit  of  this  weapon.  The  road,  considered 
as  a  section  of  one  extending  from  the  Muskingum  or  Scioto, 
through  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  is 
really  of  national  importance.  We  observe  that  the  New  Eng- 
land delegation  well  entertained  the  measure  in  the  House,  and 
we  trust  that  similar  support  will  be  given  to  it  by  her  senators. 

I  have  much  information  from  both  ends  of  the  State  of  New 
York.  It  substantially  corroborates  the  letters  which  you  sent 
me.  There  seems  to  be  perfect  chaos  in  that  State,  and  no  one 
now  can  see  what  will  come  of  it.  If  the  friends  of  the  late 
Administration,  the  workingmen  party,  and  the  anti-masons, 
should  unite,  they  will  compose  a  majority.  Is  it  not  probable 
that  they  will  ?  The  anti-masons  will  bring  out  Granger.  I 
should  think  that  the  friends  of  the  late  Administration  would 
support  him  against  Troop  or  Foote  ;  and  even  supposing  those 
parties  only  were  to  co-operate,  Granger  would  be  elected. 

By  the  time  of  the  close  of  the  Tariff  debate,  which  Mr.  Mc- 
Dufne,  I  suppose,  has  precipitated,  you  will  have  a  clearer  view 


268  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

of   the  whole  ground.      Its  effect   can  .not  fail  to  widen  the 
breach  between  the  sections  of  the  Jackson  party. 

I  have  entire  confidence  in  the  discretion  of  my  friends  as  to 
the  course  which  they  may  mark  out.  If  Mr.  Calhoim  should 
be  announced  as  a  candidate,  it  will  be  clear.  If  not,  the  ques- 
tion will  be  as  to  the  consequences  of  delay,  or  immediate  ac- 
tion. The  first  part  of  it  (delay)  involves  a  consideration  of  the 
discouragement  or  separation  of  our  friends  which  might  ensue, 
and  the  second  the  concentration  of  all  the  fragments  of  the 
Jackson  party  upon  Jackson,  which  might  be  the  result.  I  shall 
be  glad  to  hear  from  you  soon. 


MR.    CLAY  TO    J.  S.  JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  May  10,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  to-day  your  favor  of  the  30th  ult., 
with  the  first  part  of  the  proof-sheets  of  your  speech,  which  I 
have  perused  with  much  satisfaction.  The  editor  of  "  The 
Reporter"  promises  to  publish  it  in  his  next  week's  paper.  With 
the  candid  its  views  will  be  regarded  as  large  and  liberal,  and 
its  vindication  complete. 

I  regret  Hendrick's  course.  It  was  not  necessary  to  secure, 
but  may  endanger  his  re-election.  He  was  already  distrusted  in 
his  State,  but  was  forgiven,  or  rather  there  was  a  disposition  to 
overlook  his  course,  in  consideration  of  the  circumstances  under 
which  he  was  placed.  But  if  he  votes  for  the  printers,  I  think 
it  probable  he  will  be  abandoned. 

I  am  very  anxious,  as  you  may  well  suppose,  about  the  pass- 
age of  the  Maysville  bill.  I  hope  our  New  England  friends  will 
not  desert  us  in  that  measure.  Their  support  of  it  will  be  worth 
a  thousand  of  Benton's  speeches. 


MR.    VAUGHAN    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  May  13,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  procured  for  you  from  England  a 
single-barrel  gun,  and  with  a  percussion-lock,  after  having  con- 
sulted with  our  friend  Letcher,  who  was  of  opinion  that  you 
would  prefer  it  to  the  common  lock.  You  will  find  in  the  case 


OF  HENEY   CLAY.  269 

containing  the  gun  a  plentiful  supply  of  percussion  caps.  In  con- 
sequence of  Judge  Clark  informing  me  that  an  opportunity  of- 
fered of  sending  the  gun  to  you,  I  sent  it  yesterday  to  his  lodg- 
ings, and  I  trust  that  it  is  already  on  its  way  to  Kentucky.  I 
only  hope  that  you  will  be  as  well  satisfied  with  it  as  I  am  with 
the  excellent  rifle  which  you  have  presented  to  me,  and  which 
I  am  proud  to  have,  as  a  memorial  of  your  friendship. 

It  is  expected  that  this  session  of  Congress  will  close  on  the 
31st  instant,  and  I  shall  take  the  opportunity  of  sending  to  Mrs. 
Clay  the  lithograph  print  of  a  dog,  executed  by  the  son  of 
Christopher  Hughes,  by  our  friend  Mr.  Clark  or  Mr.  Letcher, 
and  which  has  been  due  to  her  for  so  long  a  time. 

I  am  happy  to  infer  from  what  I  read  in  the  newspapers  about 
your  movements,  that  your  health  is  very  much  improved.  It 
will  give  me  great  pleasure  to  meet  you  again,  and,  with  kind 
regards  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  Johnny,  believe  me,  etc. 


MRS.  ERWIN  (ANNE  B.)  TO  HER  FATHER,  MR.  CLAY. 

SHELBYVILLE,  May  15,  1830. 

I  HASTEN,  my  dear  father,  to  answer  your  kind  letter  of  the 
1st,  and  to  assure  you  that  mamma  and  yourself  can  not  desire 
that  we  should  be  with  you  more  than  we  both  wish  it.  Mr. 
Erwin  always  spoke  of  our  joining  you  early  in  the  summer, 
but  his  father  being  compelled  to  go  to  Georgia  in  a  few  days, 
he  now  feels  himself  obliged  to  remain  here  until  he  returns. 
We  shall,  however,  be  with  you  the  last  of  July  or  early  in  Aug- 
ust, and  I  hope  we  shall  not  then  be  separated  for  a  great  while, 
as  we  shall  be  guided  pretty  much  by  your  movements. 

I  am  happy  to  hear  that  you  have  been  so  good  as  to  pur- 
chase us  a  pair  of  horses,  as  we  are  now  without  a  good  pair, 
intending  to  purchase  when  we  should  be  in  Lexington.  As 
we  shall  not  want  them  until  then,  you  will  please  keep  them 
for  us.  The  pony  you  speak  of  has,  I  presume,  been  raised  on 
the  farm  ;  it  will,  therefore,  be  doubly  prized  by  me.  Mr.  Er- 
win wrote  you,  I  believe,  that  he  had  sold  your  horses.  I  en- 
joyed a  great  many  good  rides  from  them,  as  we  had  just  then 
purchased  a  servant  who  proved  to  be  an  excellent  carriage- 
driver,  besides  being  a  very  good  boy  in  other  respects. 

Mr.  Erwin  and  his  friend,  Mr.  Denton,  arrived  on  the  10th, 


270  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

four  or  five  days  earlier  than  I  expected  them.  They  were  not 
so  fortunate  as  I  was  in  getting  up  all  the  way  by  water,  but 
they  were  detained  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cumberland,  and  then 
had  a  most  tedious  trip  by  land  to  Nashville. 

I  was  a  little  surprised  to  see,  by  the  last  papers,  uncle  Por- 
ter Clay's  marriage  announced,  although  I  presume  it  was  a 
very  suitable  match,  so  far  as  age  is  concerned. 

My  little  children  have  grown  very  much  since  you  saw  them. 
Henry  now  talks  quite  plain,  and  James  runs  about  every  where, 
and  begins  to  say  a  few  words.  He  has  fattened  so  much  since 
we  have  been  here  that  he  is  becoming  quite  a  beauty,  at  least, 
for  his  opportunities,  not  having  any  to  inherit  from  either  side 
of  the  house. 

Father  Erwin  requested  me  to  remember  him  affectionately 
to  mamma  and  yourself.  Mr.  Erwin  joins  me  in  love  to  all  the 
family  both  in  town  and  at  home.  Believe  me  always,  my  dear 
father,  your  devoted  daughter. 


PETER   B.    PORTER    TO    MR.   CLAY. 

BLACK  ROCK,  May  23,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  noticed,  with  great  satisfaction,  the  ac- 
counts of  the  numerous  demonstrations  of  confidence  and  re- 
spect shown  to  you  by  the  people  of  the  South,  during  your 
late  tour  ;  and  I  feel  equal  pleasure  in  assuring  you  that  the 
same  sentiments  that  animate  your  Southern  friends,  are  enter- 
tained, and  I  trust  in  a  still  higher  degree,  by  the  citizens  gen- 
erally in  the  Northern  States ;  and  that  these  kind  and  partial 
feelings  have  been,  and  still  are,  constantly  increasing,  as  oppor* 
tunity  is  afforded  for  comparing  and  contrasting  the  professions 
and  acts  of  the  present  men  in  power,  with  those  of  their  prede- 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  May  23,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  the  10th  instant  was  safely 
conveyed  to  me  through  the  friendly  channel  to  which  you 
committed  it,  and  I  have  perused  its  contents  with  much  inter- 
est. The  project  of  Mr.  Van  Bureri,  and  his  partisans  in  Vir- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  271 

ginia,  of  attaching  that  State  to  his  support  upon  the  ground  of 
an  overthrow  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  I  should  suppose 
was  frustrated,  for  the  present,  by  the  events  which  have  oc- 
curred at  Washington,  on  that  subject.  The  President's  mes- 
sage, in  referring  to  it,  committed  two  radical  errors :  First,  it 
was  premature ;  and  in  the  second  place,  he  brought  forward  a 
rival  institution,  far  wors*  than  the  Bank  of  the  United  States 
can  be  supposed  to  be  by  its  most  violent  enemies.  A  compar- 
ison has  been  naturally  made  between  the  two  institutions,  and 
the  result  of  it  has  been  every  where  the  same.  The  reports 
of  the  two  committees  of  Congress  have  been  widely  circulated, 
and  have  confirmed  the  unfavorable  impression  which  that  part 
of  the  message  produced,  when  it  was  first  published.  It  is  too 
soon  yet  to  entertain,  much  less  decide,  on  the  question  of  the 
renewal  of  the  charter.  We  have  yet  to  acquire  the  experience 
of  five  years,  which  may  bring  about  important  developments. 
The  national  debt  will,  in  the  meantime,  be  paid,  the  duties  re- 
duced, etc.,  etc. 

I  have  no  intention  of  visiting  the  North,  or  any  other  place, 
this  season,  with  any  political  object.  I  am  urgently  solicited 
to  go  to  almost  every  quarter  of  the  Union.  If  I  were  to  yield 
to  these  entreaties,  I  should  be  perpetually  traveling.  My  own 
judgment  is  decided,  that  I  ought  to  go  nowhere  for  any  polit- 
ical purpose,  but  remain  at  home.  Should  I  make  any  excursions 
this  summer,  they  will  relate  entirely  to  business  or  to  my 
health. 

I  have  received  a  most  singular  letter  from  Mr.  Crawford,  of 
which  I  beg,  however,  you  will  speak  to  no  one,  as  I  can  not 
but  think,  from  the  nature  of  the  proposal  which  it  contains,  it 
indicates  some  want  of  self-possession.  He  says,  that  he  per- 
ceives from  the  papers,  that  Mr.  Calhoun,  Van  Buren,  and  my- 
self, will  be  run  for  the  next  Presidency;  that  his  friends  also 
think  of  bringing  him  forward  ;  that  no  one  candidate  would  be 
elected ;  but  that,  if  the  contest  be  limited  to  the  three  first,  Mr. 
Van  Buren  would  be  finally  elected  by  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives ;  that  I  should  not  get  a  vote  in  New  England,  which 
would  support  Mr.  Van  Buren ;  and  that  all  the  South  would  go 
for  Mr.  Calhoun.  Therefore,  he  proposes  that  I  should  not  be 
brought  forward,  but  support  him,  whereby  he  would  get  the 
votes  of  all  the  Western  States,  which,  with  the  aid  of  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Delaware,  New  Jersey,  and  probably 


272  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

Maryland,  with  some  few  other  States,  would  secure  his  election. 
Then,  he  says,  I  would,  of  course,  come  again  into  the  cabinet, 
and  finally  succeed  him !  He  intimates  that  his  friends  may 
make  a  similar  proposal  to  Mr.  Van  Buren,  but  he  prefers  that  I 
should  accede  to  it.  He  supposes  that  General  Jackson  will  not 
be  again  a  candidate.  I  have  not  answered  this  most  extraordi- 
nary letter,  which  bears  date  the  31st  day  of  March  last.  I  shall 
not  answer  it.  I  could  not  answer  it  in  terms  consistent  with 
the  friendship  which  I  once  bore  to  Mr.  Crawford. 

I  think  Mr.  Calhoun  has  sealed  his  fate  by  his  recent  vote 
for  Kendall.  He  had  previously  boasted  to  some  of  my  friends 
that  he  had  constantly  adhered  to  principle  ;  that  he  would  still 
pursue  it,  and  that  he  disapproved  the  system  of  proscription, 
and  the  appointment  of  editors,  etc.  Now  it  so  happens,  that  a 
finer  opportunity  could  not  have  occurred  to  test  the  sincerity  of 
these  declarations.  Kendall  was  a  printer,  and,  besides,  a  man 
of  unenviable  character.  Yet,  Mr.  Calhoun's  casting  vote  saved 
him  !  I  knew,  weeks  before  the  nomination  was  decided,  that 
it  depended  upon  Mr.  Calhoun's  vote ;  and,  knowing  him  as 
well  as  I  do,  I  stated  to  some  of  my  friends  tyhat  the  issue  would 
be.  It  is  remarkable  that,  weeks  before  the  event,  Kendall 
wrote  to  some  of  his  Frankfort  correspondents,  that,  if  the  Sen- 
ate was  full,  it  would  be  equally  divided,  and  that  he  would  get 
Mr.  Calhoun's  vote.  This  fact  ought  to  be  generally  known. 

I  perceive  that  your  new  Constitution  is  adopted.  I  noticed 
the  provision  in  relation  to  the  judiciary,  both  on  account  of  the 
principle  which  it  involves,  and  as  it  affected  you.  I  most  sin- 
cerely wish  you  may  be  re-appointed  ;  and,  considering  the  sta- 
bility which  has  generally  characterized  your  State,  I  presume 
you  will  be.  If  you  submit  the  question  to  the  consideration  of 
those  who  best  know  you,  they  will  be  unanimous  for  your  re- 
election. Twenty  years  hence  it  will  be  time  enough  to  talk 
of  old  age,  and  its  too  frequent  concomitants. 

I  have  received  several  copies  of  the  new  edition  of  Algernon 
Sidney  sent  me  by  Mr.  White.  I  wish  that  the  principles  which 
they  so  eloquently  illustrate  and  establish,  could  be  every  where 
diffused.  Bolivar  appears  to  be  reading  us  a  lesson  on  the  same 
subject,  which  ought  not  to  be  lost.  I  hope  you  approved  of  my 
letter  to  him,  recently  published. 

As  to  the  other  publication  to  which  you  refer,  I  can  not  so 
well  judge  as  you  can,  as  to  the  most  fit  time  of  its  appearance. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  273 

I  should,  however,  think  that  it  would  not  be  too  early  after  the 
adjournment  of  Congress. 

I  can  not  return  this  letter  through  the  channel  that  you  sent 
yours,  for  an  obvious  reason. 


MR.    CRAWFORD    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WOOD  LAWN,  March  81,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  perceive  by  the  newspapers  that  your  name, 
Mr.  Van  Buren's  and  Mr.  Calhoun's  names,  are  likely  to  be  run 
for  the  next  Presidency,  in  the  event  of  General  Jackson's  not 
being  a  candidate.  My  friends  are  also  solicitous  that  my  name 
should  be  put  in  nomination.  I  do  not  profess  to.  know  much  of 
public  opinion,  but  I  am  very  sure  that  if  four  names  are  run 
for  the  Presidency,  no  election  will  be  made  by  the  electoral 
colleges.  If  your  name,  Mr.  Van  Buren's,  and  Mr.  Calhoun's 
name,  should  be  held  up  for  that  office,  I  am  under  the  impres- 
sion that  Mr.  Van  Buren  would  be  elected  ;  for,  giving  you  all 
the  Western  and  South-western  votes,  and  Mr.  Calhoun  the  votes 
of  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  and  Pennsylvania,  which  are 
all  the  votes  that  his  most  sanguine  friends  can  claim  for  him, 
Mr.  Van  Buren  would  still  have  a  majority  of  the  colleges,  unless 
you  could  divide  the  New  England. votes  with  him.  This  might 
happen  for  aught  I  know,  but  I  do  not  expect  it.  In  the  first 
place,  I  think  it  probable  that  Mr.  Adams'  interest  in  New  Eng- 
land would  not  be  concentrated  upon  you.  1st.  Because  the 
men  who  would  support  Mr.  Adams  from  principle,  would  prob- 
ably be  opposed  to  you.  Mr.  Adams  and  yourself  are  so  differ- 
ent in  manners,  habits,  sentiments,  and  principles,  that  it  is  not 
probable  that  you  can  be  supported  by  the  same  men.  Nothing 
but  this  discrepancy  between  you,  could  have  given  the  vote  of 
Ohio  against  Mr.  Adams  in  the  late  election.  2d.  In  the  elec- 
tion of  1824,  almost  every  man  of  respectable  standing  in  New 
England  was  against  Mr.  Adams,  yet  he  got  every  vote  in  those 
States  by  a  majority  of  five  sixths.  My  impression,  therefore,  is, 
that  y  .  will  "not  get  a  vote  in  New  England.  It  is  true  Mr. 
Van  Buren  does  not  live  in  New  England,  but  he  lives  near  it, 
and  you  live  a  great  way  from  it,  and  that  circumstance  will  in 
all  probability  be  decisive. 

It  has  occurred  to  me  that  if  you  are  desirous  of  filling  the 
18 


274  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Presidency,  the  most  likely  way  of  success  will  be  to  avoid  the 
contest  for  the  next  Presidency.  If  you  do  this,  and  my  name 
should  be  substituted  for  yours,  and  receive  your  support,  I  pre- 
sume there  would  be  no  doubt  of  my  receiving  the  vote  of  the 
Western  and  South-western  States.  To  this  vote  might  be  safely 
added  that  of  Georgia,  North  Carolina,  Virginia  and  Delawaie, 
and  perhaps  Maryland.  The  aggregate  would  fall  little  short  of 
a  majority,  and  the  remainder  could  hardly  fail  to  be  received 
from  the  States  north  and  east  of  those  mentioned.  In  the  event 
of  success  you  would  come  again  into  the  Cabinet,  and  could 
hardly  fail  of  success  when  I  retired.  Your  union  with  Mr. 
Adams  has  effectually  destroyed  your  popularity  in  the  Atlantic 
States  south  of  the  Chesapeake.  I  have  even  injured  my  own 
standing  in  this  State,  by  defending  you  against  the  charge  of 
corrupt  bargaining.  If  such  is  your  standing  in  this  State,  you 
can  well  imagine  what  it  is  in  the  other  Southern  Atla-ntic 
States.  Do  not  suppose  that  I  feel  any  solicitude  upon  the 
subject  of  this  letter.  I  feel  none,  but  supposing  from  what  I 
have  seen  in  the  public  papers,  that  you  may  feel  some,  it  oc- 
curred to  me  that  the  most  certain  mode  of  gratifying  that  feel- 
ing, was  to  adopt  the  course  which  I  have  suggested.  If  you 
should  be  of  a  different  opinion,  let  the  matter  rest  where  it  is, 
and  there  will  no  harm  have  been  done.  On  the  contrary, 
should  you  concur  in  the  suggestion  I  have  made,  I  shall  be 

happy  to  hear  from  you  as  soon  as  leisure  will  permit. 

* 

P.  S.  It  is  possible  that  my  friends  at  Washington  may 
make  the  same  suggestion  to  Mr.  Van  Buren.  Should  it  be  ac- 
cepted, it  is  probable  the  same  result  would  be  effected  a.s  to 
myself,  but  I  should  rather  it  should  take  place  with  ycu. 


DANIEL  WEBSTER  TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  May  29,  1 830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — We  are  all  with  the  foot  in  the  stirrup,  and  are 
not  leaving  in  a  very  composed  state.  The  passage  of  the  In- 
dian bill,  and  the  rejection  of  the  Maysville  Turnpike  bill,  have 
occasioned  unusual  excitement.  The  quarrel,  yesterday,  be- 
tween Stansbury  and  others  who  voted  for  the  bill,  and  Polk, 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  275 

Bell,  etc.,  was  very  warm.  There  is  more  ill  blood  raised,  I 
should  think,  than  would  easily  be  quieted  again. 

We  think  all  recent  occurrences  have  been  quite  favorable, 
and  that  the  present  prospect  is  cheering.  We  have  had  no  formal 
meeting.  After  much  consideration,  that  idea  was  given  up. 
We  found  it  difficult  to  assemble  a  few  friends  without  giving 
offense  ;  or  a  great  number  without  the  danger  of  attracting  too 
much  notice.  We  have  had,  however,  a  very  full  and  free  in- 
terchange of  opinions,  for  the  last  three  weeks,  and  are  all  har- 
monious in  purpose  and  design,  and  in  good  spirits.  We  incline 
to  think  no  formal  nominations  at  present  advisable,  though 
friends  press  us  to  such  a  measure  from  divers  quarters  of  the 
country.  It  has  seemed  to  us,  on  the  whole,  that  a  formal 
nomination  would  not  be  popular  enough  in  its  character  and 
origin,  to  do  good.  It  would  be  immediately  proclaimed  to  be 
the  act  of  your  friends  acting  at  your  instance.  It  would  excite 
jealousies  on  the  one  hand,  which  are  now  fast  dying  away,  and 
on  the  other,  check  discontents  and  schisms  among  our  oppo- 
nents, from  which  much  is  now  to  be  hoped.  Such  is  our 
view. 

I  am  much  pressed  to  assent  to  a  nomination  of  you  by  the 
Massachusetts  Legislature  now  in  session.  But  to  this  I  steadily 
object,  on  the  ground  that  every  body  knows  we  are  perfectly 
safe  and  strong  in  Massachusetts,  and  a  nomination  there  would 
only  raise  the  cry  of  coalition  revived.  It  has  seemed  to  me  the 
proper  scene  for  the  first  formal  action  is  Maryland.  Her  Legis- 
lature is  elected  in  October.  Our  friends  have  the  utmost  confi- 
dence they  will  carry  the  State.  Indeed  there  can  be  little  doubt 
of  it.  In  that  event,  the  Maryland  Legislature,  next  December, 
will  occupy  a  position  from  which  they  can  speak  to  advantage. 
Without  detail,  you  will  see,  I  think,  at  once,  many  advantages 
in  a  nomination  from  this  quarterv  None  could  be  more  favora- 
ble, unless  it  be  New  York,  or  Pennsylvania,  neither  of  which, 
I  fear,  is  as  likely  to  be  so  soon  ready  for  it. 

I  hope  you  will  think  that,  under  all  circumstances,  we  have 
done  wisely  in  doing  nothing.  If  you  run  against  General  Jack- 
son, there  will  be  an  election  by  the  electors  ;  and,  as  you  justly 
state,  General  Jackson  will  be  chosen,  unless  either  Virginia, 
Pennsylvania,  or  New  York  can  be  detached  from  him.  Of  the 
three,  I  have,  at  present,  most  hope  of  New  York,  and  least  of 
Virginia.  Late  occurrences  will  strengthen  General  Jackson  in 


276  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Virginia,  and  weaken  him  much  in  Pennsylvania,  and  perhaps 
also  in  New  York.  I  am  in  hopes  that  "  working  men,"  "  anti- 
mason,"  and  "anti-auction  men,"  etc.,  etc.,  will  break  down  the 
regency.  This  we  shall  know  in  October.  If  it  should  turn 
out  so,  New  York  will  then  open  a  very  fair  field.  For  myself, 
I  reckon  on  recent  events  as  having  insured  us  Maryland,  Ohio. 
Kentucky  and  Indiana.  This  is  one  very  good  breadth.  South 
of  it  I  look  for  nothing  but  Louisiana,  every  thing  north  of  it  is 
worth  a  contest. 

I  hope  your  friends  at  the  West  keep  a  steady  regard  to  Mis- 
souri. I  am  told  there  is  a  good  chance,  or  some  chance,  of  Mr. 
Barton's  re-election.  This  is  matter  of  very  great  importance. 
Nothing,  indeed,  is  more  momentous  to  the  country  than  the  ap- 
proaching election  of  Senators  to*the  next  Congress. 

On  the  whole,  my  dear  sir,  I  think  a  crisis  is  arriving,  or 
rather  has  arrived.  I  think  you  can  not  be  kept  back  from  the 
contest.  The  people  will  bring  you  out,  nolens  volens.  Let 
them  do  it.  I  advise  you,  as  you  will  be  much  watched,  to  stay 
at  home  j  or,  if  you  wish  to  travel,  visit  your  old  friends  in  Vir- 
ginia. We  should  all  be  glad  to  see  you  at  the  North,  b'ut  not 
now.  You  will  hear  from  the  North,  every  town  and  village  in 
it,  on  the  4th  of  July.  Parties  must,  now,  necessarily,  be  started 
out  anew  ;  and  the  great  ground  of  difference  will  be  Tariff  and 
Internal  Improvements.  You  are  necessarily  at  the  head  of  one 
party,  and  General  Jackson  will  be,  if  he  is  not  already,  identi- 
fied with  the  other.  The  question  will  be  put  to  the  country, 
Let  the  country  decide  it. 

I  had  intended  to  say  a  word  about  myself,  but  it  would  be  to 
make  a  long  letter  still  longer.  When  I  came  here  it  was  my 
purpose  to  follow  your  example,  and  to  vacate  my  seat  at  the  end 
of  this  session.  Events  have  suspended  the  execution  of  that 
purpose.  How  I  shall  think  of  it  when  I  get  home,  I  do  not  know. 

I  pray  kind  remembrance  to  Mrs.  Clay,  and  beg  to  assure  you 
of  my  unaltered  regard  and  attachment. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    ADAM   BEATTY. 

ASHLAXD,  June  8,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — We  are  all  shocked  and  mortified  by  the  re- 
jection of  the  Maysville  road  and  other  events  occurring  at  the 
close  of  the  late  session.  Meetings  of  the  people  are  contem- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  277 

plated  in  several  counties  in  this  quarter,  to  give  expression  to 
public  sentiment  and  feelings.  At  those  meetings  it  has  been 
suggested  that  the  public  sentiment  may  be  expressed  in  terms 
of  strong  disapprobation  of  the  act  of  the  President.  2d.  In 
favor  of  Internal  Improvement.  3d.  Disapproving  Mr:  Bibbs' 
conduct  and  recommending  to  the  Legislature  his  recall.  4th. 
Approbation  of  Mr.  Letcher,  particularly,  and  of  the  other  mem- 
bers who  voted  with  him.  5th.  Against  the  nullifying  doctrines 
of  the'  South.  6th.  Against  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Rowan,  be- 
cause he  supports  them,  is  opposed  to  Internal  Improvements,  and 
the  Tariff,  in  opinion,  and  has  supported  the  most  obnoxious 
nominations.  7th.  Proposing  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution, 
substituting  a  majority  of  all  the  members  elected  to  Congress, 
instead  of  two  thirds,  to  pass  a  bill  returned  by  the  President. 
This  is  right  I  think,  on  principle.  Your  own  reflections  will 
suggest  the  immense  advantages  that  we  shall  derive  from  sup- 
porting this  amendment,  while  our  opponents  will  oppose  it.  It 
is  thought  by  my  friends  that  these  public  meetings  will  furnish 
suitable  occasions  for  making  a  nomination  for  the  next  Presi- 
dency, and  recommending  to  the  next  Legislature  to  second  and 
support  it.  They  urge  that  this  will  be  a  popular  measure,  and 
not  one  of  caucus  agency.  That  the  nomination  connects  itself 
naturally  with  the  question  of  Internal  Improvements.  That 
the  time  has  come.  That  Congress  having  adjourned,  no  counter- 
acting measure  can  be  adopted  by  members  of  Congress  at 
Washington.  That  other  States  look  to  Kentucky  for  the  first 
movement.  That  it  will  have  good  effect  on  the  August  elec- 
tions. That  it  can  do  no  harm,  and  may  do  much  good,  etc.  I 
think  there  is  much  force  in  these  suggestions.  Will  you  have 
a  meeting  in  Macon  ?  If  you  do  it  will  have  beneficial  conse- 
quences that  there  should  be  as  many  meetings  as  practicable  in 
adjoining  counties.  Let  me  hear  from  you ;  and  believe  always 
that  I  am  with  constant  and  cordial  regard  yours,  etc. 

P.  S.     My  opinion  is  that,  with  powerful,  bold,  and  decided 
action,  much  may  be  made  of  the  events  of  the  moment. 


278  PRIVATE   CORRESPOXDENCE 


MR.    CLAT   TO    J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

LEXINGTON,  June  14,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Not  knowing  for  some  time  past  where  to  ad- 
dress you,  I  have  omitted  to  write  ;  but,  your  letter  from  Wash- 
ington of  the  5th  instant  having  informed  me  that  you  will  be 
at  Louisville,  I  commit  this  letter  to  the  chance  of  reaching  you. 
I  regret  that  I  could  not  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  here. 

I  am  perfectly  contented  with  the  course  my  friends  took  at 
Washington,  and  I  think  it  was  the  wisest. 

The  decisions  of  the  President  in  respect  to  Internal  Improve- 
ment have  produced  great  effect  in  this  quarter  of  Kentucky. 
The  larger  number  of  all  who  supported  Jackson,  in  the  circle 
of  my  immediate  acquaintance,  have  left  him.  Few  but  despe- 
rate leaders  remain  to  him.  Measures  have  been  devised,  and 
are  now  in  a  train  of  execution,  to  give  expression  to  public 
sentiment.  It  is  contemplated  to  disapprove  of  the  exercise  of 
the  Veto,  the  Indian  bill,  etc,  and  to  propose  an  amendment  of 
the  Constitution,  requiring  only  a  majority  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress  (of  all  elected  to  each)  to  pass  a  bill  returned  by  the 
President.  I  think  such  an  amendment  right,  and  I  attach  much 
importance  to  the  discussion  which  it  will  provoke. 


MR.   CLAY  TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  June  10,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  both  your  late'  favors  of  the  4th  and 
6th  instant.  In  regard  to  Mr.  Crawford's  strange  letter,  I  could 
not  answer  it  without  violating  the  regard  I  once  had  for  him 
and  the  respect  due  to  myself,  and  therefore  I  did  not  answer  it. 
J  think  his  proposal  was  insulting  and  derogatory.  I  do  not  ap- 
prehend that  the  injury  to  me,  which  you  fear  from  my  silence, 
can  accrue  ;  1st,  because  he  says  in  his  letter — "  Do  not  suppose 
that  I  feel  any  solicitude  upon  the  subject  of  the  letter.  I  feel 
none.  But  supposing  from  what  I  have  seen  in  the  public 
press  that  you  may  feel  some,  it  occurred  to  me  that  the  most 
certain  mode  of  gratifying  that  feeling  was  to  adopt  the  course 
which  I  have  suggested.  If  you  should  be,  of  a  different  opin- 
ion, let  the  matter  rest  where  it  is,  and  there  will  have  been  no 
harm  done.  On  the  contrary,  should  you  concur  in  the  sugges- 


OF   HENRY  CLAY.  279 

lion  I  have  made,  I  will  be  happy  to  hear  from  you  as  soon  as 
leisure  will  permit."  This,  you  will  agree,  is  a  strong  manifest- 
ation of  sangfroid  and  disinterestedness.  But  it  also  evinces 
that  no  answer  was  expected  in  the  event  of  my  disapproval  of 
the  proposal,  which  he  seems  to  have  anticipated  as  possible. 

In  the  second  place,  I  have  communicated  the  contents  of  the 
letter,  in  confidence,  to  a  sufficient  number,  to  protect  me  against 
the  presumption  of  any  assent  of  mine,  from  my  silence.  Be- 
sides, there  will  be  no  sort  of  evidence,  direct  or  collateral,  of 
such  assent.  It  seems  to  me,  that  when  a  base  proposition  is 
made,  as  I  regard  this,  the  most  proper  treatment  of  it  is  silent 
contempt. 

As  to  publishing  his  letter,  although  I  feel  no  objection  of 
honor  or  of  confidence  which  forbids  it,  I  incline  to  think  that 
under  all  circumstances  it  had  better  not  now  be  done.  Mr. 
Crawford  is  not,  nor  likely  to  be,  formidable.  His  friends, 
though  few  of  them  were  mine,  are  generally  respectable. 
Their  feelings  would  be  affected.  He  has  been  high  in  public 
confidence.  Ought  that  to  be  shown  as  having  been  misplaced, 
especially  as  he  may  not  be  in  his  right  mind  ? 

In  regard  to  Blair's  letter,  I  took  some  time  ago  public  ground, 
from  which  I  think  I  ought  not  to  recede.  I  stated  that  I  \yould 
not  publish  it,  at  the  instance  of  Mr.  Amos  Kendall,  but  that  it 
might  be  seen  by  any  gentleman,  and  it  was  seen  by  many,  and 
by  him,  though  not  of  that  number.  The  infamous  story  is  now 
stale,  and  it  can  not  be  revived,  even  by  Thomas  Ritchie.  I 
long  since  resolved  to  say  nothing  more  to  the  public  about  it. 
I  feared  indeed  that  'some  portion  of  it  [the  public]  may  have 
considered  me  to  have  manifested  too  much  sensitiveness  con- 
cerning it.  Such,  I  am  sure,  would  be  the  judgment  of  many, 
if  I  were,  in  any  form,  again  to  present  myself  to  the  public  re- 
specting that  matter.  . 

Great  sensation  has  been  produced  in  this  quarter  about  the 
President's  course  relative  to  Internal  Improvements.  Public 
meetings  of  the  people,  in  various  places,  arc  about  to  be  had,  at 
which  spirited  resolves,  etc.,  will  be  passed.  They  mean  to  at- 
tack the  Veto,  by  proposing  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution, 
requiring  only  a  majority  of  all  elected  to  each  branch  of  Con- 
gress, instead  of  two  thirds  of  a  house,  to  pass  a  returned  bill. 
Such  an  amendment  I  think  right.  If  Congress  pass  a  bill  on 
their  own  reasons,  and  again  pass  the  same  bill,  after  a  full  con- 


280  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

sideration  of  the  reasons  of  the  President  in  opposition  to  it,  the 
*bill  ought  to  be  a  law.  The  policy  of  proposing  such  an 
amendment,  in  the  present  condition  of  parties,  is. obvious.  If 
our  opponents  agree  to  it,  it  will  be  adopted.  If  they  oppose  it, 
we  .  shall  get  the  weather  guage  of  them.  Will  you  mention 
this  matter  to  Pleasants  ?  As  he  and  others  of  my  friends  in 
Virginia  approve  of  the  recent  exercise  of  the  Veto,  there  may 
be  some  objection  in  espousing  an  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, which  has  been  suggested  by  what  we  deem  an  abuse. 
But  if.  on  principle,  you  should  agree  with  us  that  the  amend- 
ment is  proper,  it  might  be  supported  by  you  without  reference 
to  the  late  exercise  of  power. 


HENRY    CLAY,    JR.,    TO    HIS    FATHER. 

CAMP  EATON,  July  4,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER, — The  anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  was  celebrated  here  on  yesterday.  From  peculiar 
considerations  I  again  appeared  before  an  audience  of  between 
four  and  five  hundred,  and  was  once  more  eminently  successful. 
At  the  dinner  given  by  the  corps,  at  which  about  one  hundred 
invit*ed  guests  were  present,  the  wit  and  eloquence  of  the  sons 
of  Kentucky  were  toasted  with  applause.  But  the  toast  of  Mr. 
Skinner,  the  editor  of  "  The  American  Farmer  and  Turf  Reg- 
ister," "  The  orator  of  the  day,  in  the  language  of  the  turf,  blood 
will  show  itself,"  drew  forth  enthusiastic  cheers.  Do  not  ac- 
cuse me,  my  father,  of  too  broad  an  exhibition  of  vanity.  I  con- 
fess that  I,  in  common  with  all  my  fellow-men,  am  subjected  to 
that  besetting  sin  of  the  human  race.  But  I  have  thought  that, 
to  you,  a  candid  expression  of  my  sentiments  would  be  far  more 
acceptable  than  any  affected  air  of  indifference  that  I  might  force 
from  my  self-love. 


MR.   CLAY    TO    ADAM    BEATTY. 

COLUMBUS,  July  19,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  favor  of  the  13th 
instant,  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  paper  containing  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  meeting  in  Macon.  I  perused  the  preamble  and 
resolutions  with  much  satisfaction.  They  appear  to  me  to  be 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  281 

very  appropriate  and  judicious.  I  firid  but  one  sentiment  pre- 
vailing here  in  respect  to  the  late  popular  movements  in  Ken- 
tucky, and  that  is,  that  they  are  very  proper,  must  do  good,  and 
can  do  no  harm.  It  was  well  enough,  for  a  certain  time,  to 
leave  the  other  party  to  its  own  divisions,  but  that  time  is  now 
passed.  The  fact  can  not,  and  need  not  be  concealed  from  that 
party,  that  an  opposition  will  be  made  to  the  re-election  of  its 
chief.  So  far  as  that  fact  will  prevent  the  creation  of  divisions 
in  its  ranks,  that  consequence  will  attend  it  whether  we  act  or 
not ;  and  by  not  acting,  I  apprehend,  more  loss  among  our  friends 
than  gain  among  those  of  the  other  side. 

I  have  seen  here  many  persons  from  New  England  and  New 
York,  as  well  as  all  parts  of  this  State.  Mr.  Creighton  has  just 
got  home,  after  having  made  the  tour  of  the  former,  passing  from 
the  city  of  New  York  to  Buffalo.  Without  troubling  you  with 
the  details,  the  information  derived  from  all  these  sources  is  highly 
encouraging.  I  shall  leave  this  place  in  a  few  days  to  return 
home  by  the  way  of  Cincinnati. 


BARON  DE  KRUDENER  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  August  16,  1830. 

SIR, — I  can  not  depart  from  this  country  without  taking  leave 
from  you,  and  offering  once  more  to  you  my  thanks  for  the  un- 
common kindness  which  I  experienced  from  you  during  the  first 
part  of  my  residence  in  this  country,  and  through  which,  this 
stage  of  my  diplomatic  career,  in  America,  was  made  so  pleasant, 
so  easy,  and  so  honorable  to  me.  The  Emperor  has  granted  me 
a  permission  to  leave  my  post.  I  should  certainly  not  have 
availed  myself  of  it  with  so  much  eagerness  had  circumstances 
not  interrupted  the  relations  in  which  I  had  the  honor  of  stand- 
ing with  you.  At  the  time  when  these  circumstances  occurred, 
they  were  considered  by  me  as  a  very  untoward  event.  But 
these  disagreeable  views  of  the  past  have  been  changed  into 
future  prospects  of  such  brightness,  that  it  remains  only  for  me 
to  praise  the  divine  Providence,  and  to  admire  its  splendid  in- 
terference in  the  affairs  of  your  nation. 

Having  notified  my  departure  to  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  consider- 
ing myself  now  as  a  mere  traveler  and  spectator,  I  feel  no  re- 
morse in  expressing  to  you  my  decided  partiality,  and  my  hope 


282  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

of  seeing  the  Presidential  chair,  and  the  Federal  Government, 
restored  by  you  to  their  former  dignity.     You  know,  my  dear' 
sir,  enough  of  my  independence  of  mind  to  be  convinced  that 
this  language  is  dictated  by  no  other  feelings  than  those  of  con-, 
viction  and  sincerity. 

Accept,  sir,  my  best  wishes  for  your  personal  and  political 
prosperity,  and  the  expression  of  my  devotedness  and  great 
respect. 

I  beg  to  be  remembered  to  our  common  friend,  the  excellent 
Mr.  Letcher. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

ASHLAXD,  August  17,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  20th  of  July.  A 
letter,  purporting  to  have  been  written  by  Mr.  Jefferson  to  some 
manufacturer  in  Massachusetts,  has  been  recently  published  in 
the  "Literary  Subaltern."  It  first  caught  my  eye  in  the  public 
prints,  when  I  was  recently  on  my  way  to  Columbus,  and  I  con- 
fess to  you  that  I  then  had  some  doubts  of  its  genuineness. 
They  arose  from  two  considerations,  one  of  which  was  that  it 
uses  the  terms  American  system,  the  first  ayplication  of  which, 
within  my  recollection,  to  the  Tariff,  was  made  by  myself  in 
my  published  speech  on  that  subject  in  1824,  posterior  to  the 
date  of  the  letter.  The  other  was,  that,  although  it  bore  a 
strong  resemblance  to  the  style  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  I  thought  it 
spoke  with  more  explicitness  in  relation  to  the  election  to  the 
Presidency  of  myself,  than  he  would  permit  himself  to  do,  in 
respect  to  any  person.  I  communicated  these  doubts  to  General 
Vance  at  Columbus,  and  to  one  or  two  other  friends,  before  I 
saw  the  authenticity  of  the  letter  questioned  in  the  public  points. 
I  had  even  thought  of  indicating  my  suspicion  to  the  public  in 
some  form ;  but  then  I  did  not  know  but  that  the  letter  might 
be  genuine ;  and  if  it  should  prove  to  be  so,  my  calling  it  in 
question  would  seem  very  strange.  I  therefore  remained  silent. 
Subsequent  occurrences  have  tended  to  strengthen  instead  of 
removing  the  doubts.  And  I  now  fear  that  Mr.  Southworth 
(with  whom  I  have  no  personal  acquaintance,  although  I  think 
it  probable  I  may  have  seen  him)  has  acted  improperly.  He 
had  before  given  me  several  occasions  to  regret  his  intemperate 
zeal. 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  283 

Under  these  circumstances,  ought  I  to  do  any  thing  ?  Or  to 
leave  him  to  get  out  of  the  scrape  as  he  can? 

One  thing  has  occurred  to  me,  about  which  I  wish  to  trouble 
you.  The  late  Colonel  T.  M.  Randolph,  about  three  years  ago 
attributed  to  Mr.  Jefferson  some  very  disparaging  opinions  of 
me,  and  published  them.  I  knew  they  were  inaccurate  at  the 
time.  I  know  that  Mr.  Jefferson  entertained  friendly  arid  favor- 
able opinions  of  me,  although  I  did  not  know  the  extent.  And 
I  know  that  Colonel  Randolph  greatly  misrepresented  the  purport 
of  a  conversation  between  Mr.  Jefferson  and  me,  in  his  presence, 
and  in  the  presence  of  Governor  Metcalf,  who,  although  I  have 
never  spoken  to  him  about  it,  I  am  sure  would  contradict  Colo- 
nel Randolph. 

Shortly  after  the  appearance  of  Colonel  Randolph's  statement, 
I  received  from  his  son,  Thomas  J.  Randolph,  a  letter  of  which 
the  inclosed  is  a  copy,  addressed  to  me  spontaneously.  I  could 
make  no  use  of  it  during  the  life  of  the  father,  for  obvious  rea- 
sons. After  his  death,  I  obtained  from  the  son  permission  to 
use  it  as  I  pleased,  although  I  have  never  availed  myself  of  it. 
I  observe  that  the  statement  of  Colonel  Randolph  is  again  relied 
upon  to  obviate  the  effect  of  the  Southworth  letter.  Now,  it 
has  occurred  to  me,  that  it  may  be  useful  to  publish  Mr.  T.  J. 
Randolph's  letter ;  and  if  you  think  so,  I  would  be  glad  that 
you  would  obtain  his  second  permission  to  publish  it.  It  might 
then  be  stated  in  "  The  Whig,"  or  some  other  paper,  that  it  had 
obtained  a  copy  of  the  letter,  with  authority  to  publish  it.  I 
should  prefer,  if  published,  that  it  should  not  appear  as  my  act, 
or  to  be  done  at  my  instance. 

The  publication  of  this  letter  will  destroy  the  effect  of  Colo- 
nel Randolph's  statement,  and  prove  that  Mr.  Jefferson  enter- 
tained friendly  sentiments,  although  not  the  extent  of  them. 

Our  elections  are  just  over,  and  have  secured  us  a  majority  of 
not  less,  on  joint  ballot  in  the  Legislature,  than  twelve,  and  per- 
haps eighteen.  They  show  that  there  is  about  five  thousand  in 
the  whole  State  against  Jackson,  which  would  have  been  sweUed 
to  from  ten  to  fifteen  thousand,  if  the  direct  question  of  the  next 
Presidency  had  been  before  the  people.  Our  majority  in  the 
Legislature  would  have  been  thirty,  but  for  the  operation  of 
local  causes,  divisions,  and  the  impossibility  of  making  the 
Presidential  question  every  where  bear  on  the  election.  Mr. 
Rowan  will  be -permitted  to  retire. 


284  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

The  results  in  Indiana,  Illinois,  Missouri,  so  far  as  we  have 
yet  heard  from  them,  are  still  more  favorable.  Benton's  re-elec- 
tion is  considered  certain. 

P.  S.  Should  you  decide  to  publish  the  letter  of  Mr.  T.  J.  R., 

perhaps,  it  will  be  better  to  make  no  allusion  to  the  letter  of  Mr 
South  worth. 


PETER  B.   PORTER   TO    MR.   CLAY. 

BLACK  ROCK,  October  6,  1830. 

DEAR  SIR, — This  cursed  anti-masonry  embarrasses  every 
thing,  and  defeats  all  attempts  at  systematic  operation  against 
the  common  enemy.  Of  one  thing,  however,  I  can  assure  you, 
which  is,  that  you  personally,  as  well  as  the  leading  measures 
of  policy  which  you  have  so  powerfully  and  conspicuously  ad- 
vocated, are  visibly  and  rapidly  gaining  ground  in  every  part  of 
our  State  ;  and  [  am  now  much  inclined  to"  believe  that,  if  we 
had,  two  months  ago,  started  a  candidate  for  Governor  under 
the  banner  of  Clay  and  the  American  system,  we  should  have 
succeeded. 


MR.  MADISON  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

MONWELIER,  October  9,  1830. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  just  been  favored  with  yours  of  the  22d 
ultimo,  inclosing  a  copy  of  your  address  delivered  at  Cincinnati. 
Without  concurring  in  every  thing  that  is  said,  I  feel  what  is 
due  to  the  ability  and  eloquence  of  the  whole.  The  rescue  of 
the  Resolutions  of  Kentucky,  in  '98  and  '99,  from  the  miscon- 
struction of  them,  was  very  apropos ;  that  authority  being  par- 
ticularly relied  on,  as  an  a3gis  to  the  nullifying  doctrine,  which, 
notwithstanding  its  hideous  aspect  and  fatal  tendency,  has  capti- 
vated so  many  honest  minds.  In  a  late  letter  to  one  of  my  cor- 
respondents, I  was  led  to  the  like  task  of  vindicating  the  pro- 
ceedings of  Virginia  in  those  years.  I  would  gladly  send  you  a 
copy  if  I  had  a  suitable  one.  But  as  the  letter  is  appended  to 
the  "  North  American  Review"  for  this  month,  you  will  probably 
have  an  early  opportunity  of  seeing  it. 

With  my  thanks  for  your  obliging  communication,  I  beg  you 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  285 

to  accept  assurances  of  my  great  and  cordial  esteem,  in  which 
Mrs.  Madison  joins  me,  as  I  do  her  in  the  best  regards  which 
she  offers  to  Mrs  Clay. 


J.   S.  JOHNSTON  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Tuesday,  October  19,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — We  have  been  greatly  shocked  to-day  by  the 
sadden  and  unexpected  death  of  Mrs.  Brown.  She  expired 
about  eleven  o'clock,  without  the  slightest  pain  or  suffering,  and 
probably  without  any  consciousness  of  the  approaching  event. 
The  disease  which  has  proved  so  instantaneously  fatal  was  water 
in  the  chest,  which  had  been  gradually  increasing  and  rendering 
her  respiration  more  difficult.  The  collection  of  water  burst  and 
extinguished  life  in  a  moment.  She  drove  out  on  Saturday  as 
well  as  usual;  saw  several  of  her  friends  on  Sunday  evening, 
and  did  not  retire  until  eleven.  Monday  she  was  not  so  well, 
and  for  the  first  time  kept  her  room  ;  she  slept  well  Monday 
night,  and  until  late  in  the  morning  ;  had  her  breakfast  at  nine  ; 
said  she  was  much  better,  and  would  dress  and  go  down  stairs. 
Mr.  Brown  went  to  the  reading-room  as  usual.  Doctor  La  Roche 
was  with  her  ten  minutes  before,  and  left  her  without  apprehen- 
sion. She  expired  so  easily,  that  Miss  Brown  supposed  she  had 
fainted.  Mr.  Brown  has  been  greatly  distressed.  They  had 
just  established  themselves  in  their  new  house.  Mrs.  Brown 
supposed  she  had  the  asthma,  and  that  she  might  live  as  her 
father  had  done  for  many  years.  On. Saturday  she  selected  a 
lot  to  build  on.  This  event,  painful  as  it  is  to  Mr.  Brown  and 
his  friends,  is  most  happy  for  her  in  the  manner  of  it.  She  has 
been  spared  all  the  anticipations  of  death,  which  she  seemed  to 
put  far  away  from  her.' 

All  the  arrangements  are  made  for  the  funeral,  which  will  be 
numerously  attended.  Mrs.  Brown  is  a  great  loss  to  the  city, 
and  her  death  has  made  a  great  sensation.  I  returned  last  even- 
ing from  Boston. 

I  have  been  with  Mr.  Brown  this  evening,  and  he  is  more 
composed.  Miss  Susan  will  write  Mrs.  Clay  as  soon  as  she  can  ; 
in  the  mean  time  they  both*  request  me  to  write  you,  which  I 
have  done  in  great  haste. 


286  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.    CLAY   TO    J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

ASHLAND,  November  1,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  hate  received  several  letters  from  you,  which 
I  should  have  acknowledged,  had  I  known  where  to  address  you. 
The  last,  from  Philadelphia,  communicates  the  death  of  Mrs. 
Brown,  an  event  which  has  filled  us  with  affliction,  although  we 
were  not  altogether  unprepared  to  expect  it.  To  Mr.  Brown  it 
must  have  been  irreparable.  They  had  lived  so  long  together, 
and  entered  so  entirely  into  each  other's  pleasures,  pursuits,  and 
habits,  that  I  fear  he  will  hardly  ever  recover  from  the  shock, 
He  ought  forthwith  to  leave  Philadelphia  and  travel. 

I  have  received  a  confidential  communication  that  Senator 
Barnard  has  renounced  Jacksonism,  and,  at  a  time  when  he  may 
deem  suitable,  will  exhibit  evidence  of  his  renunciation.  I  put 
you  in  possession  of  the  fact  that,  if  true,  you  may  not  be  u nap- 
prised  of  it.  Should  it  prove  correct,  the  change  may  neutralize 
the  loss  of  Marks,  which,  I  suppose,  is  inevitable.  We  shall 
gain,  I  think,  one  Senator  in  Kentucky  ;  and  there  being  now 
two  to  elect  in  Illinois  (Mr.  M'Lean  is  dead),  if  we  are  in  good 
luck,  we  shall  gain  at  least  one  there.  On  the  other  hand,  I 
fear,  from  all  that  has  reached  me,  Barton  may  not  be  re-elected. 
Ohio  will  re-elect  Burnet,  or  some  other  friend.  Indiana  will 
re-elect  Hendricks,  or  some  less  equivocal  friend.  On  these  data 
you  can  estimate  the  probable  state  of  the  Senate. 

Should  the  elections  to  the  Legislature  terminate  favorably  in 
New  York  (as  some  friends  calculate),  you  may  possibly  get  a 
friendly  Senator  there.  Of  that  you  will  be  able  to  judge  by 
the  time  this  letter  reaches  you. 

Upon  the  whole  (let  the  issue  of  the  New  York  election  be 
what  it  may),  I  think  the  campaign  of  this  year  has  not  closed 
discouragingly.  Great  faults  have  been  committed,  but  they  are 
not  exclusively  confined  to  our  side.  In  this  State,  the  proposed 
Convention  will  take  effect,  and  one  of  its  best  results,  I  hope, 
will  be  to  guard  us  against  future  faux  pas. 

My  best  regards  to  Mrs.  Johnston. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  287 

NICHOLAS    BIDDLE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  November  3,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  purposely  delayed  answering  your  favor 
of  the  llth  of  September,  until  I  could  speak  with  some  degree 
of  confidence  as  to  the  course  which  will  be  adopted  in  reference 
to  the  subject  of  it.  In  the  mean  time  I  have  read  repeatedly, 
and  with  renewed  interest,  all  your  remarks,  proceeding,  as  I 
know  they  do,  from  one  who,  with  ample  materials  of  informa- 
tion and  great  sagacity  in  employing  them,  gives  the  result  of 
his  reflections  with  a  sincere  desire  to  serve  the  institution.  For 
this,  in  any  event,  you  will  accept  my  grateful  thanks. 

After  keeping  the  subject  long  under  advisement,  in  order  to 
observe  the  latest  development  of  facts,  I  am  now  satisfied  that 
it  would  be  inexpedient  to  apply  at  present  for  the  renewal  of 
the  Charter.  My  belief  is,  from  all  that  I  have  seen,  and  read, 
and  heard,  that  there  is  at  this  moment  a  majority  of  both  Houses 
of  Congress  favorable  to  a  renewal ;  and,  moreover,  that  the 
President  would  not  reject  the  bill.  The  temptation  is  therefore 
great  to  take  advantage  of  a  propitious  state  of  feeling  like  this. 
But  then  the  hazard  is  not  to  be  disguised.  A  great  mass  of 
those  who,  if  they  were  obliged  to  vote  at  all.  Would  vote  favor- 
ably, will  prefer  not  voting  if  it  can  be  avoided,  and  the  dread 
of  responsibility,  the  love  of  postponement,  and  the  vis  inertia 
inherent  in  all  legislative  bodies  would  combine  to  put  off  the 
question  during  the  approaching  short  session.  To  pass  both 
Houses  and  be  rejected  by  the  President — to  be  rejected  in  either 
House,  to  be  postponed  in  either  House,  to  be  brought  forward 
in  any  shape,  and  not  be  finally  and  favorably  acted  upon,  are 
degrees  of  evil — but  the  mildest  of  them,  a  great  evil,  much  to 
be  deplored,  and  to  be  avoided,  if  possible.  My  impression,  then, 
is,  that  nothing  but  a  certainty  of  success  should  induce  an  ap- 
plication now.  To  this  I  am  the  more  inclined,  because  time 
is  operating  in  favor  of  the  Bank  by  removing  prejudices,  and 
diffusing  a  general  conviction  of  its  utility. 

Having  made  up  my  own  mind  on  the  subject,  I  am  gratified 
that  this,  which  is  the  first  expression  I  have  made  of  this  opinion, 
should  be  communicated  to  you,  whose  views  have  so  largely 
influenced  my  own.  It  will  always  afford  me  great  pleasure  to 
receive  the  benefit  of  your  further  suggestions  on  this  or  any 
other  subject,  being  with  great  respect  and  regard  yours,  etc. 


288  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.    CLAY   TO    J.   S.  JOHNSTON. 

ASIILAND,  November  14,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  same  information  communicated  to  you, 
and  which  is  contained  in  your  letter  of  the  5th  instant,  respect- 
ing the  rupture  between  two  high  officers,  has  come  to  me  from 
Nashville,  pretty  directly.  I  think,  therefore,  it  maybe  presumed 
true.  I  should  not  be  surprised  if  Jackson  should  denounce  the 
nullifiers  in  his  next  message,  and  mount  that  hobby  to  regain 
his  popularity.  But  what  will — what  can  the  Vice-President 
do  ?  South  Carolina  is  rather  too  contracted  a  position  for  him 
to  start  from.  Besides,  he  is  not  very  secure  in  that.  It  ap- 
pears to  me  that  Van  Buren  has  completely  out^maneuvered 
him. 

In  regard  to  the  attempt  to  turn  out  Duff,  I  can  supply  you 
with  some  facts  which  may  throw  light  upon  the  object.  Blair, 
of  "  The  Kentucky  Argus,"  is  now  on  his  way  to  Washington, 
with  his  family,  to  set  up  a  new  paper,  and  it  is  highly  proba- 
ble that  the  alternatives  which  the  Jackson  party  mean  to  offer 
you,  are  Duff  and  Blair !  Will  not  their  division  admit  your 
friends  appointing  some  respectable  editor?  If  not,  I  think  it 
will  be  most  expedient  for  them  to  present  such  an  editor,  and 
adhere  to  him  to  the  last,  without  mixing  in  the  contest  between 
the  above  two. 

The  divisions  in  New  York  have  led,  I  perceive,  to  the  issue 
that  might  have  been  anticipated :  the  triumph  of  the  Jackson 
party  in  all  the  elections. 

I  believe  I  mentioned  to  you,  in  a  former  letter,  that  Poin- 
dexter  dined  with  me,  and  that  he  talks  like  an  independent 
man,  who  felt  that  he  was  denounced,  and  was  resolved  to  cling 
to  principle. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  JOHN   BAILHACHE.  -:• 

ASHLAND,  November  24,  1830. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  18th  inst.,  commu- 
nicating a  very  full  and  satisfactory  account  of  your  late  election, 
and  of  the  causes  which  led  to  its  results.  Upon  the  whole, 
we  have  much  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  those  results,  although 
we  may  regret  that  our  friends  in  the  reserve  did  not  bestir  them- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  289 

selves  more.  On  the  subject  of  the  operation  of  Anti-Masonry 
on  the  interests  of  our  cause,  respecting  which  you  request  my 
views,  I  will  explain  them  very  frankly. 

The  leaders  of  Anti-Masonry  are  in  the  pursuit  of  power  ;^ 
the  great  body  of  their  party  are  endeavoring  to  remove  what 
they  honestly  believe  to  be  a  great  evil.  The  former  would 
desire  power,  without  regard  to  the  means  of  acquiring  it ;  the 
latter  seek  it  only  as  an  instrument  of  effecting  their  paramount 
object.  To  accomplish  this  object  they  believe,  and  their 
leaders  industriously  inculcate  the  belief,  that  a  change  of  the 
administration  of  the  actual  Government  (whether  general  or 
State)  is  necessary.  Hence,  in  the  Western  reserve,  and  in 
Vermont,  where  our  friends  are  in  the  majority,  the  Anti-Masons 
connected  themselves  with  the  Jacksonians  to  get  hold  of  the 
Government,  and  to  dispossess  those  who  possessed  it.  For  the 
same  reason,  in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  when  the  Jackson 
party  was  in  power,  the  Anti-Masons  sought  a  coalition  with  our  , 
friends.  If  this  coalition  was  not  complete,  and  if  the  Anti-Ma- 
sons did  not  succeed,  it  was  not  their  fault. 

I  think  it  may  be  assumed  that  whenever  Anti-Masonry  is  in 
the  minority,  it  will  seek  a  connection  with  any  other  party, 
which,  in  the  same  place,  is  also  in  the  minority.  This  will 
account  for  the  various  and  apparently  conflicting  directions 
which  it  takes.  It  is  only  an  apparent  inconsistency,  for  the 
object  every  where  is  the  same,  the  acquisition  of  power. 

In  this  respect,  Anti-Masonry  does  not  differ  from  any  other 
party,  for  the  natural  tendency  of  all  the  divisions  of  a  minority, 
is  to  cohesion.  This  will  generally  take  place  unless  it  is  coun- 
teracted by  some  stronger  feeling  or  sentiment  than  that  of 
hatred  to  those  in  power,  as  was  the  case  with  a  portion  of  our 
friends  in  the  late  New  York  election. 

I  do  not  know  that  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  Anti-Masons 
did  not  succeed  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  York.  If  they  had 
been  successful,  they  would  probably  have  brought  out  an  Anti- 
Masonic  candidate  for  President.  Still,  if  I  had  been  in  New 
York,  with  a  right  to  vote,  I  should  have  given  my  suffrage  to 
Granger.  I  will  not  now  trouble  you  with  the  reasons. 

I  regret  that  the  failure  of  Mr.  Granger  is  so  well  ascertained 
to  have  been,  because  our  friends  about  Albany,  and  in  the  river 
counties,  would  not  concentrate  on  him.  Unless  this  circum- 
stance should  produce  an  alienation  between  our  friends  and  the 

19 


290  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Anti-Masons,  I  should  think  we  will  ultimately  obtain  their  sup- 
port, for  the  following  reasons : 

1.  It  is  in  conformity  with  the  general  nature  of  minorities, 
already  noticed,  that  they  should  vote  with  us,  if  thev  have  ho 
candidate  of  their  own  party. 

2.  They  agree  with  us  as  to  the  American  System. 

3.  They  have  been  violently  assailed  in  New  York  by  the 
Regency. 

4.  They  believe  that,  although  I  am  a  Mason,  that  I  have  no 
bigotry,  and  that  I  have  no  very  great  ardor  for  the  institution. 

5.  General   Jackson  has,   as   they   think,   persecuted   them, 
which  they  believe  I  should  not  do,  as  most  certainly  I  should  not. 

I  can  hardly  believe  that  they  will  now  present  a  Presidential 
candidate,  although  they  still  talk  about  it.  Immediately  after 
the  election  in  New  York,  Mr.  Ward  (the  editor  of  the  "  Anti- 
Masonic  Review")  told  a  friend  of  mine  that  they  could  not 
support  me,  and  would  present  a  candidate  of  .their  own,  etc. 
The  next  day  he  called  on  that  same  friend,  and  informed  him 
that  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Anti-Masons  had  resolved , 
1st.  That  the  late  election  in  New  York  had  shown  that  they 
could  not  directly  support  me :  2d.  That  it  be  recommended  to 
the  convention  at  Baltimore,  to  nominate  an  Anti-Masonic  can- 
didate ;  and  3d.  That  the  papers  of  the  party  in  New  York,  be 
advised  to  abstain  from  attacking  me,  and  to  conciliate  my  friends. 

If  there  be  an  Anti-Masonic  candidate,  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that  it  would  operate  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  more 
against  General  Jackson  than  me,  should  we  both  be  the  candi- 
dates, while  in  your  State,  it  would  operate  more  against  me 
than  him.  In  that  contingency,  should  our  friends  in  New  York 
and  Pennsylvania  unite  with  the  Anti-Masonic  party,  Jackson 
would  probably  lose  one  or  both  of  those  States,  in  either  of 
which  cases  I  think  he  would  be  defeated. 

What  I  think  not  unlikely,  is,  that  this  time  two  years  hence, 
the  Anti-Masonic  party  will  present  in  New  York  a  candidate 
for  Governor,  without  any  electors  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent,  and  that  our  friends  will  offer  these,  without  any  candidate 
for  Governor.  Upon  that  supposition,  if  there  be  concert  between 
the  two  parties,  each  would  succeed  in  its  object.  I  do  not 
know  that  any  such  arrangement  has  ever  been  thought  of. 
None  such  has  ever  been  suggested  to  me,  and  I  infer  it  onl; 
from  the  natural  operation  of  causes. 


r 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  291 

I  am  inclined  to  think,  upon  the  whole,  that  a  conciliatory 
course  on  our  part,  toward  the  Anti-Masons,  is  wisest.  There 
is  no  occasion  for  our  friends  to  attack  them.  Let  us  leave  that 
to  the  Jackson  party. 

We  shall  have  some  trouble  about  a  Senator,  though  I  yet 
think  we  shall  succeed  in  the  election  of  a  friend.  I  have 
been  pressed  of  late  to  offer.  Mr.  Adams'  example  is  quoted. 
But  both  my  feelings  and  judgment  are  strongly  opposed  to  my 
return  to  Congress.  Nothing  but  a  contingency,  which  I  sin- 
cerely hope  may  not  arise,  would  overcome  them. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  December  20,  1830. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  believe  I  am  in  arrears  to  you,  and  that  I 
omitted  to  answer  your  last,  in  which  you  requested  me  to  say 
something  on  French  affairs.  Events  followed  in  such  rapid 
succession,  that  I  had  no  time,  except  to  put  in  a  flying  shot, 
which  seemed  to  me  hardly  necessary.  I  sincerely  hope  that 
the  work,  so  gloriously  begun,  will  be  happily  consummated. 
They  have  two  dangers :  the  first,  in  retaining  a  Bourbon  on 
the  throne,  which  they  thought  ought  to  be  done  to  consiliate 
foreign  powers ;  and  the  second,  the  humane  desire  to  screen 
the  former  ministers  from  punishment.  It  would  have  been 
better  to  have  suffered  the  law  to  proceed  against  them,  and  to 
have  forborne  the  offer  of  the  project  of  abolishing  capital  pun- 
ishments until  it  had  pronounced  its  sentence.  It  would  have 
been  better  not  to  have  mixed  the  two  subjects  together,  or  not 
to  have  given  color  to  such  an  imputation.  After  their  convic- 
tion, if  convicted,  I  think  it  would  have  been  easier  to  have  com- 
muted the  punishment  for  banishment,  or  some  other  milder 
form.  As  to  Belgium,  the  rock  on  which  I  feared  the  French 
Government  would  split,  they  appear  to  me  to  have  acted  dis- 
creetly. Belgium  will  ultimately  go  to  France,  unless  a  totally 
new  way  of  thinking  has  taken  place  since  I  was  there. 

But  I  did  not  commence  to  write  you  now  on  French  affairs. 
Perhaps,  before  my  letter  reaches  you,  some  new  and  important 
turn  may  have  taken  place  in  them. 

My  object  was  to  say  to  you,  that  I  go  in  a  day  or  two  to 
New  Orleans,  to  pass  a  portion  of  the  winter  there  with  Mrs. 
Clay,  and  to  request  you  to  let  me  hear  from  you  at  that  city. 


292      PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  HENRY  CLAY. 

I  am  extremely  anxious  to  know  how  your  Legislature  disposes 
of  the  Judiciary,  or  rather,  Judges.  In  these  late  times  of  po- 
litical trouble  and  strife,  nothing  has  distressed  me  so  much  as 
the  suffering  of  my  friends,  and  I  have  feared  that  they  would 
make  a  victim  of  you  on  my  account.  Do  let  me  know  what 
may  be  done. 

The  political  events  of  the  year,  taken  altogether,  are  not  dis- 
couraging. Except  in  Maine  and  New  York,  they  justify  strong 
hopes  of  the  future.  And  in  New  York,  so  far  as  the  election 
of  Governor  was  concerned,  it  is  far  from  certain  that  the  issue 
should  be  regretted. 

In  this  State,  the  Legislature  has  not  yet  appointed  a  Senator. 
Our  friends  are  in  good  spirits,  and  count  upon  success.  But 
the  vote  will  be  a  close  one,  owing  to  the  fact  that  five  or  six 
members,  opposed  to  the  Administration,  believe  themselves 
pledged  to  vote  for  a  Jackson  Senator.  It  is  not  impossible  that 
no  election  will  be  made  this  session. 


HENRY  CLAY,  JR.,  TO  HIS  FATHER. 

WEST  POINT,  December  20, 1830. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER, — I  have  just  learned  with  certainty  by 
your  letter,  that  you  and  my  mother  are  going  to  New  Orleans. 
You  will  find  there .  such  a  reunion  of  friends  and  relations, 
that  I  am  sure  you  can  not  fail  to  spend  a  very  agreeable  win- 
ter. Would  that  I  formed  one  of  your  party,  but  next  to  enjoy- 
ing your  society  myself,  is  the  pleasure  I  feel  in  knowing  that 
you  are  re-established  in  health  and  spirits,  and  surrounded  by 
your  friends. 

In  regard  to  study,  an  object  has  presented  itself  to  my  view, 
and  I  eagerly  pursue  it.  My  perseverance  and  assiduity  in  this 
pursuit,  may  perhaps  be  to  my  prejudice  in  others,  but  still  I  am 
willing  to  give  up  excellence  in  every  other  department  of 
knowledge,  to  attain  an  honorable  rank  as  a  speaker.  I  am 
well  aware  that  a  general  acquaintance  with  the  whole  circle 
of  arts  and  sciences,  and  in  fact  with  every  branch  of  human 
knowledge,  is  indispensable  to  the  accomplished  orator,  and  this 
I  shall  endeavor  to  acquire,  without  weakening  or  confusing  my 
mind  by  too  abstracted  an  attention  to  minutiae.  I  am  glad  that 
you  are  improving  Ashland.  I  have  a  kind  of  filial  affection  for 
it,  which  seems  to  increase  with  my  years,  and  distance  from  it. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

CORRESPONDENCE   OF   1831    AND   1833. 

MR.    CLAY   TO   . 

NEW  ORLEANS,  February  16,  1831. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  found,  on  my  arrival  in  this  State,  a  general 
alarm  pervading  it  in  respect  to  the  attack  meditated  on  the 
Tariff,  and  which  had  been  actually  commenced  in  the  House 
of  Representatives.  The  people  of  Louisiana,  an  excellent  race, 
and  greatly  attached  to  the  Union,  contemplate  the  success  of 
that  attack  as  involving  their  utter  ruin.  If,  say  they,  we  had 
remained  a  colony  of  France  or  Spain,  our  productions,  and 
especially  our  great  staple,  would  have  been  protected,  in  the 
parent  country,  against  the  rival  productions  of  foreign  colonies. 
And  shall  we,  as  an  independent  State,  a  member  of  this  great 
Republic,  fare  worse  than  if  we  had  continued  a  distant  colony1? 

I  must  confess  that  they  have  made  a  convert  of  me,  and  have 
fully  convinced  me  of  two  propositions  :  1st.  That  the  repeal  or 
reduction  of  the  present  duty  on  foreign  sugar  would  totally 
disable  them  from  continuing  the  culture  of  the  cane  ;  and  2d. 
That  all  parts  of  the  Union  would  partake  of  the  distress  which 
would  be  certainly  inflicted  on  them. 

Most  erroneous  impressions  prevail,  in  other  parts  of  the  Union, 
as  to  the  profits  upon  capital  invested  in  sugar  plantations.  It 
happens  to  this  business,  as  to  all  others,  that  now  and  then  a 
planter,  by  the  practice  of  the  greatest  economy,  by  a  favorable 
season  and  the  concurrence  of  fortunate  circumstances,  makes  a 
large  profit.  These  rare  instances  become  the  theme  of  general 
conversation,  and  hence  it  is  rashly  inferred  that  all  the  planters 
are  growing  rapidly  rich.  The  conclusion  is  just  as  unwise  as 
it  would  have  been  prior  to  the  Tariff  of  1824,  to  argue  that  the 
cotton  manufacture  was  prosperous  because  that  at  Walthara  was 


294  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

doing  remarkably  well.  These  cases  of  good  fortune  are  neu- 
tralized by  others  of  an  opposite  character.  For  example  (and 
the  instance  is  by  no  means  singular),  a  planter,  whose  acquaint- 
ance I  have  formed,  who  is  remarkable  for  his  intelligence,  and 
his  accuracy  and  great  attention  to  business,  has,  in  partnership, 
an  estate  which  cost  upward  of  $220,000.  His  partner,  a 
skillful  and  diligent  manager,  resides  on  the  estate.  Minute  and 
regular  accounts  are  kept  of  their  receipts  and  expenditures. 
They  sold  last  year  their  crop,  and,  after  deducting  all  expenses, 
the  nett  sum  of  $800  remained  to  be  divided  between  them ! 

But  it  is  not  on  these  extremes,  on  either  side,  that  the  states- 
man should  be  guided  in  adjusting  his  measures  to  the  wants  or 
necessities  of  a  community.  His  conclusions  should  be  drawn 
from  the  average  profit  deduced  from  a  view  of  the  entire  branch 
of  business,  which  his  duties  call  upon  him  to  consider.  Pro- 
ceeding upon  this  principle,  I  am  persuaded,  from  all  I  have  seen 
and  heard  here,  that  Mr.  Senator  Johnston,  in  his  late  excellent 
letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  assuming  as  the  aver- 
age rate  of  profit  upon  capital  employed  in  the  culture  of  sugar 
cane,  from  five  to  six  per  cent,  rather  exceeds  than  falls  short  of 
the  true  standard.  It  is  evident,  then,  that  the  Louisiana  planter, 
if  he  were  not  protected  by  the  existing  duty,  could  not  sustain 
a  competition  with  the  sugars  of  foreign  colonies.  They  would 
compel  him  to  abandon  the  business ;  and  the  repeal  of  that  duty 
would  be  almost  as  fatal  to  him  as  if  Congress  were  to  order  the 
dykes  to  be  razed  from  Point  Coupee  to  the  Balize. 

But  if  Congress,  after  having  by  its  whole  course  of  policy 
during  a  long  series  of  years,  inspired  confidence  in  the  inhabit- 
ants of  this  State  as  to  the  permanency  of  protection,  and  thereby 
invited  them  to  invest  their  capital  in  their  present  pursuit,  could 
overwhelm  them  in  irretrievable  ruin,  their  sufferings  would  not 
be  confined  to  themselves,  but  would  extend  to  every  other  part 
of  the  Union.  If  manufactures  in  any  country  deserve  protec- 
tion because  of  the  home  market  which  they  create  for  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  industry  of  other  classes,  the  sugar  planter  of 
Louisiana  is  equally  entitled,  for  the  same  reason,  to  protection. 
The  seven  or  eight  hundred  sugar  plantations  in  Louisiana  are; 
in  fact,  but  seven  or  eight  hundred  great  manufactories.  The 
raw  material  is,  it  is  true,  produced  on  their  plantations  by  the 
cultivation  of  the  earth,  but  it  is  only  produced  to  be  there  man- 
ufactured also  into  sugar  and  molasses.  As  consumers  of  the 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  295 

objects  of  the  industry  of  other  classes,  the  Louisiana  planters  are 
even  more  important  than  manufacturers  exclusively  employed 
in  fabrication  ;  for  they  neither  make  their  food,  nor  their  cloth- 
ing, nor  their  implements  of  labor,  all  of  which  they  purchase 
from  other  States.  Nay  more,  their  very  laborers  themselves,  in 
consequence  of  the  institution  of  slavery,  are  chiefly  brought  from 
other  States.  Manufacturers,  strictly  so  called,  on  the  contrary, 
either  make  their  own  clothes,  or  their  implements  of  labor,  or 
both. 

I  had  no  adequate  conception,  prior  to  my  present  visit  to  this 
State,  of  the  extent  of  this  dependence  of  the  Louisiana  planter 
upon  other  States  for  his  necessary  supplies.  He  draws  from 
them  his  flour,  bacon,  pork,  beef,  the  greater  part  of  the  Indian 
corn  fed  upon  his  plantation,  his  carts,  axes,  spades,  plows,  hoes, 
steam-engines  for  his  sugar-house,  stone-coal,  boilers,  horses, 
mules,  cattle,  the  clothing  of  his  slaves,  whisky,  and  a  great 
variety  of  small  articles.  These  are  obtained  principally  from 
Pennsylvania  and  the  Western,  Middle,  and  Northern  States. 
His  slaves,  annually  in  great  numbers,  are  brought  from  Virginia 
and  Maryland. 

Let  us  suppose  the  market  for  these  various  articles  to  be  sud- 
denly cut  off,  the  inevitable  consequence  of  the  repeal  of  the 
duty  upon  sugar,  and  am  I  not  correct  in  saying  that  every  part 
of  the  Union,  in  this  view  of  the  subject,  would  be  deeply  and 
sensibly  affected  by  the  destruction  of  the  business  of  the  Louis- 
iana planter  ?  Every  article  which  I  have  enumerated  would 
immediately  fall  in  price,  and  no  section  of  the  Union  would  be 
altogether  exempt  from  the  consequences  of  a  measure  so  dis- 
astrous. 

Would  they  be  compensated  by  any  permanent  reduction  in 
the  price  of  sugar,  the  illusive  object  sought  by  those  who,  in 
aiming  to  repeal  the  duty,  would  lay  the  ax  at  the  root  of  the 
prosperity  of  this  interesting  State  ?  It  is  confidently  believed 
not.  The  present  low  price  of  sugar  is  attributable  to  the  com- 
petition which  has  been  produced  between  the  West  Indian 
and  Louisiana  planter.  The  eighty  or  one  hundred  thousand 
hogsheads  which  the  latter  annually  throws  into  the  general 
consumption  have  diminished  to  that  extent,  the  demand  for  the 
produce  of  the  former,  who  has  been  consequently  compelled  to 
reduce  the  price.  This  has  obliged  the  Louisiana  planter  also  to 
reduce  the  price,  and  he  has  found  himself  sustained  only  by  the 


296  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

possession  of  the  home  market,  the  principal  part  of  which  is 
given  him  by  the  existing  duty.  If  that  duty  were  repealed,  and 
if  Louisiana  continued  permanently  to  produce  the  quantity  which 
she  now  annually  yields,  undoubtedly  there  would  be  a  per- 
manent reduction  of  price.  But  the  effect  of  a  repeal  of  the  duty 
would  compel  the  Louisiana  planter  to  abandon  cultivation  of 
the- sugar  cane.  Absolute  ruin  would  attend  him  if  he  continued 
to  prosecute  it.  Then  what  would  happen  ?  The  eighty  or 
one  hundred  thousand  hogsheads  now  contributed  by  Louisiana 
would  be  withdrawn  from  the  general  consumption.  A  demand 
would  ensue  for  eighty  or  one  hundred  thousand  hogsheads  more 
of  the  production  of  the  West  Indies.  This  demand  would 
speedily  augment  the  price,  and  the  probability  is,  that  it  would 
rise  to  what  it  now  is,  or  nearly  so.  It  may  be  argued  that 
when,  after  falling,  the  price  should  again  rise  to  the  present 
rate,  the  Louisiana  planter  would  resume  the  cultivation.  But 
this  admits  of  several  satisfactory  answers.  In  the  first  place,  if 
he  was  now  out  of  the  business,  he  probably  would  not  embark 
in  it,  such  are  the  discouragements  produced  by  low  prices  and 
the  dread  of  a  change  of  public  policy.  He  continues  the  busi- 
ness because  he  is  in  it,  has  built  his  houses,  made  his  canals 
and  ditches,  established  his  manufactory,  consisting  of  mills, 
steam-engines  and  boilers,  and  effected  all  his  other  arrangements 
with  a  view  to  his  present  pursuit.  Supposing  that  abandoned ; 
supposing  all  these  arrangements  overturned,  and  his  plantation 
appropriated  to  the  cultivation  of  cotton,  rice,  or  any  other  ar- 
ticle, it  would  not  be  so  easy,  under  the  temptation  even  of  a 
high  price  of  sugar,  to  return  to  the  planting  of  cane.  The 
establishment  of  a  sugar  plantation,  with  all  its  manufacturing 
and  other  apparatus,  is  not  suddenly  accomplished,  but  is  a  work 
of  long,  patient,  and  arduous  industry.  Finally,  he  could  not 
fail  to  reflect  that  the  encouraging  price  of  sugar,  for  the  moment, 
resulted  from  the  absence  of  Louisiana  competition,  and  that, 
whenever  this  returned,  a  depressed  and  ruinous  state  of  the 
market  would  be  inevitable. 

Other  views  of  this  interesting  question  might  be  taken,  but  I 
will  content  myself  with  noticing  only  an  additional  one.  If  the 
cultivation  of  the  sugar  cane  be  abandoned,  the  labor  now  em- 
ployed in  it  must  be  directed  to  some  other  object ;  and  that 
object  undoubtedly  would  be  cotton.  But  this  article  is  already 
produced  in  excessive  quantity.  Would  it  be  wise  in  Congress, 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  297 

by  curtailing  the  pursuits  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  to 
compel  a  large  portion  of  their  industry  to  seek  employment  in  a 
business  already  overdone  ?  The  effect  would  be  most  injuriously 
felt  in  Tennessee,  the  northern  parts  of  Alabama  and  Mississippi, 
the  upper  parts  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  and  generally 
those  districts  of  the  cotton  region  which  are  the  least  adapted  to 
the  production  of  that  staple. 

I  found  the  sensibility  of  the  people  of  this  State,  on  my  ar- 
rival here,  greatly  excited  on  another  subject.  Shortly  after  the 
cession  of  Louisiana,  an  act  of  Congress  required  all  the  inhab- 
itants to  register  their  titles  to  lands  granted  to  them  by  the  pre- 
vious governments,  and  denounced,  as  a  penalty  for  a  neglect  to 
comply  with  this  law,  that  the  proprietors  should  not  be  allowed 
to  use  their  unregistered  titles  in  any  court  of  justice.  The  ob- 
ject at  which  Congress  aimed  was  a  proper  and  legitimate  object, 
it  being  to  discriminate  between  the  public  domain  and  private 
property  ;  but  it  may  now  be  well  doubted  whether  the  means 
were  not  rigorously  and  disproportionately  severe.  Many,  from 
no  disrespect  whatever  to  the  Legislature,  but  from  a  perfect  con- 
fidence in  the  security  of  their  titles,  resulting  from  ancient  pos- 
session and  complete  grants,  and  strengthened  by  a  positive  stip- 
ulation in  the  treaty  of  cession  guaranteeing  their  property, 
omitted  to  register  their  titles.  Many,  from  ignorance  of  the 
law,  promulgated  in  a  language  not  their  own,  also  omitted  to 
register  their  titles.  An  opinion  has  prevailed  among  the  bar, 
that  in  the  case  of  perfect  titles,  the  ceremony  of  registry  was 
unnecessary. 

Notwithstanding  this  state  of  conscious  security,  the  lands  of 
many  of  the  ancient  proprietors,  who  never  dreamed  of  danger, 
have  been  thrown  into  the  market.  Sales  have  been  actually 
made,  in  several  instances,  of  plantations  which  have  been  in 
cultivation  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  years ;  and  the  first  knowl- 
edge of  them  which  the  unfortunate  planters  acquired  was  a  no- 
tice from  the  speculator,  not  to  remove,  at  their  peril,  any  thing 
whatever  from  the  plantation.  A  church  even,  long  dedicated  to 
public  worship,  has  been  actually  sold  !  The  interposition  of 
the  Executive  has,  I  understand,  been  in  vain  invoked.  I  do 
hope  that  that  of  Congress,  to  which  the  Legislature  has  appealed, 
will  be  afforded,  and  that  some  efficacious  remedy  will  be  pro- 
vided. 

What  that  remedy  should  be,  Congress  is  most  competent  to 


298  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

decide.  The  effect  of  the  introduction  to  the  proprietor  of  the 
use,  in  courts  of  justice,  of  his  title  paper,  is  a  forfeiture  of  his 
land.  But  is  not  that  punishment  altogether  too  severe,  and  dis- 
proportionate to  the  offense,  if  offense  it  can  be  called,  of  non- 
registry  ?  Especially  when  that  was  never  contumacious,  and 
in  most,  if  not  all,  instances  proceeded  from  ignorance  of  law  or 
language,  or  forge tfulness.  It  seems  to  me  that  some  mode 
might  have  been  adopted  to  discriminate  between  the  pub- 
lic and  private  lands  other  than  that  of  obliging  the  inhabitants 
to  register  their  titles,  already  recorded  in  the  archives  of  preced- 
ing governments,  under  the  pains  and  penalties  of  forfeiture  of 
their  estates.  Had  they  committed  the  crime  of  high  treason, 
under  ancient  law,  the  punishment,  as  to  their  estates,  would  not 
have  been  greater  ;  but  even  the  crime  of  high  treason,  in  the 
mitigated  spirit  of  modern  institutions,  does  not  draw  after  it  a 
forfeiture  of  the  culprit's  estate.  It  may  indeed  be  well  ques- 
tioned whether  the  act  of  Congress  is  not  repugnant  to  that 
amendment  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  which  forbids  a  man's 
property  to  be  taken  from  him  without  due  process  of  law. 

I  do  not  know  the  extent  of  the  evil  which  I  have  depicted. 
I  have  understood  that  perhaps  one  third  of  the  plantations  from 
Point  Coupee  down  the  Mississippi  are  in  that  condition.  This, 
you  know,  comprises  the  best  and  longest  settled,  as  well  as  the 
richest  part  of  the  State.  And  what  aggravates  the  misfortune 
is,  that  the  omission  to  register  has  been  chiefly  on  the  part  of 
the  Creole  planters,  affording  a  strong  presumption  that  it  has 
proceeded  from  ignorance  of  the  American  laws  and  language, 
the  American  planters  having  most  generally  taken  the  precau- 
tion to  comply  with  the  law. 

Thus  threatened  with  the  loss  both  of  their  lands  and  their 
produce,  it  is  astonishing  how  patiently  this  good  people  bear  up 
under  their  afflictions.  Complaints  there  are  among  individuals, 
but  neither  the  Legislature  nor  any  public  assembly  has,  for  a  mo- 
ment, forgot  its  loyalty  to  the  Union,  or  its  respect  to  the  public 
authorities.  We  have  no  menaces  of  violence,  no  charges  of 
the  oppression  and  tyranny  of  the  majority,  no  threats  to  execute 
the  powers  of  nullification.  They  appear  to  abide  in  perfect 
confidence  that,  when  their  condition  is  fully  understood,  in  the 
general  family  council,  right  and  justice  will  be  done  them. 
That  they  may  not  be  disappointed  I  sincerely  pray. 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  299 

BICHARD    RUSH    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

YOKE,  Pennsylvania,  April  14,  1831. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Is  there  no  way  in  which,  without  doing  vio- 
lence to  whatever  opinions  or  feelings  you  may  have  as  respects 
masonry,  or  without  offending  that  institution,  you  could  concil- 
iate to  a  fair  and  reasonable  extent  the  good  will  of  Anti-Masons, 
between  this  and  September?  I. am  sure  that,  in  this  State, 
there  are  many,  very  many,  of  the  latter,  who  notwithstanding 
what  is  said  in  the  newspapers,  ardently  desire  to  give  their  sup- 
port to  you,  for  the  sake  of  the  great  public  objects  and  princi- 
ples inseparably  interwoven  with  your  name,  and  which  they 
fear  the  permanent  prostration  of,  should  General  Jackson  be  re- 
elected.  I  throw  this  out  again,  not  to  put  you  to  the  trouble  of 
a  reply,  but  only  for  you  again  to  think  of  it,  in  conjunction 
with  discreet  friends  in  the  West.  You  will  do,  I  know,  now  as 
always,  what  duty,  honor,  and  true  patriotism  require.  With 
the  direct  aid  of  Anti-Masons,  we  should  carry  your  banner  to  a 
glorious  victory,  even  if  we  do  not  without. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  May  1,  1831. 

MY  BEAR  SIR, — Prior  to  the  receipt  of  your  favor  of  the  17th 
ultimo,  I  had  written  you  a  long  letter,  which  I  hope  will  safely 
reach  you.  I  infer  from  your  last  a  determination  to  accept  your 
recent  appointment.  I  think  you  ought  to  accept  it,  and  I  should 
regret  that  you  did  not.  Under  all  circumstances,  it  was  an 
honorable  testimony.  I  share  with  Messrs.  Johnson  and  Leigh 
in  their  disappointment  in  not  getting  Mr.  Stanard  on  the  bench ; 
and  I  concur  with  them  in  the  superiority  which  they  assign  to 
him  over  his  successful  competitor. 

We  live  in  an  age  of  revolution.  Who  could  have  imagined 
such  a  cleansing  of  the  Augean  stable  at  Washington  ?  a  change, 
almost  total,  of  the  Cabinet.  Did  you  ever  read  such  a  letter  as 
Mr.  Van  Huron's  ?  It  is  perfectly  characteristic  of  the  man — a 
labored  effort  to  conceal  the  true  motives,  and  to  assign  assumed 
ones,  for  his  resignation,  under  the  evident  hope  of  profiting  by 
the  latter.  The  "  delicate  step,"  I  apprehend,  has  been  taken, 
because,  foreseeing  the  gathering  storm,  he  wished  early  to 


300  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

secure  a  safe  refuge.  Whether  that  will  be  on  his  farm,  or  at 
London,  we  shall  see.  Meantime,  our  cause  can  not  fail  to  be 
benefited  by  the  measure.  It  is  a  broad  confession  of  the  in- 
competency  of  the  President's  chosen  advisers,  no  matter  from 
what  cause,  to  carry  on  the  business  of  the  Government.  It  is  a 
full  admission  of  that  unfitness  of  those  advisers  for  their  respect- 
ive stations,  which  the  whole  country  felt  when  they  were  first 
selected.  And  if,  as  I  presume,  Ingham  and  Branch  were  dis- 
missed, or  compelled  to  resign,  further  dissentions  must  be  sown 
in  a  party  on  the  verge  of  dissolution. 

Nor  can  the  injury  to  his  cause  be  repaired  by  any  successors 
to  the  vacant  places,  whom  the  President  may  call  around  him — 
certainly  not  by  those  whom  rumor  designates.  Edward  Liv- 
ingston to  be  .Secretary  of  State — a  recorded  defaulter  to  an 
enormous  amount — the  reviler  of  Jefferson,  whom  he  pursued 
in  his  retirement  with  a  malicious  and  vexatious  suit — a  man 
notoriously  destitute  of  all  principle.  Louis  McLane  to  be  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury — a  man  who  glories  in  his  federalism, 
to  be  appointed  by  the  Republican  party — one  whose  degrading 
supplications,  at  the  Court  of  London,  for  a  Worthless  privilege, 
must  have  disgusted  every  man  who  was  not  insensible  to  the 
honor  and  dignity  of  his  country. 

I  expressed,  in  my  former  letter,  my  conjectures  as  to  the 
course  of  Mr.  Calhoun.  Late  events,  tending  to  show  the  great 
probability  of  the  defeat  of  Jackson,  may  now  determine  him  to 
take  bolder  and  firmer  ground  against  the  President.  The  oc- 
currence at  Washington  is  certainly  not  intended  or  calculated 
to  subserve  Mr.  Calhoun.  The  rumored  successors  will  all  be 
adverse  to  him.  I  understand  that  Judge  Smith  was  one  of  the 
advisers  of  the  President  in  respect  to  the  recent  change,  and  he 
will  advise  nothing  which  can  promote  Mr.  Calhoun's  views. 
Thus  situated,  the  Vice-President  may  declare,  or  cause  himself 
to  be  declared,  a  candidate,  or  aid,  without  such  declaration,  any 
and  every  opposition  to  the  President.  Unless  I  am  deceived  as 
to  his  strength,  he  will  not  be  a  candidate  himself,  but  will  push 
forward,  most  probably,  Judge  McLean.  I  observe  a  hint  of 
such  a  purpose,  on  the  part  of  his  friends,  in  "  The  Whig." 
I  long  since  learned  that  there  was  (what  shall  I  call  it  ? — a  bar- 
gain ?)  between  the  Judge  and  Mr.  Calhoun,  an  understanding 
that  he  of  the  two  was  to  be  supported  who  could  command  the 
greatest  probability  of  success. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  301 

I  observe  what  you  state,  as  to  the  impression,  in  regard  to 
my  constitutional  principles,  which  Mr.  Ritchie  has  made  on  the 
Virginia  public  ;  but  I  can  not  concur  with  you  as  to  the  utility, 
at  this  time,  of  any  publication  about  them,  from  myself,  in  any 
form.  If  I  am  not  now  understood  by  the  public,  nothing  that 
I  could  say,  during  the  pendancy  of  a  warm  canvass,  would  make 
me  intelligible,  and  I  must  submit  to  any  misconception  of  me 
which  may,  unfortunately,  prevail.  I  need  not  say  to  you  that 
my  constitutional  doctrines  are  those  of  the  epoch  of  1798.  I 
am  against  all  power  not  delegated,  or  not  necessary  and  proper 
to  execute  what  is  delegated.  I  hold  to  the  principles  of  Mr. . 
Madison,  as  promulgated  through  the  Virginia  Legislature.  I 
was  with  Mr.  Madison  then  ;  I  am  with  him  now.  I  am  against 
all  nullification,  all  new  lights  in  politics,  if  not  in  religion. 
Applying  the  very  principles  of  Mr.  Madison's  famous  interpre- 
tation of  the  Constitution,  in  the  Virginia  address,  I  find  in  the 
Constitution  the  power  to  protect  our  industry,  and  to  improve 
our  country  by  objects  of  a  national  character.  I  have  never 
altered  my  constitutional  opinion  which  I  ever  entertained,  and 
publicly  expressed,  .but  that  in  relation  to  the  bank ;  and  the  ex- 
perience of  the  last  war  changed  mine,  and  almost  every  other 
person's,  who  had  been  against  the  power  of  chartering  it. 
Such  are  my  views,  but  I  will  not  consent  to  any  publication  of 
them,  under  existing  circumstances,  if  I  were  even  sure  of  achiev- 
ing the  conversion  of  my  old  friend  Ritchie,  who,  by  the  by, 
knows  them  perfectly  well. 

I  adhere  to  my  opinion,  that  there  is  no  sufficient  public  rea- 
son, at  this  time,  for  publishing  Mr.  Crawford's  letter.  I  should 
be  glad  that  that  of  Mr.  T.  J.  Randolph  could  be  published,  with- 
out any  direct  agency  of  mine  ;  but  if  it  can  not  be  so  published, 
I  must  acquiesce. 

What  am  I  to  do  with  the  perpetual  importunities  to  visit  the 
North,  etc.,  etc.?  My  judgment  is  against  all  and  every  excur- 
sion for,  or  which  might  be  fairly  construed  to  have  in  view, 
mere  political  effect.  But  I  should  like  to  be  fortified  or  cor- 
rected by  the  opinion  of  yourself  and  other  Virginia  friends. 


302  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MS.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  June  4,  1831. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  both  of  your  favors  of  the  15th 
ult.,  from  Richmond,  and  of  the  26th  from  St.  Julien.  I  should 
be  very  happy  to  meet  you  in  August  at  the  White  Sulphur 
Springs  and  Lewisburg ;  but  I  believe  I  shall  find  it  necessary 
to  remain  this  summer  in  Kentucky.  My  private  affairs  require 
some  portion  of  my  time.  I  have  several  Executorships  also  to 
close,  and  I  wish  to  avail  myself  of  the  leisure  I  can  command 
this  summer  to  settle  them. 

I  regret  that  I  have  not  a  copy  of  the  pamphlet  of  Mr.  Liv- 
ingston to  which  you  refer.  I  will  endeavor  to  procure  one 
from  New  Orleans.  Lately  I  have  seen  extracts  from  it,  in  which 
the  author  speaks  very  harshly  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 

I  should  be  very  glad  if  you  could  obtain  the  consent  of  Mr. 
T.  J.  R.  to  the  publication  of  the  letter,  but  I  fear  his  apprehen- 
sions will  lead  him  to  withhold  it. 

Can  you  not,  when  at  Lewisburg,  extend  your  journey  this 
far  ?  I  should  be  delighted  to  see  you  here,  and  beg  you  will 
come,  if  it  be  possible. 


MR.   CLAY   TO    ADAM   BEATTY. 

ASDLAND,  June  4,  1831. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  31st  ultimo,  with  the 
newspaper  communicating  the  death  of  our  friend  Colonel  Roch- 
ester. I  offer  you  my  sincere  condolence  on  that  afflicting 
event.  To  his  family  and  numerous  friends  it  is  no  small  alle- 
viation that  he  lived  to  a  ripe  old  age,  honored  and  beloved,  and 
dies  with  the  deep  and  general  regret  of  all  who  knew  him,  as 
the  "  Rochester  Gazette"  truly  testifies. 

I  congratulate  you  on  the  improvement  in  the  price  of  wool, 
and  the  consequent  encouragement  to  the  cultivation  of  sheep. 
I  received  for  my  common  wool,  unwashed,  33  cents,  and  was 
offered  62  for  my  merino,  washed  on  the  back  of  the  sheep. 

A  lame  ram  of  mine  was  left  the  summer  before  the  last  with, 
I  think,  a  Mr.  Foreman,  in  your  neighborhood,  and  I  have  never 
since  heard  of  him.  Will  you  be  good  enough  to  apply  for  the 
ram,  if  living,  and  use  him  this  fall  if  you  want  him  ? 


OF  HE2sTRY  CLAY.  303 

•r 
HENRY    CLAY,    JR.,    TO    HIS    FATHER. 

WEST  POINT,  June  21,  1831. 

DEAR  FATHER, — I  have  favorable  news  to  give  you  in  regard 
lo  myself.  I  have  finished  my  examination  and  have  graduated 
second ;  and  in  the  engineer  corps.  You  know  that  it  is  the 
highest  honor  conferred  upon  graduates  to  be  admitted  into  the 
engineers ;  and  one  not  often  conferred  upon  the  heads  of  classes. 

General  Scott  is  President  of  the  Board  for  this  year ;  you 
know  he  is  your  warm  friend,  and  consequently  mine.  I  have 
received  from  him  many  manifestations  of  the  kindest  attention 
to  my  interests.  He  wishes  me  to  be  stationed  in  New  York, 
should  I  remain  in  the  army.  If  you  should  advise  me  so  to 
do,  I  shall  be  employed  on  the  fortifications  of  New  York  Bay 
and  Harbor.  In  the  mean  time  I  deem  it  proper  to  say  that  my 
talents  remain  the  same  as  before  this  honor,  and  I  believe  I  may 
say  my  inclinations  also. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  June  23,  1831. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  12th  instant.  I 
believe  I  have  answered  all  your  previous  favors,  although  my 
last,  at  the  date  of  yours,  had  not,  I  suppose,  reached  you.  In 
that  I  informed  you  that  I  could  not  visit  Lewisburg.  It  would 
have  afforded  me  very  great  satisfaction  to  have  been  able  to 
visit  it,  on  account  of  yourself  and  other  friends  whom  I  should 
have  met  there,  or  at  the  Springs ;  but  it  will  not  be  in  my 
power.  Can  you  not  come  here,  when  you  will,  at  Lewisburg, 
have  penetrated  so  far  to  the  West  ?  I  assure  you  that  we  would 
give  you  a  warm  and  cordial  reception,  if  you  would  visit  us  ; 
and  I  hope  you  will  be  able  and  inclined  to  do  so. 

I  am  sorry  to  have  troubled  you  with  Mr.  T.  J.  Randolph  and 
his  letter.  Certainly  their  prudence  is  much  to  be  admired.  As 
it  is  but  a  small  affair,  I  beg  you  to  desist  from  the  pursuit  of  it, 
if  you  encounter  any  further  obstacle.  I  am  not  insensible  to 
the  value  of  the  good  opinion  of  his  grandfather,  as  I  desire  in- 
deed to  deserve  and  possess  that  of  all  men.  His  father  bore 
evidence,  which  was  widely  promulgated,  of  an  unfavorable 
opinion  entertained  of  me  by  his  grandfather.  He  voluntarily 
contradicted  it  in  a  private  letter  to  me.  During  his  father's 


304  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

lifetime,  from  considerations  of  delic^py,  I  did  not  desire  the 
publication  of  the  contradiction.  After  his  (father's)  death,  he 
expressly  permitted  it.  If  he  now  refuses  the  publication,  and 
chooses  to  allow  his  father's  erroneous  testimony  to  stand  unre- 
futed,  I  must,  without  repining,  acquiesce  in  the  decision. 

Our  flattering  prospects  in  Kentucky  daily  increase,  instead  of 
declining.  And  letters  which  reach  me  from  all  quarters  of  the 
Union  (the  four  Southern  Atlantic  States  excepted)  exhibit  a 
tone  of  the  greatest  confidence.  Anti-Masonry  seems  to  be  the 
only  difficulty  now  in  the  way  of  certain  success,  both  in  Penn- 
sylvania and  New  York.  I  have  been  urged,  entreated,  impor- 
tuned, to  make  some  declaration,  short  of  renunciation  of  ma- 
sonry, which  would  satisfy  the  Antis.  But  I  have  hitherto  de- 
clined all  interference  on  that  subject.  While  I  do  not,  and 
never  did,  care  about  Masonry,  I  shall  abstain  from  making  my- 
self any  party  to  that  strife.  I  tell  them  that  Masonry  or  Anti- 
Masonry  has,  legitimately,  in  my  opinion,  nothing  to  do  with 
politics ;  that  I  never  acted,  in  public  or  private  life,  under  any 
Masonic  influence  ;  that  I  have  long  since  ceased  to  be  a  mem- 
ber of  any  lodge  ;  that  I  voted  for  Mr.  Adams,  no  Mason,  against 
General  Jackson,  a  Mason,  etc. 

Mr.  Rush,  among  others,  has  urged  me  to  make  some  declara- 
tion. Notwithstanding  his  late  impassioned  address,  he  is  firm 
in  his  devotion  to  our  cause,  and,  I  think,  is  worthy  of  all  confi- 
dence. I  do  not  believe  that  he  would  accept  a  nomination  for 
the  Presidency  from  the  Antis,  nor  that  he  would  allow  of  any 
use  of  his  name  prejudicial  to  me. 

How  Anti-Masonry  will  finally  operate  is  an  important  ques- 
tion. They  may,  and  probably  will  make  a  nomination  at  Bal- 
timore, in  September,  of  some  person  who  is  not  a  Mason.  They 
can  not  nominate  Calhoun,  on  account  of  his  political  principles. 
They  will  not  nominate  Van  Buren.  If  they  nominate  Rush,  I 
think  he  will  not  accept  the  nomination.  It  is  said  that  Judge 
M'Lean  will  not.  Granger  they  intend  to  run  as  Governor  of 
New  York.  If  they  do  make  a  nomination  which  shall  be  ac- 
cepted, I  think  they  will,  before  the  next  spring,  discover  how 
hopeless  it  is,  and  abandon  it  virtually,  if  not  formally. 

Upon  the  whole,  I  do  not  apprehend  ultimately  any  serious 
mischief  from  it. 

Mrs.  Clay  unites  with  me  in  respectful  remembrances  to  Mrs. 
Brooke. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  305 


MR.    CLAY   TO   ADAM   BEATTT. 

ASHLAND,  June  25,  1831. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  same  anxiety  displayed  by  our  friend.  Mr, 
Rochester,  as  evinced  in  the  extract  from  his  letter  which  you 
were  good  enough  to  send  me,  in  regard  to  the  pending  Ken- 
tucky elections,  pervades  our  friends  throughout  the  Union. 
And  I  do  believe  that,  if  they  should  result,  as  we  hope  and  be- 
lieve they  might  be  made  to  result,  the  Presidential  contest 
would,  in  effect,  be  decided.  My  information  as  to  our  pros- 
pects in  the  State  is  highly  flattering.  Still  no  energy  or  exer- 
tion ought  to  be  spared  that  can  be  thrown  into  the  canvass.  I 
concur  with  you  fully  in  the  efficiency  of  the  plan  suggested 
by  you  for  bringing  out  the  voters,  and  hope  you  will  have  it 
carried  into  effect  in  your  quarter.  Such  a  proceeding  is  con- 
templated here,  and  it  will  be  also  suggested  to  the  Central  Com- 
mittee. 

We  can  not  tell,  at  this  distance  of  time  and  theater,  how  the 
Anti-Masonic  excitement  will  result.  Should  they  make  a  nom- 
ination in  September,  their  first  difficulty  will  be  to  prevail  on 
any  prominent  person  to  accept.  I  am  quite  sure,  from  the  tenor 
of  recent  letters  from  Mr.  Rush  to  me,  that  he  will  not.  I  have 
heard  that  Mr.  M'Lean  would  not.  They  can  not  nominate  Cal- 
houn,  without  utter  ruin  to  themselves.  But  if  they  should  suc- 
ceed in  getting  some  prominent  person  to  stand,  I  think,  before 
one  year,  they  would  discover  the  hopelessness  of  the  effort, 
and  perceive  that  perseverance  might  be  highly  injurious.  As 
between  Jackson  and  me,  I  have  every  reason  to  count  upon 
their  preference. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  July  18,  1831. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — According  to  the  wish  expressed  in  your  let- 
ter of  the  2d  instant,  duly  received,  I  transmit  a  copy  of  Mr. 
Randolph's  letter  to  me.  I  have  another  from  him,  written  sub- 
sequent to  his  father's  death,  on  which,  however,  I  have  not 
been  able  to  lay  my  hands,  in  which  he  expresses  his  consent  to 
my  publication  of  the  letter  now  sent.  Notwithstanding,  if  there 
be  any  objection  now  existing  to  its  publication,  on  his  part,  I 
do  not  desire  it  to  be  done. 

20 


306  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

I  have  been  much  importuned  to  make  some  declaration  in  re- 
gard to  Masonry  (not  a  formal  renunciation  or  denunciation), 
which  would  conciliate  and  satisfy  the  Anti-Masons.  I  have 
declined  to  do  so,  and  shall  not  depart  from  this  resolution.  I 
think  it  best  not  to  touch  the  subject.  Principle  and  policy  are 
both  opposed  to  my  meddling  with  it.  At  the  same  time  I  be- 
lieve it  would  be  politic  to  leave  the  Jackson  party  exclusively 
to  abuse  the  Antis. 

Information  has  reached  me,  in  which  I  confide,  that  about 
one  hundred  of  the  most  prominent  Jacksonians  in  and  about 
Philadelphia,  have  addressed  the  hero,  and  requested  him  not  to 
run  again.  He  had  not  answered  them  at  my  last  dates. 


GENERAL  BERNARD  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  July  19,  1831. 

SIR, — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  it  is  with  deep  re- 
gret I  am  about  to  leave  this  hospitable  land,  and  to  return  to 
Europe,  whose  political  situation  places  me  under  the  moral  ob- 
ligation to  tender  once  more  my  humble  services  to  Prance. 

Before  leaving  this  abode  of  liberty  and  peace,  permit  me  to 
express  to  you,  one  of  the  great  citizens  of  this  noble  Republic, 
how  my  heart  is  full  of  gratitude  for  the  honorable  and  generous 
patronage  you  have  bestowed  upon  me  during  the  fifteen  years 
that  I  have  served  this  great  people. 

While  I  shall  always  remember  with  pride  your  kind  regard 
toward  me,  my  family  will  never  forget  how  much  we  are  in-  i 
debted  to  Mrs.  Clay  for  her  polite  attentions  toward  us  during  her 
stay  at  Washington. 

Be  so  indulgent,  sir,  as  to  receive  my  most  fervent  wishes  foj 
your  happiness,  and  the  expression  of  my  everlasting  sentiment* 
of  gratitude. 


ienu 
531. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  J.   S.  JOHNSTON. 

HARRODSBUBG,  July  23,  1831. 

MY  DEAR  SIR. — In  passing  through  Lexington  from  my  resi 
dence,  yesterday,  to  this  place,  where  I  purpose  spending  a  fe^ 
days,  I  received  your  favor  dated  at  the  Balize,  and  sincerel 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  307 

hope  that  this  letter  may  find  you  safe  in  port.  I  should  have 
written  you  before,  as  at  Louisville  I  intimated  I  would  do,  but 
you  appeared  to  be  in  such  constant  motion  in  Louisiana,  that  I 
did  not  know  how  to  take  you  on  the  wing. 

Of  the  events  at  Washington  which  have  occurred  since  I  saw 
you,  I  need  say  but  little.  Every  one,  fond  of  his  country, 
must  have  seen  them  with  mortification  and  regret.  The  only 
consolation  deducible  from  them  is,  that,  they  may  contribute  to 
dispel  the  delusion  which  placed  those  in  power  who  have  occa- 
sioned them. 

I  think  we  are  authorized,  from  all  that  is  now  before  us,  to 
anticipate  confidently  General  Jackson's  defeat.  The  question 
of  who  will  be  the  successor,  may  be  more  doubtful.  The 
probabilities  are  strongly  with  us.  It  seems  to  me  that  nothing 
can  disappoint  the  hopes  of  our  friends,  but  Anti-Masonry.  If 
that  party  should  nominate  a  candidate  at  Baltimore,  and  adhere 
to  him,  they  may  prevent  any  election  by  the  colleges,  and  pos- 
sibly may  lead  to  the  election  of  the  present  incumbent.  I  be- 
lieve they  will  make  a  nomination  of  an  Anti-Mason.  The  wish 
of  many  of  them,  I  understand,  has  been  to  make  such  a  nomi- 
nation, and  then,  that  the  person  designated  should  decline. 
Accordingly  an  application  was  made  to  Judge  M'Lean,  to  sound 
him,  and  to  the  surprise  of  the  party  he  has  expressed,  it  is  said, 
a  willingness  to  accept  the  nomination !  This  has  produced 
embarrassment.  Whether  they  will  now  nominate  the  Judge, 
or  some  person  not  so  accommodating,  remains  to  be  seen. 
Should  they  nominate  Mr.  Rush,  I  presume  he  will  decline. 
This  gentleman  has  written  me  several  letters  since  the  publica- 
tion of  his  famous  address,  in  all  of  which  he  has  expressed  the 
strongest  sentiments  of  attachment  and  friendship  to  me.  His 
main  object  in  them  was  to  prevail  upon  me  to  make  some  dec- 
laration against  Masonry,  which  would  satisfy  and  conciliate  the 
Antis.  I  was  opposed  to  it,  both  upon  principle  and  policy.  I 
was  opposed,  not  exclusively  upon  Masonic,  but  also  upon  other 
grounds.  I  think  we  ought  not  to  admit  the  right,  of  mixing  ^ 
Masonry  or  Anti-Masonry,  or  any  other  society,  whether  literary,  / 
benevolent,  or  religious,  with  politics.  I  concluded,  and  so  in- 
formed Mr.  Rush,  not  to  touch  the  subject,  but  to  stand  still. 
Reflection  since  has  confirmed  my  resolution. 

Should  the  Antis  make  a  nomination,  as  supposed,  in  Sep- 
tember, of  an  Anti-Mason  for  the  Presidency,  it  will  be  an 


308  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

interesting  question  what  course  our  friends  ought  to  take  in, 
relation  to  it  in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania.  I  submit  some 
observations  : 

I  think  our  friends  in  New  York  erred,  last  summer,  in  not 
hoisting  their  own  colors.  The  consequence  was,  that,  as  a 
party,  they  acted  with  no  concert,  neither  with  the  Antis  nor 
with  the  Regency,  exclusively,  but  with  both.  They  got  the 
gratitude  of  neither.  What  is  more,  the  Antis  were  more  em- 
bittered by  the  loss  of  some  eighteen  or  twenty  thousand  of  our 
friends,  than  they  were  gratified  by  their  gain  of  upward  of 
sixty  thousand  of  them.  And  they  obtained  these  sixty  thous- 
and as  a  clear  addition  to  their  own  ranks,  or,  in  fact,  so  many 
Antis.  The  further  consequence  was,  to  exhibit  a  great  nomi- 
nal increase  of  Anti-Masons  since  the  election  of  the  previous 
year.  This  apparent  augmentation  has  had  the  effect  of  extend-: 
ing  the  Anti-Mason  principle  to  other  States,  which  had  before 
been  almost  exempt  from  it.  If,  last  fall,  Anti-Masonry  had,  in 
New  York,  been  restricted  to  its  own  legitimate  numbers,  it 
would  now  be  less  formidable  there,  or  any  where  else,  than 
it  is. 

We  are  taught  by  past  errors  what  to  do,in  future.  That,  I 
think,  ought  to  be  done  this  fall  which  was  omitted  the  last. 
Our  standard  should  be  raised,  whatever  may  be  the  number, 
small  or  great,  flocking  to  it.  There  may  then  be  in  New  York 
and  Pennsylvania,  three  distinct  tickets.  Three  consequences 
will  ensue:  First,  that  the  Anti-Masons  will  be  reduced  to 
their  proper  numbers,  and  be  taught  by  the  reduction,  modera- 
tion ;  secondly,  that  the  Jackson  party  may  be  the  strongest  of 
the  three  ;  thirdly,  by  union,  that  the  Jackson  party  may  be  de- 
feated, whereas,  by  division  between  the  Antis  and  the  National 
Republicans,  the  Jackson  party  may  succeed.  And  if  the  can- 
vass should  be  conducted  in  a  conciliatory  manner  by  our  friends 
toward  the  Antis  (which  policy  evidently  enjoins),  this  final 
consequence  next  fall  may  follow  :  that  they  (the  Antis)  will 
then  come  to  our  support. 

The  policy  of  the  Antis  is  to  force  us  into  their  support. 
Ours  should  be  to  win  them  to  ours.  Taking  the  Union  at 
large,  we  are  certainly  the  strongest  party.  Taking  any  single 
State  in  the  Union  (New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Vermont,  for 
example),  we  are  the  strongest  party.  Upon  the  laws  of  gravi- 
tation, we  ought  to  draw  them  to  us,  instead  of  being  drawn  to 


OF  HENKY  CLAY.  309 

them.  They  and  we  agree  as  to  every  thing  the  general  Gov- 
ernment can  or  ought  to  do.  We  differ  only  about  Masonry, 
respecting  which  the  general  Government  has  nothing  to  do. 
In  what  part1  of  the  Federal  Constitution  can  they  find  any  war- 
rant or  authority  to  put  down  Masonry  ?  If  they,  by  a  pursuit 
of  the  delusive  object  which,  as  it  respects  federal  politics,  they 
afe  prosecuting,  should  endanger  the  safety,  or  occasion  the  loss 
of  great  political  principles,  they  will  incur  a  great  responsibility, 
and  an  overwhelming  odium. 

I  would  not  abuse  them ;  I  would  not  even  attack  them.  I 
would  leave  that  to  the  Jackson  party. 

Such  are  my  general  views  on  this  perplexing  question. 

We  are  on  the  eve  of  our  great  Kentucky  contest.  I  think 
we  shall  achieve  a  signal  victory.  As  to  the  Legislature,  we 
can  not  fail.  Bat  such  is  the  arrangement  of  the  Congressional 
Districts,  and  so  nicely  are  many  of  them  balanced,  that  we 
may  be  deceived  as  to  some.  Yet  I  believe  we  shall  gain,  at 
least,  seven  or  eight  out  of  the  twelve.  Prodigious  efforts,  sec- 
onded by  a  vast  expenditure  of  money,  are  making  from  Wash- 
ington ;  and  if  we  fail,  it  will  be  because  the  power  of  corruption 
is  superior  to  the  pgwer  of  truth.  Be  pleased  to  make  my  best 
regards  to  Mrs.  Johnston. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

OLYMPIAN  SPRINGS,  August  15,  1831. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  avail  myself  of  the  conveyance  afforded  by 
a  passing  traveler  to  drop  you  a  few  lines  in  respect  to  our  recent 
elections. 

I  have  not  seen  all  the  returns,  but  the  results  of  enough  are 
ascertained  to  enable  me  to  say,  that  we  shall  certainly  have  the 
majority  in  the  Legislature,  and  consequently  will  elect  the 
United  States  Senator.  As  to  the  members  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  we  have  heard  of  the  election  of  five  of  our 
friends.  There  are  opposite  rumors  as  to  the  sixth.  If  he  be 
elected,  the  parties  will  probably  stand  six  to  six.  Two  years 
ago  they  were  ten  to  two. 

The  most  extraordinary  efforts  have  been  made  by  the  general 
Government  to  carry  the  election  ;  and  there  is  reason  to  believe 


310  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

that,  in  some  instances,  highly  improper  means  have  been  em- 
ployed. For  example,  in  the  county  of  Floyd,  composing  a  part 
of  the  district  from  which  I  now  write,  where,  in  the  contest  be- 
tween Daniel  and  Trimble,  the  vote  was  nearly  equally  divided, 
Daniel  obtained  a  majority  of  upward  of  three  hundred  votes 
out  of  six  or  seven  hundred.  That  county  is  in  the  mountains 
of  Sandy,  the  most  eastern  county  of  the  State.  It  is  almoit 
inaccessible.  Yet  an  engineer  of  the  United  States  arrived  there 
in  seven  days  from  Philadelphia,  on  the  27th  ultimo,  just  four 
days  before  the  election,  upon  a  service  of  reconnoissance,  to  ef- 
fect objects  of  internal  improvement.  It  is  strongly  suspected 
that  he  used  some  efficacious  instruments.  In  every  other  county 
of  the  district,  Daniel  lost  upon  the  vote  between  him  and  Trim- 
ble ;  other  parties  in  the  recent  contest  received  respectively 
about  the  same  support  that  was  given  on  that  occasion.  But 
in  Floyd,  Daniel  got  the  majority  that  has  been  stated.  That 
extraordinary  majority  is  believed  to  be  the  result  of  extraor- 
dinary causes. 

Upon  the  whole,  the  issues  of  our  late  elections  ought,  perhaps, 
to  be  deemed  satisfactory. 

If  the  Berrian  correspondence  had  reached  Kentucky  in  time 
to  be  circulated  throughout  the  State,  prior  to  the  election,  there 
would  not  have  been  more  than  two  or  three  Jackson  members 
elected  to  Congress. 


GENERAL    DEARBORN    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BKD.LEY  PLACE,  ROXBUKY,  September  3, 1831. 

MUCH  RESPECTED  SIR, — From  conversations  with  a  number 
of  your  most  influential  friends  in  this  State,  I  am  induced  to 
urge  upon  you  the  expediency  of  your  going  into  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States.  The  next  session  will  be  of  a  very  inter- 
esting and  momentous  character,  and  your  talents,  independence, 
and  influence  extremely  desirable.  Your  presence  will  be  a  host. 
Not  only  the  great  interests  of  the  country  require  your  services, 
but  your  fellow-citizens,  who  claim  you  as  their  candidate,  can 
not  be  so  well  subserved,  as  by  your  being  in  Washington.  V>e 
hope  that  no  motives  of  delicacy  will  restrain  you.  The  times 
are  portentous,  and  there  is  no  man  in  the  land  who  can  do  so 
much  to  restore  confidence  in  the  stability  of  the  Republic. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  311 

There  will  be  many  Richmonds  in  the  field,  and  each  en- 
deavoring to  augment  his  forces  by  all  means  within  his  power. 
We  want  an  abler  and  better  man  than  any  of  them,  to  defeat 
their  ambitious  schemes  of  aggrandizement,  and  it  is  indispens- 
able that  you  should  be  at  the  post  of  conflict. 

I  trust  in  your  magnanimity  to  excuse  this  freedom,  but  I  am 
but  expressing  the  opinion  of  your  best  friends  here. 


MR.  ADAMS   TO  MR.   CLAT. 

QUINCY,  September  7,  1831. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — A  very  few  days  after  transmitting  to  you  a 
copy  of  an  oration  composed  at  the  request  of  my  neighbors  at 
this  place,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  friendly  letter 
of  the  26th  July,  which  I  have  delayed  answering  till  I  could 
have  the  opportunity  of  forwarding  with  my  answer  a  copy  of 
another  discourse  prepared  by  invitation  of  the  City  Council  of 
Boston  in  honor  of  our  deceased  friend  and  ex-President,  Mon- 
roe. 

I  have  availed  myself  of  both  these  occasions  to  lay  before 
our  countrymen  throughout  the  Union,  the  opinions  which  T 
have  constantly  entertained  upon  the  doctrine  of  Nullification, 
and  you  will  have  seen  that  among  the  States  which  I  have 
charged  with  directly  asserting,  or  imprudently  giving  counte- 
nance to  it,  is  your  beloved  State  of  Kentucky,  as  well  as  my 
own  Massachusetts.  I  believe  we  are  even  indebted  to  Ken- 
tucky for  the  word,  my  remark  upon  which  you  will  perhaps 
think  savors  of  hypercriticism.  A  letter  from  Mr.  Madison  to 
Edward  Everett,  published  last  autumn  in  the  "  North  American 
Review,"  disclaims  explicitly  all  intention  of  resorting  to  force, 
by  the  interposition  of  the  State  Legislatures  to  arrest  the  opera- 
tion of  acts  of  Congress,  deemed  by  such  State  Legislatures  un- 
constitutional. Holding,  as  I  do,  that  in  our  country  all  the 
powers  of  Government  that  can  lawfully  be  exercised  emanate 
from  the  people,  it  follows,  as  a  necessary  consequence,  that 
neither  the  General  Government,  nor  the  State  Governments  can 
lawfully  interfere  with  the  appropriate  functions  of  each  other, 
nor  exerciso  any  authority  or  power  not  delegated  to  them  by 
the  people.  The  State  is  the  creation  of  the  people.  Each  of 
the  thirteen  original  States  passed  by  the  will  of  its  people,  from 


312  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

the  condition  of  a  subject  dependent  colony,  to  that  of  an  inde- 
pendent State,  united  with  twelve  others,  and  this  operation  was 
effected,  not  by  the  separate  action  of  each  colony,  but  by  the 
joint  operation  of  the  people  of  the  whole  ;  and  the  Congress 
of  1776,  assuming  to  speak  in  their  name,  and  by  their  authority, 
fully  sanctioned  by  their  acquiescence,  proclaimed  this  Union  to 
the  world  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

The  State  then  is  the  body  corporate  formed  by  the  associa- 
tion of  the  people.  The  Constitution  is  the  organic  law  or 
commission  of  Government.  It  is  the  delegation  of  power  to  be 
exercised  by  the  public  functionaries  for  the  common  good. 
Those  functionaries  can  not  lawfully  travel  out  of  the  record  in 
the  exercise  of  power.  Despotic  or  autocratic  power  is  not  only 
foreign  to  our  institutions,  but  is  expressly  interdicted  by  the 
Declaration  of  Independence. 

I  assumed  then  that  the  people  of  no  one  State  in  the  Union 
have  ever  delegated  to  their  Government  the  right  to  interpose 
by  legislation,  to  obstruct  the  operation  of  any  act  of  Congress. 
That  a  State  legislature  may,  as  an  assembly  of  individuals,  re- 
monstrate or  petition  I  do  not  deny,  and  this  was  the  only  plausi- 
ble ground  upon  which  the  Hartford  Convention  attempted  to 
legalize  their  convocation  and  proceedings. 

The  Government  of  the  Union,  is,  and  necessarily  must  be, 
the  judge  of  the  extent  of  its  own  powers.  So  is  the  Govern- 
ment of  each  State.  This  is  an  essential  attribute  not  only  of 
sovereign  but  of  independent  power,  and  this  is  after  all  the  re- 
fuge to  which  the  school  of  despotic  sovereignty  must  fly  when 
pursued  by  the  absurdities  of  their  own  argument.  The  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Union,  and  the  Governments  of  the  States,  are 
in  their  lawful  action  each  independent  of  the  other.  But  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  expressely  prohibits  the  States 
from  the  exercise  of  certain  powers — high  and  transcendent  pow- 
ers— and  this  prohibition  and  its  lawfulness  is  expressly  recog- 
nized in  the  tenth  emendatory  article.  Prohibits  !  who  pro- 
hibits ?  If  the  States  were  the  parties  to  the  compact  what  right 
would  either  or  all  of  them  have  to  prohibit  the  exercise  of  any 
power  by  any  one  of  them.  They  might  stipulate  the  non- 
exercise  of  any  given  power ;  but  to  prohibit  is  the  action  of  au- 
thority upon  obedience — the  relation  of  law  to  submission.  The 
prohibiting  power  of  the  Constitution  is — We  the  People  of  the 
United  States.  That  "poor  little  thing"  as  Patrick  Henry  called 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  313 

it,  "  the  expression,  We  the  People,  instead  of  the  States  of  Ameri- 
ca." If,  therefore,  any  one  State,  whether  by  an  act  of  the 
Legislature  or  by  a  convention  of  its  people,  authorizes  resistance 
or  obstruction  to  the  execution  of  any  act  of  Congress,  it  exercises 
a  power  out  of  the  pale  of  the  Union ;  nullifies  its  own  portion 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  violates  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  and  levies  war  against  the  United  States. 

This  is  and  ever  has  been  my  opinion.  Now  the  Virginia  and 
Kentucky  resolutions  of  1798  and  1799  ;  the  opinion  of  Judge 
M'Kean  and  the  Olmsted  case  in  Pennsylvania  ;  the  Hartford 
Convention,  and  the  proceedings  of  the  Legislature  of  Massachu- 
setts and  Connecticut  authorizing  that  assembly  ;  the  opinions 
of  the  Judges  Parsons,  Sewell,  and  Parker,  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Massachusetts,  given  to  the  Legislature  of  the  State  ;  Spen- 
cer Roane's  project  of  a  bill  in  the  "  Richmond  Enquirer,"  and  the 
doctrines  of  Calhoun  and  his  squad  at  this  day,  all  assert  or  coun- 
tenance a  right  of  interposition  by  the  States,  against  acts  of 
Congress,  which  I  find  nowhere  delegated  to  the  States.  Mr. 
Madison  disclaims  for  the  Virginia  Resolutions  all  purpose  of 
counteracting  legislation ;  his  southern  disciples  appeal  from  the 
commentary  to  the  text,  and  Hamilton,  the  nullifier,  charges  him 
with  desertion  of  his  own  principles. 

The  doctrine,  in  all  its  parts,  is  so  adverse  to  my  convictions 
that  I  can  view  it  in  no  other  light  than  organized  civil  war. 
That  it  has  the  sanction  of  high  and  venerable  names  makes  it 
but  the  more  portentous  of  evil  to  the  Union.  Mr.  Calhoun  is 
but  a  pupil  of  the  Hartford  Convention,  though  he  takes  special 
care  not  to  include  them  in  his  citation  of  authorities.  Parsons 
and  Roane,  and  M'Kean,  and  Jefferson  have  all  been  nullifies 
when  in  a  passion.  Mr.  Madison  alone  has  explained,  when 
cool,  what  he  said  when  warm,  and  it  extracts  from  the  doctrine 
its  venom  if  not  its  sting. 

The  doctrine  has  never  yet  been  carried  into  effect.  In  the 
Olmsted  case  the  issue  was  made,  but  nullification,  after  lighting 
the  match,  flinched  from  her  quarters.  It  is  the  odious  nature 
of  the  question  that  it  can  be  settled  only  at  the  cannon's  mouth. 
The  South  Carolina  nullifiers  appear  determined  to  come  to  that 
point,  and  I  hear  our  sober  friend  Langdon  Cheves  has  made  up 
his  mind  that  the  Union  must  be  dissolved  for  incompatability 
of  interests  between  North  and  South.  What  shall  we  do  with 
these  heroes  ? 


314  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

The  papers  in  the  "  United  States  Gazette"  upon  the  colonial 
trade  arrangement,  were  written  by  Edward  Ingersoll. 

Mrs.  Adams  unites  with  me  in  offering  our  respectful  regards 
to  Mrs.  Clay.  We  hope  her  health  is  entirely  restored,  and  re- 
joice at  the  good  account  we  have  of  yours,  particularly  from 
Mr.  George  Eustis,  who  lately  saw  you. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  October  4,  1831. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  was  rejoiced  to  learn,  by  your  letter  of  the 
4th  ultimo,  that  both  your  health  and  spirits  were  good.  I  hope 
they  have  so  continued,  and  may  long  remain. 

I  have  received  no  letter  from  Mr.  Randolph  lately.  I  do  not 
think  it  worth  while  longer  to  press  him  on  a  point  which  he 
evidently  evades. 

It  appears  to  me  to  be  right  that  I  should  put  you  in  possession 
of  at  least  a  brief  outline  of  the  policy  which  I  think  adapted  to 
the  present  state  of  the  country.  This  I  do,  not  for  the  purpose 
of  publication,  but  that  you  may  have  the  means  of  correcting 
any  error  that  may  fall  in  your  way  as  to  my  real  opinions. 
Such  a  correction  might  also,  if  necessary,  be  made  in  "  The 
Whig ;"  not,  however,  to  be  done  at  my  instance,  nor  upon 
my  authority. 

I  agree  with  Mr.  Calhoun,  that  the  next  session  of  Congress  is 
a  suitable  time  for  such  a  modification  of  the  Tariff  as  is  called 
for  by  the  near  approach  of  the  payment  of  the  public  debt. 
The  modification  may  be  prospective,  to  take  effect  on  the  hap- 
pening of  that  event ;  or,  if  there  be  any  particular  article,  the 
duty  on  which  is  burdensome,  there  might,  as  to  that  duty,  be 
an  immediate  reduction,  or  abolition.  There  is  a  great  advan- 
tage to  merchants,  as  well  as  to  consumers,  to  have  adequate  no- 
tice of  a  change  in  the  existing  Tariff.  The  Executive,  too, 
might  avail  itself  of  the  contemplated  and  distant  alteration,  to 
secure,  in  consideration  of  it,  more  favorable  terms  of  commer- 
cial intercourse  with  foreign  nations. 

There  ought,  I  think,  to  be  a  dispensation  with  duties  to  an 
amount,  after  the  payment  of  the  public  debt,  equal  to  the  sink- 
ing fund  of  ten  millions,  which  are  annually  appropriated  to 
that  object.  This  should  be  effected  by  an  abolition  or  reduc- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  315 

tion  of  duties  on  articles  not  coming  into  competition  with  the 
produce  of  our  agriculture,  or  the  fabrics  of  our  manufacturers. 
In  other  words,  I  think  the  principle  of  protection  should  be 
preserved  unimpaired,  in  its  application  to  our  domestic  indus- 
try; but,  at  the  same  time,  that  no  more  revenue  should  be  col- 
lected than  is  necessary  to  an  economical  Administration.  Laws 
ought  to  be  passed  to  enforce  strict  execution  of  the  Tariff,  by 
detecting  and  punishing  all  evasions.  An  arrangement  of  the 
Tariff  upon  the  principles  stated,  would  be  in  conformity  with 
what  was  always  admitted  by  Southern  statesmen,  that  is,  that 
protection  might  be  incidentally  afforded  in  the  collection  of 
revenue. 

I  have  no  idea  of  the  propriety  of  laying  or  continuing  du- 
ties for  the  purpose  of  accumulating  surpluses.  And  as  to  the 
doctrine  of  distributing  any  such  surpluses  among  the  several 
States,  I  think  there  is  not  the  slightest  authority  for  it  in  the 
Constitution.  The  general  Government  can  no  more  devolve 
upon  the  States  the  duty  of  discharging  any  one  of  its  own 
powers  than  the  States  can  delegate  to  the  general  Government, 
without  an  annulment  of  the  Constitution,  the  duty  of  local  or 
municipal  legislation. 

In  regard  to  internal  improvements,  I  never  have  thought 
or  contended,  that  a  single  cent  of  duty  ought  to  be  laid  or  con- 
tinued for  their  promotion.  I  believe  the  power  is  possessed  by 
the  general  Government.  In  any  prudent  adjustment  of  the 
Tariff  to  produce  a  revenue,  say  of  twelve  millions,  sound  pol- 
icy requires  that  a  deficit  should  be  guarded  against  by  laying 
duties  enough.  In  some  years,  owing  to  the  fluctuations  of 
commerce,  there  may  be  a  surplus,  which  might  not  be  wanted. 
Such  an  occasional  surplus,  I  would  apply  to  the  purpose  of  in- 
ternal improvements. 

But  the  great  resource  on  which  I  think  we  should  rely  for 
that  object,  after  the  payment  of  the  public  debt,  is  the  proceeds 
of  the  sales  of  the  public  lands.  There  1s  an  obvious  fitness  in 
such  an  appropriation.  And  I  think  that  a  more  liberal  applica- 
tion to  the  Western  States  ought  to  be  made,  of  this  fund,  than 
to  the  others,  for  two  reasons ;  1st.  That  the  public  domain  is 
there  situated,  and  improvements  in  that  quarter  have  a  tendency 
to  enhance  the  value  of  the  unsold  residue  ;  2d.  As  a  sort  of 
counterbalance  to  the  expenditures  on  a  navy  and  fortifications, 
which  are  for  the  more  immediate  benefit  of  the  maritime  fron- 


316  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

tier.  It  is  true,  that  each  part  of  the  Union  is  concerned  in  the 
safety  and  prosperity  of  every  other  part.  But  this  interest  is 
sometimes  only  indirect.  The  maritime  States  Would  have 
quite  as  much  of  this  indirect  interest  in  internal  improvements 
made  under  the  authority  of  the  general  Government,  in  the 
West,  as  the  Western  States  would  have  in  Eastern  fortifications 
and  a  navy.  But  I  would  leave  the  consideration  of  what  is 
due  to  the  Western  States,  from  the  above  views,  to  the  enlight- 
ened sense  of  Congress. 

I  think  the  Charter  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  ought  to 
be  renewed  upon  equitable  conditions.  I  am  perfectly  willing 
to  abide  by  the  reasons  which  I  assigned  for  a  change  of  my 
opinion  (the  only  change  of  opinion  I  ever  made  on  a  great  po- 
litical question)  relative  to  that  institution,  and  which  are  to  be 
found  in  my  published  speeches. 

I  have  thus  hastily  sketched  my  views  of  the  policy  which  is 
applicable  to  the  present  condition  of  our  country.  I  repeat 
that  they  are  not  intended  for  publication,  nor,  for  reasons  which 
will  readily  occur  to  you,  dp  I  wish  any  copy  of  this  letter  given 
to  any  one,  for  any  purpose. 

The  doings  of  the  Anti-Masonic  Convention  at  Baltimore, 
have  not  yet  reached  us.  From  all  I  have  heard,  I  presume 
Mr.  M'Lean,  of  Ohio,  has  been  nominated.  I  do  not  believe 
that  he  has  the  moral  courage  to  accept  the  nomination.  But, 
to  quote  from  your  neighbor,  nous  verrons.  If  the  alternative 
be  between  Andrew  Jackson  and  an  Anti-Masonic  candidate, 
with  his  exclusive  prescriptive  principles,  I  should  be  embar- 
rassed in  the  choice.  I  am  not  sure  that  the  old  tyranny  is  not 
better  than  a  new  one.  That  can  endure,  at  the  furthest,  only 
four  or  five  years  more,  while  the  latter  might  be  of  indefinite 
duration.  The  one  is  an  exhausted  volcano,  the  other  would 
be  the  bursting  of  a  new  eruption,  spreading  no  one  can  tell  to 
what  extent,  nor  how  long  it  would  last. 

I  believe,  either  that  Mr.  McLean  will  not  accept,  or,  if  he 
does,  that  he  will  be  ultimately  abandoned,  from  the  impractica- 
bility of  his  election,  in  which  case  the  great  body  of  the  Anti- 
Masons  will  support  me,  not  because  they  love  me,  but  because 
they  hate  Jackson  more,  and  because  there  is  greater  coincidence 
between  their  political  principles  and  mine. 

You  suggest  the  propriety  of  publishing  an  extract  from  a  let- 
ter you  addressed  to  me,  disclaiming  any  wish  for  a  federal  ap- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  317 

pointment  in  any  contingency.  I  have  seen  nothing  which 
questions  your  disinterestedness ;  and,  therefore,  why  make  the 
publication  ?  Might  not  such  a  publication  be  deemed  a  gratui- 
tous and  unnecessary  display  ?  I  request  your  reconsideration. 

I  am  glad  that  Virginia  resolves  to  be  represented  in  the  Balti- 
more Convention.  Whatever  doubts  might  originally  have  ex- 
isted about  the  policy  of  that  movement,  it  has  now  proceeded 
too  far  to  be  abandoned.  And  it  is  therefore  desirable  that 
there  should  be  a  full  and  respectable  assembly. 

I  am  strongly  urged  to  go  to  the  Senate,  and  I  am  now  con- 
sidering whether  I  can  subdue  my  repugnance  to  the  service. 


DANIEL    WEBSTER   TO    MR.    CLAY.. 

BOSTON,  October  5,  1831. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Mr.  Everett  was  kind  enough  to  show  me 
your  letter  to  him,  stating  the  results  of  the  Kentucky  election. 

It  is  doubtless  true  that  some  regret  was  felt  in  this  quarter, 
that  those  results  were  not  more  strongly  in  our  favor,  but,  upon 
the  whole,  a  general  satisfaction  as  to  that  matter  now  prevails,  and 
all  think  that  Kentucky  has  at  least,  by  a  certain,  if  not  by  a 
great  majority,  declared  against  the  present  Administration.  For 
my  own  part,  I  can  say,  with  great  truth  and  sincerity,  that  I 
know  no  political  men  more  deserving  the  thanks  of  the  coun- 
try, than  our  friends  in  Kentucky.  I  have  some  conception  of 
the  obstacles  with  which  they  have  had  to  contend,  not  for  once, 
but  for  many  times,  and  their  spirit,  zeal,  and  perseverance  in 
maintaining  the  cause  of  good  government,  place  them,  in  my 
judgment,  in  the  first  class  of  really  patriotic  citizens.  This  opinion 
I  often  express,  and  it  gives  me  always  pleasure  to  express  it. 
Whatever  events  may  come  upon  us,  I  feel,  for  one,  a  debt  of 
gaalitude  to  the  good  men  of  Kentucky,  for  the  firmness  with 
which  they  have  breasted  a  storm,  which  has  threatened,  and  I 
think  still  threatens,  to  overturn,  not  only  the  interests  and  insti- 
tutions, but  the  Constitution  of  the  country. 

You  must  be  aware,  my  dear  sir,  of  the  strong  desire  mani- 
fested in  many  parts  of  the  country,  that  you  should  come  into 
the  Senate.  There  is,  certainly,  a  strong  feeling  of  that  sort, 
all  along  the  Atlantic  coast.  I  learn  its  existence  from  private 
letters,  as  well  as  from  the  public  newspapers.  The  wish  is  en- 


318  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

tertained  here,  as  earnestly  as  any  where .  For  myself,  I  hardly 
know  what  my  own  wishes  are,  because  I  suppose  Mr.  Critten- 
den  will,  of  course,  be  thought  of  again.  He  has  so  much 
talent  and  fitness  for  the  place,  is,  according  to  my  apprehension 
of  his  character,  so  true  and  trustworthy,  has  done  so  much  for 
the  general  good,  and  been  so  marked  an  object  besides,  for  the 
opposition  and  reproach  of  the  present  dominant  party  at  Wash- 
ington, that  I  find  myself  incapable  of  desiring  any  thing  in- 
compatible with  his  wishes  or  expectations.  But  I  know  not 
what  his  wishes  are.  Independent  of  considerations  of  this 
kind,  the  force  of  which  you  can  weigh  infinitely  better  than  I 
can,  I  should  entirely  concur  with  others  in  deeming  it  most  ex- 
pedient for  you  to  come  now  into  the  Senate.  We  are  to  have 
an  interesting  and  an  arduous  session.  Every  thing  is  to  be 
attacked.  An  array  is  preparing  much  more  formidable  than 
has  ever  yet  assaulted,  what  we  think,  the  leading  and  important 
public  interests.  Not  only  the  Tariff,  but  the  Constitution  it- 
self, in  its  elementary  and  fundamental  provisions,  will  be  as- 
sailed with  talent,  vigor,  and  union.  Every  thing  is  to  be 
debated,  as  if  nothing  had  ever  been  settled.  You  perceive 
imposing  proceedings,  under  high  names,  going  on  in  Philadel- 
phia. You  see  measures  adopted  to  try  the  Constitution,  further 
South.  You  see,  every  where,  I  think,  omens  of  a  contest  of  no 
ordinary  character.  At  the  same  time,  discouraging  things  are 
happening,  such  as  the  Baltimore  nomination  and  its  acceptance. 
I  assure  you,  my  dear  sir,  with  the  prospect  of  toil  and  labor 
which  is  before  me,  if  honor  and  conscience  were  not  in  the 
way,  I  would  give  my  place  to  another.  But  these  dictate  to  me, 
or  seem  to,  that,  so  far  as  depends  on  so  humble  an  individual 
as  myself,  the  crisis  must  be  met.  But  it  would  be  an  infinite 
gratification  to  have  your  aid,  or  rather  your  lead.  I  speak  in 
unaffected  sincerity  and  truth,  when  I  say  that  I  should  rejoice, 
personally,  to  meet  you  in  the  Senate.  I  am  equally  sincere  in 
saying  that  the  cause  would,  under  present  circumstances  be 
materially  benefited  by  your  presence  there.  I  know  nothing  so 
likely  to  be  useful.  Every  thing  valuable  in  the  Government 
is  to  be  fought  for,  and  we  need  your  arm  in  the  fight.  At  the 
same  time,  my  dear  sir,  I  would  not,  even  thus  privately  and 
confidentially  to  you,  say  any  thing  not  consistent  with  deli- 
cacy and  friendship  for  Mr.  Crittenden,  for  whose  character 
I  have  great  regard,  and  toward  whom  you  and  others  have 


OF  HENKY  CLAY.  319 

taught  me  to  entertain  the  feelings  of  a  friend.  Would  to  God 
we  could  have  you  both,  at  this  crisis  in  the  public  councils. 

1  ought  to  thank  you  for  your  kindness  to  several  friends  of 
mine,  who  have  visited  you  in  the  course  of  the  season.  They 
express  themselves  highly  gratified  by  your  hospitality  and  good 
offices. 

I  pray  a  most  respectful  remembrance  to  Mrs.  Clay,  and  hope 
that  at  some  time,  on  one  or  the  other  side  of  the  mountains, 
Mrs.  Webster  may  have  the  pleasure  of  making  her  acquaint- 
ance. Clark,  Letcher,  and  Kincaird,  I  believe,  are  not  at  great 
distances  from  Lexington.  If  you  see  them,  tender  my  regards 
to  them.  I  hope  you  will  let  me  hear  from  you. 


TIMOTHY   PICKERING   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

BOSTON,  October  22,  1831. 

DEAR  SIR, — Will  you  permit  an  ardent  political  friend  to  ad- 
dress you  upon  a  subject  of  the  highest  importance. 

You  are  already  aware  that  the  Hon.  William  Wirt  has  been 
nominated  by  a  very  respectable  Convention  at  Baltimore,  for 
the  high  office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

You  are  aware  that  at  the  election  of  J.  Q..  Adams,  you  were 
accused  of  bargain  and  corruption.  You  may  be  aware,  also, 
that  no  respectable  man  of  good  information  does  now  believe  it. 

You  recollect  that  you  stated  your  conviction  of  General 
Jackson's  inability,  and  notorious  incompetency  to  fill  that  high 
station,  and  put  your  character  and  motives  upon  the  issue. 

You  are  aware  that  the  present  organization  renders  your  elec- 
tion impossible. 

You  are  aware  that  the  sentiments  of  Mr.  Wirt,  upon  the 
great  and  important  points  of  our  domestic  policy  are  in  unison 
with  your  own. 

Now,  sir,  since  your  own  election  is  impossible,  would  it  not 
be  the  greatest  blessing  which  you  could  possibly  confer  upon 
your  country,  to  retire  from  the  contest,  and  let  all  your  forces 
be  brought  over  to  Mr.  Wirt's  side,  and  thus,  by  securing  his 
election,  you  would  be  the  means  of  delivering  the  country  from 
the  domination  of  the  present  weak  and  imbecile  Administration. 

Please  to  accept  these  remarks  from  a  constant  political  friend. 


320  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


MRS.   ERWIN    TO  HER  FATHER,   MR.   CLAY. 

NEW  OKIEANS,  December  8,  1831. 

Mr  DEAR  FATHER, — I  wrote  mamma  last  from  Cahaba.  Not 
being  certain  whether  she  would  go  to  Washington  or  not,  I  ad- 
dressed my  letter  to  Lexington,  so  that  yon  will  probably  receive 
this  one  before  that.  We  went  on  board  of  the  boat  a  few  hours 
after  I  wrote,  and  had  a  very  pleasant  passage  of  two  days  to 
Mobile,  where  we  remained  a  week  with  our  friends.  We  left 
there  on  the  4th,  expecting  to  be  here  in  twenty-four  hours,  but, 
owing  to  the  steamboat  being  badly  managed,  we  were  two  days 
and  three  nights  in  coming.  We  had  a  most  comfortless  time, 
and  on  arriving  here  found  onr  friends  very  anxious  about  us,  as 
there  was  a  report  that  we  were  lost.  I  was  delighted  at  finding 
Henry  here.  He  has  not  been  very  well  for  a  day  or  two  past, 
but  is  in  good  spirits  and  appears  to  be  very  much  pleased  with 
the  prospect  of  settling  here.  All  of  our  friends  have  been  very 
kind  and  attentive  to  him.  Old  Mr.  Henderson  gave  him  a  dinner 
at  which  he  invited  some  of  the  oldest  gentlemen  in  the  city  to 
meet  him.  This  was  intended,  of  course,  as  a  great  compliment 
to  his  understanding.  We  found  our  rooms,  that  Mr.  Ervvin  had 
engaged  last  spring,  ready  for  us,  and  I  think  we  shall  be  quite 
pleasantly  situated.  I  am  as  yet  the  only  lady  in  the  house,  but 
as  we  have  a  private  table  I  shall  prefer  it,  as  I  must  necessarily 
be  a  greater  belle,  there  being  no  competition  in  the  case  ;  and 
you  know,  my  dear  father,  too  well  for  me  to  disguise  the  fact, 
that  all  ladies  like  the  attention  of  gentlemen.  I  have  not 
as  yet  had  time  to  see  any  of  my  friends  except  Aunt  Clay.  The 
weather  for  the  last  two  weeks  has  been  detestable.  Judge 
Porter  called  this  morning  to  see  us.  He  appears  to  be  in  good 
health,  but  is'of  course  very  dejected.  His  daughter  will  remain 
in  the  city  this  winter  with  Mrs.  Judge  Matthews,  and  will  spend 
next  summer  with  me  in  Kentucky. 

******* 

I  hope,  my  dear  father,  you  will  not  be  so  entirely  absorbed 
in  politics  but  that  you  will  find  time  to  write  us  frequently. 
Present  me  affectionately  to  all  those  persons  who  remember  me 
in  Washington,  and  give  Mr.  Erwin's  love  as  well  as  mine  to 
mamma. 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  321 


MR.  CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASOIKGTON,  December  9,  1831. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  7th  instant. 
That  to  which  it  refers  was  not  received  by  me  until  after  my 
return  from  Illinois,  and  after  my  election  to  the  Senate.  As 
this  latter  event  brought  me  nearer  to  you,  I  concluded  to  post- 
pone writing  until  I  reached  this  city,  and  even  now  I  have  noth- 
ing material  to  communicate  which  the  papers  do  not  present. 
Parties  have  not  yet  exhibited  their  respective  strength ;  nor, 
except  the  election  of  Speaker,  has  there  been  any  occasion  for 
its  display.  In  that  instance,  there  was  evidently  no  concert 
between  those  opposed  to  the  Administration  ;  and  such  a  con- 
cert I  apprehend  to  be  extremely  difficult,  if  not  impossible. 
You  will  have  seen  from  the  message,  and  from  the  reports  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  his  colleagues,  that  the  en- 
tire policy  of  the  Government,  in  relation  to  every  one  of  the 
great  interests  of  the  country,  is  proposed  to  be  changed.  Was 
there  ever  a  wilder  scheme  than  that  respecting  the  public  lands  ? 

The  impression  here  is,  that  the  Baltimore  Convention  will 
make  a  nomination  of  me.  I  wish  I  could  add  that  the  impres- 
sion was  more  favorable  than  it  is  of  the  success  of  such  a  nom- 
ination. Something,  however,  may  turn  up  (and  that  must  be 
our  encouraging  hope)  to  give  a  brighter  aspect  to  our  affairs. 

I  shall  be  glad  to  receive  the  long  letter  promised  in  your  last. 


HORTON    HOWARD    TO  MR.    CLAY. 

COLUMBUS,  December  19,  1831. 

ESTEEMED  FRIEND, — I  had  but  one  objection  to  thy  going  to 
Washington  at  present,  and  the  good  that  I  hoped  would  result 
from  it  overcame  that  objection.  1  nevertheless  feel  it  my  duty, 
as  one  of  thy  real  friends,  to  caution  thee  to  be  at  all  times  on 
thy  guard.  I  have  no  doubt  that  attempts  will  be  made,  in 
many  ways,  to  get  thee  out  of  the  way. 

Now,  so  long  as  thou  bears  in  mind  that  thou  art  accountable 
to  thy  Creator  for  the  talents  he  has  committed  to  thee  for  the 
promotion  of  his  glory,  and  that  while  on  earth  it  must  be  pro- 
moted by  rendering  benefits  to  his*  crea'ture  man,  so  long  his  pro- 
tecting Providence  will  preserve  thee  from  harm.  So  long  as 
21 


322  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

the  knowledge  them  possesses  that  this  nation  claims  thee  as  its 
property,  and  has  a  right  to  thy  services  in  this  eventful  period, 
continues  to  be  duly  estimated,  so  long,  I  conceive,  thou  wilt  so 
far  disregard  the  machinations  of  the  wicked  as  to  contemn  the 
foolish  laws  of  honor,  as  they  are  falsely  called.  They  have  al- 
ready been  an  injury  to  thee.  Thy  country  knows  thou  pos- 
sesses courage  enough  of  this  kind,  as  well  as  of  a  much  higher 
and  dignified  kind.  If  insults  or  challenges  should  be  again  of- 
fered, it  now  expects  thee  to  give  the  most  unequivocal  evidence 
that  thou  also  possesses  courage  of  a  vastly  more  exalted  and  dig- 
nified character,  and  of  course  that  with  the  stern  independence 
and  elevation  of  mind  which  has  marked  or  distinguished  thy 
political  course,  thou  wilt  with  fearless  intrepidity  discountenance 
such  false  pretenses  to  honor,  both  by  example  and  precept. 

I  do  not  fear  its  giving  offense,  and  make  no  apology  for  this 
freedom  of  communication. 


MR.     CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

"WASHINGTON,  December  25,  1831. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — With  the  compliments  of  the  season,  I  ac- 
knowledge the  receipt  of  your  favor  of  the  15th  instant.  Here 
we  have  nothing  new.  Opinions  are  in  a  progress  of  formation 
on  the  leading  measures  of  the  session.  That  of  the  Tariff  will 
be  the  most  difficult  and  agitating.  I  fear  that  there  will  be  no 
agreement  among  parties,  either  as  to  the  amount  of  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  revenue,  or  the  objects  on  which  it  shall  be  effected. 
The  ultras  of  South  Carolina  are  very  wrong-headed  on  the  latter 
point.  They  appear  to  be  bent  on  the  destruction  of  the  system 
of  protection,  or  on  their  own  destruction. 

The  Executive  is  playing  a  deep  game  to  avoid,  at  this  session, 
the  responsibility  of  any  decision  on  the  Bank  question.  It  is 
not  yet  ascertained  whether  the  bank,  by  forbearing  to  apply  for 
a  renewal  of  their  Charter,  will  or  will  not  conform  to  the  wishes 
of  the  President.  I  think  they  will  act  very  unwisely  if  they 
do  not  apply. 

You  say  the  Calhoun  party  has  almost  disappeared  at  Rich- 
mond. Judging  from  the  number  of  the  members  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  who  attended  the  late  caucus,  I  should  suppose  all 
parties  but  that  of  Jackson  had  disappeared  in  Virginia.  I  see 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  323 

"  The  Whig"  has  repeatedly  admitted  that  the  National  Repub- 
lican party  is  in  the  minority.  I  suppose  it  is  so,  but  is  it  politic 
to  make  such  an  admission  ?  Will  such  an  admission  secure  ad- 
ditional strength,  or  any  credit  even  for  candor  ?  Is  it  consistent 
with  the  purpose  of  making  a  struggle,  if  that  be  designed  in 
Virginia  ? 


MRS.  ERWIN*  TO  HER  FATHER,  MR.  CLAY. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  January  7,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER, — I  to-day  received  your  favor  of  the  25th 
of  December,  and  read  it  with  more  than  ordinary  pleasure  as 
we  had  not  heard  a  word  from  you  since  your  arrival  at  Wash- 
ington, although  we  had  been  tantalized  with  a  sight  of  your 
handwriting,  as  you  had  inclosed  the  Message  both  to  Mr.  Er- 
win and  Henry.  You  have  no  doubt  heard  before  this,  that 
Claiborne  has  declined  returning  this  winter ;  it  is  owing  to  his 
health,  which  is  much  better  than  it  was  when  he  left  here ;  but 
he  writes  that  his  eyes  are  still  so  much  affected  that  he  thinks 
it  prudent  for  him  to  remain  at  least  another  year.  They  have 
elected  Mr.  Dixon  to  fill  his  place ;  he  is  a  warm  partisan  of 
yours,  and  was  elected  by  one  vote  over  Mr.  Marigny,  but  the 
opposite  party  speak  of  contesting  the  election.  It  is  not  sup- 
posed, however,  that  they  will  succeed  in  turning  Mr.  Dixon 
out.  So  much  for  politics.  You  see  it  is  impossible  to  be  the 
daughter  of  a  politician  without,  at  least,  knowing  what  is 
going  on. 

We  havfe  been  suffering  here  with  the  same  influenza  which 
appears  to  be  prevailing  at  the  North.  The  Creoles  have  felt  it 
more  than  the  Americans.  Indeed  in  some  cases  where  the  indi- 
viduals were  old,  it  has  proved  fatal.  Mrs.  Clay  has  been  se- 
verely attacked.  She  was  confined  to  her  bed  for  several  days, 
and  has  not  left  the  house  for  more  than  two  weeks.  I  am  glad 
to  be  able  to  say  that  she  is  much  better  now.  Mr.  Duralde 
also  has  been  quite  sick  with  it ;  but  I  believe  he  is  well  enough 
now  to  go  down  to  his  saw-mill. 

Henry  has  commenced  the  study  of  law  under  Judge  Porter's 

*  Mrs.  Erwin  was  a  favorite  child,  and  obtained  the  strongest  hold  on  her 
father's  heart.  Mr.  Erwin  had  a  country  seat  at  Lexington,  adjoining  Ashland,. 
Called  the  "  Woodlands,"  a  beautiful  place,  where  the  family  resided  in  summer 


324  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

directions.  He  complains  a  little  of  the  large  folios  he  sends 
him,  and  thinks  the  Judge  does  not  estimate  his  talents  quite 
high  enough  when  he  supposes  it  will  require  two  years  of  hard 
study  to  prepare  him  to  commence  the  practice.  The  Judge's 
family  appears  to  be  completely  broken  up  since  the  death  of 
Miss  Eliza.  He  has  taken  lodgings  in  town,  and  his  daughter 
is  passing  the  winter  with  Mrs.  Mathews.  I  have  invited  her  to 
spend  the  ensuing  summer  with  me,  and  her  father  has  promised 
that  she  should  accompany  us  on  our  return  to  Kentucky.  We 
have  not  heard  a  word  from  Lexington  since  the  29th  of  No- 
vember. The  river  being  frozen  up,  there  is  no  communication  at 
all  between  this  and  the  Western  country.  The  last  letter  I 
received  was  from  James.  I  was  very  much  gratified  to  find 
that  he  writes  an  uncommonly  good  letter  for  so  young  a  boy. 

I  have  been  so  fortunate  as  to  find  an  infant-school  established 
here  upon  the  same  plan  as  those  at  the  North,  where  I  send  the 
boys.  They  did  not  like  to  go  much  at  first,  but  by  giving  them 
a  few  sugar-plums  every  day  I  hired  them  for  the  first  week, 
and  they  are  now  becoming  interested  in  it.  It  is  a  very  great 
relief  to  me  to  know  that  they  are  doing  well  and  are  out  of 
mischief  from  nine  until  three  every  day.  Little  Lucretia  grows 
every  day.  She  is  the  most  mischievous  child  of  her  age  I  ever 
saw.  Aunt  Lotty  and  she  have  at  least  a  dozen  quarrels  a  day. 
I  can  not  thank  my  dear  mother  enough,  for  having  spared 
Lotty  to  me.  She  is  the  best  creature  I  ever  saw,  and  appears 
to  be  quite  as  much  attached  to  the  children,  as  she  ever  was  to 
yours. 

Tell  mamma  I  shall  certainly  execute  her  commission  with  a 
great  deal  of  pleasure,  and  if  she  can  think  of  any  thing  else 
she  wishes,  you  will  have  quite  time  to  let  me  know,  as  we 
we  shall  not  leave  this  before  the  1st  of  March.  I  have  begun 
to  make  her  the  collection  of  baskets  she  wished  me  to  get  for 
her.  The  children  all  send  a  kiss  to  their  dear  grandparents,  as 
well  as  their  love  to  Henry  Duralde.  Mr.  Erwin  joins  me  in 
love  both  to  mamma  and  yourself.  If  Uncle  Brown  is  with 
you,  you  will  remember  us  both  affectionately  to  him.  You 
will  please  say  to  him  that  Mr.  Erwin  will  be  happy  to  render 
him  any  service  in  this  country  in  his  power. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  325 

JOSEPH    HOWARD  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

TIFFIN,  Ohio,  January  27,  1832. 

MUCH  ESTEEMED  FRIEND, — Permit  me  to  herewith  inclose  to 
thy  acceptance  the  last  Annual  Report  of  our  Canal  Commission- 
ers, by  which  it  will  be  seen  that  one  more  link  will  shortly  be 
completed  in  the  great  chain  which,  I  hope,  when  completed, 
will  add  greatly  to  the  strength  and  'perpetuity  of  our  Union. 
As  it  is  at  all  times  a  source  of  gratitude  to  the  parent  to  see  his 
children  as  they  advance  in  years  advance  toward  perfection,  so 
it  must  be  a  source  of  great  satisfaction  to  the  great  parent  and 
author  of  a  system  which  but  a  few  years  ago  existed  only  in 
theory,  now  to  see  it  rapidly  advancing  toward  the  highest  state 
of  perfection  that  was  anticipated  by  its  author.  Under  this 
view  of  the  subject  it  is  then  that  I  take  the  liberty  of  present- 
ing the  inclosed  document  to  the  universally-acknowledged 
author  of  a  system  which  has,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  con- 
tributed greatly  to  the  projection  and  consummation  of  this  stu- 
pendous work  ;  a  system  which,  if  cherished,  will  be  a  rich  legacy 
for  future  generations. 


LESLIE  COMBS  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

LEXINGTON,  January  27,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  have  made  a  very  sensible  speech  on 
your  proposition  to  take  off  certain  duties  and  reduce  others. 
You  occupied  the  true  ground  on  every  point  you  made,  and  did 
it  with  becoming  temper.  I  regret  that  the  Southrons  are  crazy, 
but  let  them  fret ;  you  must  not  quarrel  with  them.  You  occu- 
py higher  ground  than  any  of  them,  and  must  look  down  upon 
them  and  sooth  them,  not  yourself  play  the  gladiator.  That 
would  do  for  me,  if  I  were  in  Congress  ;  as  I  am  not,  others  must 
do  it.  Your  course  must  be  above  all  partisan  warfare,  and  God 
will  speed  you.  It  must  be  for  the  Union,  the  whole  Union,  and 
nothing  but  the  Union. 

I  am  daily  laboring  to  raise  the  caloric  in  our  friends  on  this 
side  the  mountains.  They  are  too  cold,  and  selfish,  and  lethar- 
gic for  me,  but  I  never  give  up  a  good  cause  while  there  is  a 
man  in  the  field  or  a  shot  in  the  locker. 


326  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


PATRICK  HENRY   TO  MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON',  February  18,  1832. 

SIR, — I  have  not  yet  had  the  honor  of  a  personal  acquaintance 
with  you,  but  as  we  claim  Virginia  as  our  nativity  (where  I 
live  and  expect  to  die),  and  as  my  admiration  for  your  character 
and  principles  admits  of  no  comparison  with  the  most  distin- 
guished living,  I  feel  at  liberty  to  make  a  suggestion,  and, 
if  it  should  meet  with  your  views  of  liberal  policy,  for  which 
you  have  been  so  much  distinguished,  I  shall  be  very  much 
gratified.  It  is  that  Henry  Clay  should  forthwith  introduce  a 
resolution  for  the  purchase  of  Mount  Vernon ;  the  improved 
grounds  including  the  park,  extending  to  the  gate  leading  to 
Alexandria,  with  any  other  addition  of  land  to  the  north  and 
south  of  the  mansion  as  may  be  thought  desirable  by  Congress. 
If  it  should  be  the  pleasure  of  Congress  to  make  the  purchase, 
the  country  would  not  only  be  in  possession  of  the  remains  of 
the  Father  of  the  Republic,  but  would  be  enabled  to  preserve 
and  use  the  property  for  some  national  purpose.  It  would  be  ad- 
visable (should  this  project  meet  with  your  approbation)  first  to 
ascertain  through  your  friend,  G.  C.  Washington,  whether  the 
proprietor  of  Mount  Vernon  would  be  willing  to  sell  the  property 
to  the  United  States.  Wishing  you  all  the  honors  that  can  be 
conferred  by  your  country,  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  21,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  been  so  constantly  occupied,  that  I 
have  not  been  able  to  write  you  as  much  or  as  often  as  I  wished. 
That  terrible  long  speech  of  mine  in  the  Senate,  which  gave  me 
less  trouble  in  its  delivery  than  it  has  since  occasioned  me,  is 
now  in  the  hands  of  the  printer,  and  being  disposed  of,  leaves 
me  at  leisure  to  say  a  few  words. 

Every  thing  is  going  on  well.  Van  Buren,  old  Hickory,  and 
the  whole  crew,  will,  I  think,  in  due  time,  be  gotten  rid  of. 
The  attempt  to  excite  public  sympathy  in  behalf  of  the  little 
Magician  has  totally  failed ;  and  I  sincerely  wish  that  he  may 
be  nominated  as  Vice-President.  That  is  exactly  the  point  to 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  327 

which  I  wish  to  see  matters  brought.  Do  urge  our  Jackson 
friends  (if -there  be  any  that  you  can  approach)  to  nominate  him 
on  the  28th.  It  will  be  so  consistent  that  they  should  support 
him  who  is,  or  at  least  pretends  to  have  been,  for  the  Tariff,  and 
oppose  all  others  who  are  for  it. 

We  have  had  various  affairs  here,  and  of  which  the  papers 
will  give  you  some  account.  The  most  bitter  of  the  opposition 
is  the  Calhoun  element.  I  heard  to-day  that  a  South  Carolina 
Governor  is  in  correspondence  with  a  Virginia  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor.  Will  our  friend  Lloyd  on  that  occasion  call  out  the 
posse,  as  he  was  supposed  by  some  here  to  have  intended  to 
prevent  the  removal  of  the  remains  of  Washington  ? 


HENRY    CLAY,    JR.,    TO    HIS    FATHER. 

XEW  ORLEANS,  February  28,  1832. 

DEAR  FATHER, — I  am  now  living  at  Judge  Porter's,  on  the 
coast.  I  found  that  in  the  city  I  was  so  much  interrupted  by 
the  kindness  of  friends  and  acquaintance,  that  I  could  not  de- 
vote that  time  to  study  which  I  desired.  At  the  solicitation  of 
the  Judge,  I  therefore  determined  to  spend  in  the  country  the 
few  months  that  I  shall  be  in  Louisiana. 

Judge  Porter's  residence,  as  you  will  recollect,  is  near  the 
battle-ground,  three  or  four  miles  from  the  city.  He  has  an  ex- 
cellent library,  and  is  himself  a  learned  man  in  the  law,  animat- 
ed with  the  best  spirit  of  learning,  that  which  applies  useful 
maxims  to  the  common  wants  of  mankind. 

The  civil  law  begins  to  open  before  me.  What  I  thought  the 
study  of  a  year,  I  perceive  now  would  exhaust  the  energies  of 
a  lifetime.  But  I  am  determined,  if  ever  I  shall  arrive  at  an  in- 
dependence of  fortune,  to  carry  what  little  talents  and  attain- 
ments I  may  possess  to  another  tribunal  than  the  bar  of  justice, 
the  tribunal  of  public  debate. 

I  am  at  present  making  all  exertions  to  gain  a  knowledge  of 
the  law,  and  I  have  no  reason,  I  think,  to  be  dissatisfied  with 
my  progress.  By  the  winter  after  next,  I  shall  be  able  to  come 
to  the  bar  with  a  fair  prospect  of  ultimate  success. 


PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


JAMES  B ARBOUR  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

BAEBOURSVILLE,  March  7,  1832. 

DEAR  SIR, — You  have  obliged  me  much  by  furnishing  me 
with  your  speech  on  the  Tariff.  It  is  the  strongest  view  I  have 
ever  seen  on  the  subject.  If  the  facts  are  true  to  which  you  re- 
fer as  the  basis  of  your  argument,  your  argument  is  unanswer- 
able. I  duly  appreciate  the  necessity  which  induced  you  to  in- 
troduce some  remarks  merely  ad  captandum.  Contending  as 
you  are  with  an  enemy  using  poisoned  weapons,  the  right  of  de- 
fense extends  to  the  employment  of  what  otherwise  might  not 
be  considered  very  legitimate  means. 

Your  positions  are  judicious,  and  you  have  ably  defended 
them.  Great  perspicuity  is  your  leading  characteristic. 


HARRISON    GREY    OTIS    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BOSTON,  March  8,  1832. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  had  read  your  admirable  speech  with  great  de- 
light, and  pondered  its  contents,  before  I  received  the  copy 
which  you  did  me  the  honor  to  transmit.  This,  however,  was 
not  the  less  acceptable,  as,  in  addition  to  the  value  of  the  atten- 
tion, it  gives  me  a  right  and  an  excuse  for  making  my  personal 
acknowledgment,  without  claiming  or  expecting  a  reply  ;  know- 
ing by  long  experience  that  no  class  of  men  are  more  in  need  of 
"  protecting  duties"  from  the  uninvited  consignments  of  corre- 
spondents, who  expect  remittances  which  interfere  with  time 
and  convenience,  than  the  members  of  Congress.  And  though 
the  voice  of  one  individual  contributes  little  to  swell  the  note  of 
acclamation  which  you  hear  from  all  quarters,  yet  mine  is  enti- 
tled to  something  of  more  value  than  that  of  anybody,  inasmuch 
as  the  only  lance  I  ever  broke  with  you  was  in  defense  of  hemp 
and  molasses,  when  you  came  forth  as  the  champion  of  Mr. 
Baldwin's  bill,  which  I  dare  say  you  have  forgotten. .  But  tem- 
pora  mutantur,  and  I  am  among  those  who  have  been  coerced 
by  the  policy  of  government  mutari  cum  illis.  Among  the  ex- 
cellencies of  your  speech,  that  in  my  mind  predominates  which 
calls  the  agricultural,  and  especially  the  mechanical  class,  to  look 
to  the  case  as  their  own. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  329 


MR.  MADISON  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

MONTPEUER,  March  13,  1832. 

J.  Madison,  with  his  best  respects  to  Mr.  Clay,  thanks  him  for 
the  copy  of  his  speech  "  In  defense  of  the  American  System," 
etc.  Jt  is  a  very  able,  a  very  eloquent,  and  a  very  interesting 
one.  If  it  does  not  establish  all  its  positions,  in  all  their  extent, 
it  demolishes  not  a  few  of  those  relied  on  by  the  opponents.  J. 
M.  feels  a  pleasure  in  offering  this  tribute  to  its  merits.  But  he 
must  be  pardoned  for  expressing  a  regret  that  an  effusion  of  per- 
sonal feeling  was,  in  one  instance,  admitted  into  the  discussion. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  17,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  15th.  I  am  sorry 
that  I  can  give  you  no  satisfactory  information  as  to  the  course 
of  Georgia  in  respect  to  the  recent  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court. 
It  is  rumored  that  the  President  has  repeatedly  said  that  he  will 
not  enforce  it,  and  that  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  express  his 
hope,  to  a  Georgia  member  of  Congress,  that  Georgia  would  sup- 
port her  rights. 

The  Committee  of  Investigation  into  the  conduct  of  the  Bank, 
leave  here  on  Wednesday,  for  Philadelphia.  The  impression 
now  is,  that  the  Bank  Charter  will  pass  at  this  session.  Mr. 
Adams,  being  appointed  one  of  the  Committee,  took  the  occasion 
to  ask  to  be  excused  from  serving  on  the  Committee  of  Manu- 
factures, as  its  Chairman  ;  whereupon  the  head  was  immediately 
knocked  out  of  a  barrel  of  oil,  and  the  whole  quantity  poured  on 
him  by  Southern  gentlemen,  and  other  anti-Tariffites.  He  was 
induced  to  postpone  his  motion. 

I  have  requested  Messrs.  Gales  &  Seaton  to  send  fifty  of  my 
peeches  to  Mr.  White. 


MR.    MADISON    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

MONTPELIER,  March  22,  1832. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  duly  received  yours  of  the  17th.     Although 
you  kindly  release  me  from  a  reply,  it  may  be  proper  to  say,  that 


330  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

some  of  the  circumstances  to  which  you  refer  were  not  before 
known 'to  me. 

On  the  great  question  before  Congress,  on  which  so  much  de- 
pends out  of  Congress,  I  ought  the  less  to  obtrude  an  opinion,  as 
its  merits  essentially  depend  on  details  which  I  never  investi- 
gated, and  of  which  I  am  an  incompetent  judge.  I  know  only 
that  the  Tariff,  in  its  present  amount  and  form,  is  a  source  of 
deep  and  extensive  discontent ;  and  I  fear  that,  without  allevia- 
tions, separating  the  more  moderate  from,  the  more  violent  oppo- 
nents, very  serious  effects  are  threatened.  Of  these,  the  most 
formidable,  and  not  the  least  probable,  would  be  a  Southern  Con- 
vention, the  avowed  object  of  some,  and  the  unavowed  object 
of  others  whose  views  are,  perhaps,  still  more  to  be  dreaded. 
The  disastrous  consequences  of  disunion,  obvious  to  all,  would 
no  doubt  be  a  powerful  check  on  its  partisans ;  but  such  a  con- 
vention, characterized  as  it  would  be  by  selected  talents,  ardent 
zeal,  and  the  confidence  of  those  represented,  would  not  be  easily 
stopped  in  their  course  ;  especially,  as  many  of  the  members, 
though  not  carrying  with  them  particular  aspirations  for  the  hon- 
ors, etc.,  presented  to  ambition  on  a  new  political  theater,  would 
find  them  germinating  in  such  a  hot-bed. 

To  these  painful  ideas  I  can  only  oppose  hopes  and  wishes, 
that  notwithstanding  the  wide  space  and  warm  feelings  which 
divide  the  parties,  some  accommodating  arrangements  may  be 
devised  that  will  prove  an  immediate  anodyne,  and  involve  a 
lasting  remedy  to  the  Tariff  discords. 

Mrs.  Madison  charges  me  with  her  affectionate  remembrances 
to  Mrs.  Clay,  to  whom  I  beg  to  be  at  the  same  time  respectfully 
presented,  with  a  re-assurance  to  yourself  of  my  high  esteem  and 
cordial  regards. 


MR.  CLAY  TO    FRANCIS   BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  28,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  will  have  seen  the  disposition  made  on 
Thursday  last  of  my  resolution  respecting  the  Tariff.  On  that 
occasion  some  developments  were  made  of  a  scheme  which  I  have 
long  since  suspected — that  certain  portions  of  the  South  were  dis- 
posed to  purchase  support  to  the  anti-Tariff  doctrines,  by  a  total 
sacrifice  of  the  public  lands  to  States  within  which  they  are  situated. 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  331 

A  more  stupendous,  and  more  flagitious  project  was  never  con- 
ceived. It  will  fail  in  its  object,  but  it  ought  to  be  denounced. 
A  majority  of  the  Senate  (composed  of  all  the  anti-Tariff  Senators, 
and  some  of  the  Jackson  Tariff  Senators),  referred  a  resolution 
concerning  the  public  lands  to  the  Committee  of  Manufactures  ! 
Can  you  conceive  a  more  incongruous  association  of  subjects  ? 
There  were  two  objects.  The  first  I  have  suggested  ;  the  second 
was  to  affect  me  personally,  by  placing  me  in  a  situation  in  which 
I  must  report  unfavorably  to  the  Western  and  South-Western 
States,  which  are  desirous  of  possessing  themselves  of  the  public 
lands.  I  think  I  shall  disappoint  the  design,  by  presenting  such 
views  of  that  great  interest  as  will  be  sanctioned  by  the  nation. 
Meantime,  I  should  be  glad  if  you  would  give  some  hints  to  our 
friend  Pleasants,  and  let  him  sound  the  tocsin.  In  Illinois  there 
are  about  forty  millions  of  acres  of  public  land,  and  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  or  one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  people. 
What  think  you  of  giving  that  large  amount  of  land  to  that  com- 
paratively small  number  of  people  ?  If  it  were  nominally  sold 
to  them,  it  would,  in  the  end,  amount  to  a  mere  donation. 

We  have  nothing  new  about  the  course  of  Georgia,  and  the 
President's  intention  as  to  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court. 
The  current  opinion  is  that  he  will  not  enforce  it. 

We  shall  report  in  part,  in  a  day  or  two,  a  bill  limited  to  a 
repeal  of  duties  on  the  unprotected  class  of  foreign  imports,  re- 
serving for  future  report  the  other  class,  as  to  which,  however, 
I  do  not  anticipate  that  any  thing  can  be  done  to  satisfy  South 
Carolina. 


MR.  CLAY  TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  April  1, 1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  29th  ultimo,  com- 
municating the  tenor  of  a  conversation  with  Governor  Floyd. 
At  the  time  that  the  Governor  appeared  as  a  witness  before  the 
public  to  testify  against  me,  during  the  late  Administration,  I  was 
surprised  and  hurt,  and  thought  he  took  a  course  utterly  incon- 
sistent with  the  friendly  relations  which  had  previously  existed 
between  us,  to  say  nothing  of  the  opposite  views  which  he  and 
I  took  of  the  matter  to  which  his  testimony  related.  But,  what- 
ever feelings  were  excited  in  my  mind  at  the  time,  they  have 


332  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

been  long  since  thrown  aside,  with  a  mass  of  analogous  feelings 
awakened  during  an  ardent  and  angry  Presidential  contest.  My 
nature  is  such  as  to  prompt  me  to  forget  these  things,  and  I 
should  be  sorry  if  it  were  otherwise. 

The  clew  to  the  motives  which  induced  Governor  Floyd 
voluntarily  to  make  that  explanation,  I  have  discovered  here 
since  I  received  your  letter.  A  design  exists,  on  the  part  of  Mr. 
Calhoun  and  his  friends,  to  have  his  name  presented  as  a  can- 
didate, provided  they  conceive  that  he  will  stand  any  chance  of 
getting  three  or  four  Southern  States ;  and  provided,  as  the 
means  of  their  accomplishing  that  object,  our  friends  will  co- 
'operate  in  Virginia,  and  south  of  it,  with  his,  to  give  him  their 
votes.  Mr.  Calhoun  had,  at  his  instance,  a  conversation  with  a 
friend  of  mine,  which  was  general,  and  understood  by  that  friend 
to  be  preliminary  to  another  which  Duff  Green  subsequently  sought 
with  him.  In  the  course  of  this  latter,  Duff  explained  fully  the 
views  and  wishes  of  the  Calhoun  party.  These  are,  that  his  name 
shall,  in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  summer  (say  August),  be  pre- 
sented as  a  candidate  ;  that,  if  no  ticket  is  run  in  Virginia  by  our 
friends,  and  if  they  will  co-operate  with  his,  he  can  obtain  the  vote 
of  that  State  ;  that,  with  a  fair  prospect  of  receiving  the  vote  of 
Virginia,  hs  will  obtain  those  also  of  North  Carolina,  Georgia, 
and  South  Carolina,  and  probably  of  Alabama  and  Mississippi; 
that  the  result  would  be  to  defeat  the  re-election  of  General 
Jackson,  and  to  devolve  the  election  on  the  House  ;  that  there 
they  suppose  I  would  be  elected ;  and  that  they  would  be  satis- 
fied with  my  election.  Such  is  the  general  outline  of  their 
project,  the  details  of  which  were  communicated  by  Duff  after 
the  previous  general  conversation  with  Mr.  Calhoun.  My  friend 
presumed  their  intention  was  that  he  should  communicate  to  me 
what  passed,  and  he  has  accordingly  communicated  it.  Duff 
stated  that  the  success  of  the  whole  plan  of  the  campaign,  on 
their  part,  required  that  our  friends  should  not  present  an  electoral 
ticket ;  and,  moreover,  should  support  them  in  Virginia. 

I  have  neither  said  nor  done  any  thing  in  reply  to  all  this,  to 
commit  my  friends  or  myself.  I  could  not,  without  dishonor,, 
have  ventured  upon  any  sort  of  commitment  of  them.  They 
are,  in  fact,  free,  and  so  I  wish  them  to  remain,  to  act  according 
to  their  own  sense  of  propriety. 

As  to  the  project  itself,  I  have  supposed  that  Mr.  Calhoun  has 
too  little  capital  any  where,  out  of  South  Carolina,  to  engraft 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  333 

upon  ;  that  it  would  be  impracticable,  if  it  were  desirable,  to  in- 
duce our  friends  in  Virginia  to  abandon  all  purpose  of  support- 
ing a  ticket  on  our  side,  and  of  co-operating  in  the  support  of 
one  for  Mr.  Calhoun ;  that  if  such  a  concocted  movement  were 
made,  it  would  be  very  probably  defeated  by  the  imputations 
which  would  be  brought  against  it ;  and  that  the  whole  idea  has 
sprung  out  of  the  desperate  condition  of  Mr.  Calhoun's  prospects. 
If  there  could  be  any  movement  at  the  South  which  would  se- 
cure to  Mr.  Calhoun  the  vote  of  three  or  four  Southern  States, 
next  to  their  being  given'  to  our  cause,  it  would,  undoubtedly, 
be  the  best  thing  that  could  happen  for  us.  It  would  every 
where  else  stimulate  our  friends  to  the  greatest  exertions,  by 
holding  out  the  hope  of  certain  success.  It  would  break  the 
power  of  Jacksonism,  and  discourage  his  friends  in  other  States 
quite  as  much  as  it  would  animate  ours. 

Let  me,  my  dear  friend,  hear  from  you  on  this  matter,  and 
particularly  your  views  as  to  the  strength  of  the  party  of  Mr. 
Calhoun  in  Virginia.  Has  it  not  relapsed  into  Jacksonism? 
Could  it  be  brought  forth  again,  in  its  original  force,  to  the 
support  of  Mr.  Calhoun  ?  Supposing  Mr.  Calhoun  is  not  put  for- 
ward as  a  candidate,  what  course,  generally,  will  his  friends  in 
Virginia  pursue  ?  Could  our  friends  be  prevailed  upon  to  unite 
on  a  ticket  for  Mr.  Calhoun  ?  Or,  in  the  event  of  no  ticket  being 
put  up  for  our  cause,  would  they  not  divide  between  Jackson 
and  Calhoun,  the  larger  part  probably  going  to  Jackson  ?  When 
do  our  friends  contemplate  bringing  out  the  ticket  which  has 
been  thought  of  for  our  side  ? 

How  long  will  you  remain  at  St.  Julien  ?  that  is,  when  will 
you  return  to  your  official  duties  at  Richmond  ? 

If  I  am  to  judge  of  what  I  see  and  hear,'  and  know,  there  is 
a  general  persuasion  in  the  public  mind  of  the  insecurity  and 
danger  in  the  existing  state  of  the  general  Administration. 
That  there  is  too  much  cause  for  that  persuasion,  I  sincerely  be- 
lieve. The  important  inquiry  is,  what  ought  to  be  done — what 
can  be  done  ?  As  to  myself,  I  am  ready  to  consent  to  any  dis- 
position that  would  rid  the  country  from  impending  perils,  if  any 
disposal  of  myself  could  contribute  to  that  most  desirable  result. 
You  are  upon  the  judgment  bench,  and,  perhaps,  may  there  see 
more  calmly  than  we  can  who  are  in  the  contending  arena, 
what  the  good  of  our  common  country,  in  the  present  crisis, 
really  demands  from  her  true  and  devoted  sons,  among  whom, 


334  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

whatever  to  the  contrary  others  may  profess  to  think  or  say,  / 
know  none  to  be  more  sincerely  and  zealously  attached,  than 
your  faithful  friend. 


B.    S.  BROWNING   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

ROME,  April  5,  1S3S 

SIR, — In  visiting  the  relics  of  ancient  Rome,  my  attcntkti 
was  naturally  called  to  the  tomb  of  Cicero.  It  stands  on  the 
spot  where  that  immortal  orator  was  assassinated  by  some  base 
creatures  of  Mark  Antony,  near  his  villa,  at  Mola.  I  could  not 
contemplate  the  monument,  whose  solidity  had  defied  the  rava- 
ges of  nearly  two  thousand  years,  or  tread  the  consecrated  sod, 
without  feelings  of  excitement.  His  unrivaled  eloquence,  that 
was  ever  raised  for  the  rights  of  man — his  fearless  defense  of 
the  Roman  Republic — his  eminence  as  a  lawyer — the  ability 
with  which  he  presided  over  the  Roman  people — all  hurried 
upon  my  memory  in  rapid  succession.  Nor  did  I  forget  that  the 
enemies  of  Cicero  were  numerous.  But  they  were  the  enemies 
of  the  Republic,  and  sought  to  destroy  Roman  liberty  by  blasj- 
ing  the  character  of  its  most  able  defender.  But  Cicero  was 
virtuous,  and  the  Roman  people  were  not  yet  dazzled  by  the 
success  of  a  military  chieftain,  and  rewarded  his  virtue  by  their 
highest  gift.  How  could  these  reflections  cross  my  mind  with- 
out recalling  you  to  my  recollection  ?  Your  eloquence  in  de- 
fense of  our  Republic  has  been  heard  from  the  Mississippi  to  the 
Rhine.  Your  legal  knowledge  and  abilities  as  a  statesman, 
that  give  you  the  first  rank  in  "  the  land  of  liberty,"  like  Cicero's, 
have  ever  been  directed  to  the  good  of  the  people.  And  you, 
too,  have  your  enemies.  May  wisdom  and  virtue  weaken  their 
strength.  May  the  Republicans  of  the  United  States  prove  to 
the  world  that  they  are  not  deluded  by  the  success  of  a  military 
chieftain,  by  rewarding  your  virtue  and  talents  with  the  first 
gift  of  the  nation.  May  they  show  themselves  superior  to  the 
Romans  by  never  deserting  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  by  confiding 
only  in  wise  and  virtuous  lovers  of  liberty. 

With  these  reflections,  I  cut  a  bough  of  an  abavita,  that  shaded 
the  tomb,  and  have  had  a  cane  made  of  it,  which  I  forward  you 
by  the  bearer  of  this  note,  and  beg  your  acceptance  of  it. 


OF  HENKY  CLAY.  •  335 

MR.  CLAY  TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

"WASHINGTON,  April  9,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  5th  instant.  I 
have  some  thoughts  of  running  away  from  this  place  for  a  few 
days,  wearied  and  exhausted  as  I  am  by  public  business,  and  I 
have  an  inclination  to  go  to  St.  Julien,  if  you  will  give  me  an 
asylum,  and  receive  me  incognito.  If  I  go,  it  would  be  on 
Thursday  or  Friday.  Will  you  be  at  home  for  four  or  five 
days?  Will  you  receive  me,  and  promise,  upon  your  sacred 
honor,  not  to  invite  to  your  house  any  company  in  consequence 
of  my  enjoying  the  advantage  of  your  protection  ?  Perhaps  I 
may  carry  with  me  a  friend.  I  shall  be  governed  by  your  re- 
ply. Whatever  that  may  be,  I  pray  you  always  to  consider  mo 
faithfully  your  friend. 


MR.    CLAY  TO   FRANCIS   BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  April  17,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  shall  leave  here  on  Thursday  next,  in  the 
steamboat  for  Fredericksburg,  and  reach  St.  Julien,  if  I  can,  that 
evening.  General  Vance  and  Mr.  Letcher  will  probably  accom- 
pany me.  Mrs.  Clay  thinks  she  had  better  remain  here  with 
our  grandson,  etc. 

Mr.  McDuffie  of  the  Bank  Committee,  has  returned  from 
Philadelphia,  and  the  rest  of  the  Committee  are  expected  this 
evening  or  to-morrow.  It  is  understood  that  the  Committee  were 
not  very  harmonious,  but  it  is  not  known  what  will  be  the  char- 
acter of  their  report. 


FRANCIS  BROOKE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

ST.  JULIEN,  April  23,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  was  deeply  affected  by  our  last  conversation 
on  the  subject  of  your  health,  and  I  conjure  you  to  take  care  of 
it.  I  have  some  experience,  and  no  little  information  from 
books,  of  the  effect  of  diet,  etc.,  upon  the  animal  economy,  and 
I  am  aware  of  the  truth  of  the  vulgar  maxim,  that  "  what  is 
one  man's  meat,  is  another's  poison,"  and  therefore  will  not  pre- 


336  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

tend  to  prescribe  any  specific  course  tov  you.  It  is  perfectly  true 
that  if  you  will  not  permit  your  inclinations  to  control  your 
judgment,  you  will  better  decide  than  the  most  experienced  of 
the  faculty,  what  diet  is  most  conducive  to  your  health  ;  but 
there  are  some  general  principles  that  we  can  not  be  mistaken 
in,  and  one  is,  that  after  high  excitement  from  any  cause,  there 
is  invariably  a  consquent  debility,  which  will  always  increase  ma- 
terially any  predisposition  to  torpor,  and  even  paralysis.  High 
excitement,  then,  from  any  cause,  ought  to  be  avoided,  and  es- 
pecially from  causes  that  always  precede  great  debility.  I  think 
I  can  not  warn  you  too  strongly,  against  the  excessive  use  of 
tobacco,  in  any  form.  As  Milo  learned  to  cany  the  ox  by  carry- 
ing the  calf  every  day,  the  quantity  of  tobacco  may  be  dimin- 
ished from  day  to  day.  This  also  may  be  said  of  wine ;  but 
there  is  another  cause  of  high  excitement  which  is  more  per- 
nicious, and  more  difficult  in  your  situation  to  be  avoided,  that 
which  results  from  dwelling  too  much  on  the  deplorable  con- 
dition of  our  public  affairs,  and  on  the  relation  in  which  you  are 
placed  in  regard  to  them.  It  is  the  more  difficult  for  you  to  look 
on  them  in  the  calm  lights  of  a  mild  philosophy,  but  yet  you 
ought  to  be  satisfied  with  performing  your  duty,  and  to  leave 
the  rest  to  others,  and  to  that  Providence  which  has  heretofore 
watched  over  us.  It  is  in  vain  to  attempt  to  do  more,  and  I 
shall  be  truly  rejoiced  when  I  find  you  less  anxious,  and,  of 
course,  less  excited.  There  are  times,  when,  as  we  have  seen 
in  history,  patriotism  made  things  that  were  bad,  worse.  I  trust 
that  we  are  not  yet  in  that  condition,  but  if  that  virtue  is  worth 
any  thing,  you  ought  to  take  care  of  your  health ;  it  is  of  great 
importance  that  you  should.  I  hope  I  shall  have  a  letter  from 
you,  giving  me  a  better  account  of  it  than  when  you  were  here. 


HENRY    CLAY,    JR.,    TO    HIS    FATHER. 

ASHLAND,  April  24,  1832. 

I  wish  to  communicate  the  joyful  intelligence  that  you  are 
grandfather  by  a  new  title.  Heaven,  as  if  jealous  of  our  fond- 
ness for  Anne,  has  attempted  to  divide  it  by  a  new  object  of  af- 
fection, but  it  will  only  give  rise  to  a  new  source  of  feeling. 
Yesterday,  between  2  and  3  p.  M.,  Anne  gave  life  and  light  to  a 
fine  daughter. 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  337 

We  shall  be  happy  to  introduce  you  when  you  come,  to  the 
youthful  stranger.  Mary  is  to  be  her  name,  and  her  aunt,  Miss 
Mary  Erwin,  her  godmother. 

I  am  now,  for  the  first  time  for  many  years,  enjoying  tho 
pleasures  and  scenes  of  a  youthful  spring  in  Kentucky.  It  is  a 
charming  country,  and  Ashland  and  the  Woodlands  have  a  thou- 
sand interests  for  me.  I  do  not  at  all  envy  you  your  heated  po- 
litical atmosphere  at  Washington.  I  much  prefer  the  serene 
happiness  which  the  perusal  of  the  elegant  Thompson  infuses, 
while  surrounded  with  the  beauties  which  the  season  of  bloom 
opens  to  the  view. 

When  may  we  expect  you  ?  My  mother,  I  suppose,  will  not 
precede  you.  I  hope  to  show  her  when  she  comes,  that  Ashland 
has  not  fallen  into  bad  hands.  A  little  severity,  which  I  used  in 
the  fir  t  place,  and  a  continued  exertion  of  energy,  have  intro- 
duced a  system  and  regularity  into  the  concerns  of  the  place, 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  April  26,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  affectionate  letter  of  the 
23d  instant,  and  the  interest  which  it  manifests  in  my  health  a.nd 
prosperity  has  affected  me  sensibly.  Among  the  many  circum- 
stances to  disgust  me  with  life  and  my  fellow  man,  the  warmth, 
fidelity,  and  duration  of  your  friendship  have  ever  been  a  source 
of  cheering  satisfaction.  You  have  described,  I  believe  correct, 
ly,  the  true  causes  of  my  indisposition  ;  and  your  advice  is  full 
of  wisdom.  Naturally  ardent,  perhaps  too  ardent,  I  can  not 
avoid  being  too  much  excited  and  provoked  by  the  scenes  of 
tergiversation,  hypocrisy,  degeneracy;  and  corruption  which  are 
daily  exhibited.  I  would  fly  from  them,  and  renounce  forever 
public  life,  if  I  were  not  restrained  by  a  sentiment  of  duty, 
and  of  attachment  to  my  friends.  I  shall  endeavor  to  profit  by 
your  kindness,  and  to  avoid  as  much  as  possible,  in  future,  all 
causes  of  irritation.  I  have  quit  the  use  of  tobacco,  in  one  of 
the  two  forms  to  which  I  had  been  accustomed,  and  will  gradual- 
ly discontinue  the  other.  I  will  also  endeavor  to  moderate  the 
interest  excited  by  public  affairs. 

Since  my  return  I  have  felt,  with  the  exception  of  one  day, 
22 


338  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

better.  I  wish  I  could  have  remained  longer  with  you.  Should 
I  not  feel  my  strength  and  health  returning,  I  will  make  another 
excursion  to  Maryland  or  Philadelphia. 

Nothing  material  has  transpired  here.  Our  friends  are  acquir- 
ing daily  more  confidence,  and  the  Jackson  party  are  greatly 
alarmed.  It  was  remarked  to  me  this  morning  that  they  have 
become  panic  struck. 

A  report  is  anticipated  from  a  bare  majority  of  the  Bank  Com- 
mittee, recommending  further  investigation  to  be  prosecuted  in 
the  recess.  There  will  probably  be  a  counter  report. 

Two  reports  may  be  expected  from  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  and  the  Committee  of  Manufactures,  next  week,  on 
the  Tariff,  and  presenting  different  plans  of  modification. 


AMBROSE  SPENCER   TO  MR.   CLAY. 

Near  ALBANY,  April  28,  1832. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  thank  you  for  the  copy  of  your  report  on  the 
public  lands,  which  you  kindly  sent  me,  and  I  avail  myself  of 
the  occasion  to  trouble  you  with  a  letter. ,  I  have  considered  my- 
self unfortunate  in  never  having  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you, 
or  corresponding  with  you.  When  you  were  in  power  I  had  no 
favor  to  ask,  although  as  far  as  my  influence  extended  it  was  in 
favor  of  the  last  Administration.  I  admit  that  there  were  some 
passages  in  your  public  life  which  I  disapproved  ;  but  I  am  hap- 
py also  to  be  able  to  say  that  explanations  given  to  me  at  Wash- 
ington by  honorable  men,  removed  impressions  of  an  unfavora- 
ble nature.  The  report  you  have  sent  me,  and  the  general  tenor 
of  your  public  life,  have  indelibly  impressed  me  that  you  are 
actuated,  as  a  public  man,  by  the  purest  principles  and  the  stern- 
est integrity. 

You  may  think  it  strange  that  I  should  open  a  correspondence 
in  this  manner,  but  I  consider  it  proper  and  necessary  you  should 
be  informed  by  me  of  the  undisguised  state  of  my  past  and 
present  feelings  toward  you.  *  *  * 

Being  myself  thoroughly  convinced  that  we  are  doomed  to 
national  degradation,  and  to  the  ruin  of  all  our  most  valuable  in- 
stitutions, if  General  Jackson  is  re-elected,  I  will  endeavor  to  do 
my  duty  in  averting  these  calamities. 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  339 

CHIEF  JUSTICE  MARSHALL    TO  MR.   CLAY. 

RICHMOND,  May  7,  1832. 

DEAR  SIR, — On  my  return  to  this  place,  from  a  visit  to  my 
friends  in  our  upper  country,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving 
your  report  on  the  public  lands,  which  I  have  read  with  atten- 
tion. The  subject  is  of  immense  interest,  and  has  long  produced 
and  is  still  producing  great  excitement. 

My  sentiments  concur  entirely  with  those  contained  in  the  re- 
port, which  are  so  clearly  and  so  well  expressed  that  it  must,  I 
think,  be  approved  by  a  great  majority  of  Congress.  Unanimity 
is  not  to  be  expected  in  any  thing. 

I  thank  you  for  this  mark  of  attention,  and  am  with  great  and 
respectful  esteem  your  obedient  servant. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE.  % 

WASHINGTON,  June  2,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  did  not  answer  your  last,  because  I  had  some 
hopes  of  seeing  you  here,  and  because  I  wished  to  be  able  to 
communicate  to  you  something  about  the  proceedings  of  the 
N.  R.  Convention  at  Harrisburg.  The  inclosed  letter  from  Mr. 
Sergeant  (which  you  can  return  after  reading)  will  give  you  the 
latest  information  from  that  place.  Other  letters  which  I  have 
received  corroborate  his  views.  The  progress  of  the  work  of 
co-operation  between  the  Anti-Masons  and  N.  R.'s  in  New  York 
continues,  and  every  day  adds  to  our  confidence  that  it  will  be 
secured,  and  that  its  result  will  be  to  deprive  Jackson  of  the  sup- 
port of  that  State.  It  is  an  affair,  however,  of  much  delicacy 
and  of  no  little  Sifficulty,  from  the  fanaticism  of  some,  and  the 
perverseness  of  others,  of  the  Anti-Masons.  The  letter  which  you 
procured  Governor  Barbour  to  write  to  Rose  has  had  good  effect, 
and  if  he  could  repeat  the  anodyne  it  would  not  be  amiss.  Ste- 
vens (the  Anti-Masonic  candidate  for  Lieuteriarit-Governor  in 
New  York)  was  here  a  few  days  ago,  and  assured  me  that  he 
was  fully  persuaded  that  we  should  succeed  in  New  York. 
Lieutenant-Governor  Pilcher  (now  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  from  that  State,  and  elected  as  a  Jackson  man) 
said  to  me,  last  evening,  that  he  had  no  doubt  of  our  success 
there. 


&itf  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

We  are  going  on  with  the  Bank  in  the  Senate,  and,  I  pre- 
sume, will  pass  the  bill  on  Monday  or  Tuesday.  In  the  House 
of  Representatives  Mr.  M'Duffie's  Tariff  bill  had  only  about 
forty-four  supporters.  No  time  of  adjournment  yet  spoken  of. 
Mr.  Hith,  from  Richmond,  is  here,  and  [  am  highly  pleased 
with  him. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  June  29,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Pennsylvania  continues  daily  to  exhibit  signs 
of  the  most  cheering  character,  and  there  is  just  reason  to  hope 
that  she  is  lost  to  General  Jackson. 

A  Tariff  has  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  by  a  large 
majority.  It  will  finally  pass  the  Senate  with  or  without  modi- 
fications. It  is  a  law  which,  with  some  alterations,  will  be  a 
very  good  measure  of  protection. 

*  The  Bank  bill  will,  I  think,  pass  the  Senate  in  a  few  days  ; 
and  if  Jackson  is  to  be  believed,  he  will  veto  it. 

Congress  will  adjourn  on  the  9th  or  16th,  most  probably  on 
the  latter  day.  Afterward  I  believe  I  shall  go  to  the  White 
Sulphur  Springs,  but  it  may  not  be  until  the  1st  of  August  that 
I  shall  reach  there.  I  hope  I  shall  find  you  there. 


A   DAUGHTER    OF    MASSACHUSETTS    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  July  4,  1832. 

SIR, — I  beg  leave,  through  this  medium,  to  offer  you  my  sin- 
cere acknowledgment  for  your  recent  noble  and  spirited  avowal 
of  your  belief  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  of  your  reverence  for 
its  precepts  ;  and  I  can  assure  you,  sir,  that  a  large  majority  of 
the  daughters  of  the  descendants  of  the  Pilgrims  unite  with  me 
in  the  same  sentiment. 

Our  prayers  will  be  offered  to  Almighty  God,  and  our  influ- 
ence exerted  with  our  friends,  for  your  elevation  to  that  office 
which  is  the  first  in  the  gift  of  the  people  of  this  Union  ;  and 
should  our  prayers  be  answered,  may  you  prove  "  a  terror  to  evil 
doers,  and  a  praise  to  those  who  do  well." 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  34] 


MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  July  20,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  intend  to  take  my  departure  from  this  city 
on  Monday  next  (the  23d),  and  hope  to  reach  St.  Julien  that 
evening.  I  design  going  from  your  house  by  Colonel  William 
Boiling's,  in  Goochlatid,  and  thence  via  Charlottesville  or  Lynch- 
burg  to  the  White  Sulphur  Springs.  I  do  not  think  we  can  re- 
main longer  with  you  than  Tuesday,  and  I  hope,  on  one  account, 
my  dear  sir,  you  will  not  invite  any  company  to  St.  Julien. 

Nothing  new,  or  at  least  nothing  that  will  not  keep  new  until 
I  have  the  pleasure  to  meet  you. 


NICHOLAS    BIDDLE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  August  1,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  ask  what  is  the  effect  of  the  veto  ?  My. 
impression  is,  that  it  is  working  as  well  as  the  friends  of  the 
Bank  and  of  the  country  could  desire.  I  have  always  deplored 
making  the  Bank  a  party  question,  but  since  the  President  will 
have  it  so,  he  must  pay  the  penalty  of  his  own  rashness.  As  to 
the  veto  message,  I  am  delighted  with  it.  It  has  all  the  fury  of 
a  chained  panther,  biting  the  bars  of  his  cage.  It  is  really  a 
manifesto  of  anarchy,  such  as  Marat  or  Robespierre  might  have 
issued  to  the  mob  of  the  Faubourg  St.  Antoine  ;  and  my  hope 
is,  that  it  will  contribute  to  relieve  the  country  from  the  domin- 
ion of  these  miserable  people.  You  are  destined  to  be  the  in- 
strument of  that  deliverance,  and  at  no  period  of  your  life  has 
the  country  ever  had  a  deeper  stake  in  you.  I  wish  you  success, 
most  cordially,  because  I  believe  the  institutions  of  the  Union 
are  involved  in  it. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WHITE  SULPHUR  SPRINGS,  August  5,  1 832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — We  reached  here  safely  on  Thursday  last, 
and  find  a  very  great  crowd.  Two  of  your  sons  are  here,  and 
we  saw  the  third  at  Staunton.  They  are  all  well.  I  feel  much 
better  already,  and  hope  the  water  will  completely  eradicate  the 
disease  under  which  I  was  suffering  at  St  Julien. 


342  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

I  am  informed,  from  Washington,  that  the  President  has  re- 
solved to  suspend  the  execution  of  the  parts  of  the  law  passed 
at  the  last  session,  relating  to  internal  improvements,  to  which 
he  objects.  What  think  you  of  this  high-handed  measure? 
What  of  his  daring  violation  of  the  Constitution,  in  re-appointing 
Gwinn?  Is  proud  Virginia  ready  to  bend  her  neck  to  these 
usurpations  ? 

Speaking  of  your  State,  I  do  believe,  with  proper  exertions, 
it  might  be  carried  against  Jackson.  The  two  parties  exhibit, 
at  this  time,  apathy  and  confidence  on  one  side,  and  despondency 
on  the  other.  If  you  would  exchange  for  your  despondency 
zeal  and  concert,  I  am  half  persuaded  that  you  would  triumph. 
Your  strength  is  greater  than  you  are  aware  of.  The  weakness 
of  the  other  side  is  greater  than  is  believed.  Let  our  friends 
organize,  throughout  the  State ;  let  each  county  be  divided  into 
sections,  and  let  one  or  more  members  of  your  Committees  of 
Vigilance  be  designated  in  each  to  bring  the  voters  to  the  polls, 
and  I  incline  to  think  that  you  would  win  the  day.  All  this 
should  be  put  in  motion  by  some  central  committee.  What 
would  serve  to  animate  our  friends,  and  to  dispirit  our  opponents, 
is  the  high  probability  of  success,  whatever  may  happen  to  be 
the  vote  of  Virginia. 

We  shall  remain  here  until  the  15th.  Be  pleased  to  make  the 
respects  of  Mrs.  Clay  and  myself  to  Mrs.  Brooke  and  the  young 
ladies,  and  believe  me  your  affectionate  friend. 


JAMES    BROWN    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  September  3,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received,  with  feelings  of  the  deepest 
sorrow,  the  intelligence  of  the  decease  of  our  lamented  Mrs. 
Hart,  conveyed  by  your  letter.  I  had  resided,  for  twelve  months 
after  my  marriage,  under  her  hospitable  roof,  during  which  time, 
and  ever  since,  I  received  from  her  every  proof  of  kindness  and 
affection  which  could  have  been  bestowed  on  me  by  my  own 
mother.  Alas !  how  much,  in  many  essential  particulars,  she  re- 
sembled my  dear  Nancy,  and  how  soon  she  has  followed  her ! 
I  fondly  trust  that  that  beneficent  Father  of  the  Universe  who 
has,  during  their  lives,  bestowed  on  them  so  many  blessings,  has 
graciously  re-united  them  in  the  regions  of  everlasting  bliss. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  343 

JAMES    BROWN   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  November  5,  1832. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  had  the  pleasure  to  receive,  by  the  newspapers, 
the  intelligence  of  Henry's  marriage,  and  to  learn  by  your  last 
letter  that  his  choice  is  every  way  agreeable  to  his  family,  and 
what  is  more  important,  such  as  to  promise  him  future  happi- 
ness. Be  so  kind  as  to  accept  my  congratulations  on  the  event, 
and  to  offer  to  the  newly  married  pair  my  sincere  wishes  that 
they  may  enjoy  a  long  life  of  union  and  prosperity. 

The  intelligence  of  your  death  was  accompanied,  perhaps  pre- 
ceded, by  its  contradiction.  I  sincerely  hope  that  you  may  feel 
no  serious  consequences  from  your  indisposition,  and  that  you 
may  resume  your  seat  in  the  Senate  with  a  disposition  to  be 
satisfied  with  a  place  which  I  would  have  preferred  to  any  with- 
in the  reach  of  American  ambition.  You  know  that  I  have 
never  for  a  moment  doubted  that  General  Jackson  would  be  re- 
elected.  He  will  have  a  large'  majority  in  this  State,  and  I  shall 
not  be  surprised  should  he  be  the  choice  of  every  State  south  of 
the  Potomac,  and  west  of  the  Alleghany.  If  I  have  proved 
more  generally  correct  in  my  calculations  than  many  of  our  act- 
ive politicians,  it  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  I  derive 
my  information  almost  exclusively  from  my  knowledge  of  the 
American  tendencies,  my  acquaintance  with  nearly  all  the  prom- 
inent actors  in  the  political  theater,  and  the  perusal  of  the  jour- 
nals, without  entering  into  the  busy  scenes  of  active  electioneer- 
ing, by  which  my  deliberate  judgment  might  be  warped,  or 
conversing  with  eloquent  and  heated  partisans,  who  might  in- 
flame my  imagination. 


HENRY    CLAY,    JR.,    TO    HIS    FATHER. 

LOUISVILLE,  November  27,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER, — In  regard  to  myself  I  am  now  perfectly 
happy.  I  am  united  to  a  lady  who  possesses  my  entire  love  and 
veneration,  and  who  returns  me,  in  over-measure,  the  affection 
to  which  I  am  entitled.  We  are  not  rich,  but  it  will  be  a  source 
of  pleasurable  occupation  to  become  so.  Like  all  young  men  of 
ambition  and  aspiring  temperaments,  the  mere  possibility  of  ill 
success  keeps  alive  in  me  a  thousand  unnecessary  and  annoying 
fears.  But  I  hope  ere  long  to  become  settled  in  life,  and  then  I 
shall  begin  in  good  earnest  to  mold  my  future  destinies.  In  the 


344  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

meantime,  I  shall  devote  my  principal  energies  to  the  law,  and 
shall  endeavor  to  compose  my  mincl  to  a  state  of  profitable  study. 

Whatever,  my  dear  father,  may  have  been  my  errors,  I  have 
always  entertained  for  you  the  most  unvarying  filial  attachment; 
and  it  shall  always  be  my  highest  pleasure  to  endeavor  to  meet 
your  wishes  and  commands. 

Julia  desires  me  to  express  her  love  to  you  all  in  the  most 
tender  and  affectionate  terms. 


SAMUEL  L.  SOUTHARD  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

TRENTOX,  December  1,  1832. 

Mr  DEAR  SIR, — I  should  have  written  to  you  several  days  ago, 
but  I  feared  that  you  would  leave  Lexington  before  my  letter 
reached  there. 

I  am  in  deep  distress  at  the  situation  of  our  country.  I  fear 
that  the  Union  and  Government  are  gone.  Nothing  can  save 
them  but  a  wisdom  and  patriotism  which  I  almost  despair  of 
finding,  in  the  present  day  of  madness.  I  should  despair,  if  I 
did  not  feel,  that  a  citizen  can  commit  no  crime  short  of  treason, 
worse  than  to  despair  of  the  Republic. 

The  recent  elections  have  greatly  astonished  me.  Even  in 
New  Jersey,  no  one  of  any  party,  who  was  well  informed,  doubted 
a  different  result.  We  owe  our  defeat  to  two  causes — The  over- 
confidence  of  our  friends,  who  feared  no  danger,  and  the  course 
of  the  Anti-Masons.  We  were  assured  that  they  would  support 
our  ticket,  in  preference  to  General  Jackson's,  until  the  last 
moment ;  but  the  result  shows  that  my  early  and  constant  fears 
respecting  them  were  well  founded.  They  tried  me — painfully. 

I  am  now  myself  in  as  unpleasant  a  condition  as  any  man  can 
well  be.  Forced  into  an  annual  office,  to  gratify  my  friends, 
and  promote  the  success  of  the  party — giving  up  a  practice 
necessary  for  the  comfort  of  myself  and  family,  and  destined,  in 
all  probabiliy,  to  be  cast  out  in  another  year.  But  for  myself  I 
care  little.  I  have  never  looked  to  popular  favor  for  happiness, 
nor  to  office  for  support.  I  have  always  given  more  than  I  re- 
ceived when  I  have  accepted  public  stations.  • 

There 'are  many  who  wish  me  to  change  my  position  to  the 
Senate,  in  place  of  Dickenson,  under  the  belief  that  I  can,  iu  the 
present  melancholy  times,  do  more  good  to  the  country  there 
than  where  I  now  am.  Whether  this  will  be  the  wish  of  the 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  345 

joint  meeting  in  January  I  know  not.  I  took  this  office  with  no 
anticipations  of  good  to  myself.  I  felt  it  a  sacrifice  of  myself  to 
my  country,  and  I  am  now.content  to  remain  in  it ;  and  while  I  do, 
let  the  period  he  short  or  long,  to  do  my  duty,  and  my  whole 
duty,  fearlessly  and  fully,  and  meet,  without  flinching,  ail  con- 
sequences. What  shall  I  do  ?  Of  the  future  I  anticipate  nothing 
of  good  to  the  country,  unless  trials  and  calamities  may  open 
blind  eyes.  What  are  we  to  do  with  South  Carolina  ?  Do  tell 
me  your  plan — prophecy  for  me.  I  would  write  on  that  topic,  I 
intended  to  do  so  when  I  began,  but  my  time  is  out.  Other 
duties  call  me.  Let  me  hear  from  you,  and  fully. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  12,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — On  my  arrival  here,  a  few  days  ago,  I  found 
your  favor  of  the  28th  ultimo.  Mrs.  Clay  did  not  accompany 
me,  but  remained  at  home,  in  consequence  of  the  shortness  of 
the  session,  and  the  apprehended  bad  state  of  the  roads,  both  in 
coming  and  returning. 

It  is  useless  to  dwell  on  the  issue  of  the  Presidential  election, 
respecting  which  we  were  so  greatly  disappointed.  From  what- 
ever causes  it  proceeded,  it  is  now  irrevocable. 

You  ask,  what  is  to  be  done  with  nullification  ?  I  must  refer 
you  to  the  President's  proclamation.  One  short  week  produced 
the  message  and  the  proclamation — the  former  ultra  on  the  side 
of  State  rights,  the  latter  ultra  on  the  side  of  consolidation.  How 
they  can  be  reconciled,  I  must  leave  to  our  Virginia  friends.  As 
to  the  proclamation,  although  there  are  good  things  in  it, -espe- 
cially what  relates  to  the  Judiciary,  there'  are  some  entirely  too 
ultra  for  me,  and  which  I  can  not  stomach.  A  proclamation 
ought  to  have  been  issued  weeks  ago,  but  I  think  it  should  have 
been  a  very  different  paper  from  the  present,  which,  I  apprehend, 
will  irritate  instead  of  allaying  any  excited  feeling. 

Congress  has  not  yet  been  called  upon,  and  I  sincerely  hope  it 
may  not  be  necessary  to  call  upon  it,  in  this  unfortunate  affair. 
How  is  the  proclamation  received  at  Richmond  ? 

I  shall  leave  here  to-morrow,  to  accompany  my  fourth  son  as 
far  as  Philadelphia,  on  his  way  to  New  England.  And,  in  great 
haste,  I  add  assurances  of  my  constant  and  cordial  esteem. 


346  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE   OF  HENRY   CLAY. 


MRS.  EBWIN  TO  HER  FATHER,  MR.   CLAY. 

THE  WOODLANDS,  December  13,  1832. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER, — I  suppose,  by  the  time  this  reaches  you, 
that  you  will  have  arrived  safely  at  Washington.  We  heard 
from  you  at  Wheeling,  but  not  since  ;  you  have  been  seeing  new 
faces  and  new  things  every  day,  while  we  have  been  going  on 
in  the  same  quiet  routine — I  will  not  say  dull — that  you  left  us 
in.  The  only  change  in  our  society  is  the  arrival  of  Henry  and 
Julia  from  Louisiana ;  they  came  a  week  since,  and  are  at  Post- 
tethwaites.  They  have  been  out  frequently,  and  we  all  spent  a 
very  pleasant  day  yesterday  with  mamma,  whom  we  found  in 
good  health  and  spirits.  Theodore  went  home  the  day  after  you 
left,  and  although  mamma  is  now  fully  convinced  that  he  is  de- 
ranged, he  has  so  far  conducted  himself  quietly,  and  she  is 
much  happier  than  if  he  were  any  where  else. 

Henry  has  recommenced  the  study  of  the  law  with  increased 
energy.  He  is  disgusted  with  the  prospect  of  making  a  living 
at  the  bar  in  Kentucky,  and  as  a  last  determination,  which  he 
does  not  intend  to  change,  he  is  to  go  to  New  Orleans  in  Febru- 
ary, and  at  last  open  an  office  this  winter,  preparatory  to  com- 
mencing business  next  year.  This  I  think  a  wise  course,,  and  I 
hope  he  will  persevere  in  it.  His  health  and  spirits  are  better 
than  when  he  left  us. 

Nothing  has  occurred  worth  noticing  in  the  family,  except  the 
very  sudden  death  of  Alfred  Shelby,  who  fell  in  a  fit  of  apo- 
plexy, and  died  a  few  hours  afterward.  Mrs.  M.  Harrison  gave 
birth  to  a  fine  son  on  Saturday,  who,  I  hope,  will  not  prove,  like 
his  father,  a  good  Jackson  man. 

We  are  positively  to  leave  on  the  15th,  that  is,  day  after 
to-morrow,  and  we  have  every  prospect  of  a  quick  and  pleasant 
passage,  as  the  weather  is  fine,  and  both  rivers  in  fine  order.  I 
leave  the  boys  with  mamma.  I  expect  they  will  occasion  me  to 
return  very  early  in  {he  spring. 

Give  my  love  to  all  those  who  may  be  so  kind  as  to  inquire 
for  me,  and  particularly  to  James  ;  do,  my  dear  father,  make 
him  write  me  to  New  Orleans,  if  you  can  not  find  time  to  do  so 
yourself.  Mr.  Denton  begs  to  be  respectfully  remembered  to 
you.  Mr.  Erwin,  and  the  children  join  me  in  love  to  you. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

CORRESPONDENCE   OF    1833,  '34,  AND    '35. 

MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  17,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  two  last  favors,  and  should 
have  written  to  you  before  and  oftener,  but  that  I  really  have 
had  nothing  interesting  to  communicate.  As  to  politics,  we 
have  no  past,  no  future.  After  forty-four  years  of  existence  un- 
der the  present  Constitution,  what  single  principle  is  fixed  ?  The 
Bank?  No.  Internal  Improvements?  No.  The  Tariff?  No. 
Who  is  to  interpret  the  Constitution  ?  We  are  as  much  afloat 
at  sea  as  the  day  when  the  Constitution  went  into  opera- 
tion. There  is  nothing  certain  but  that  the  will  of  Andrew 
Jackson  is  to  govern  ;  and  that  will  fluctuates  with  the  change 
of  every  pen  which  gives  expression  to  it.  As  to  the  Tariff, 
now  pending  before  the  House,  whether  it. will  pass  or  no  in 
that  body  depends  upon  his  command. 

I  have  been  thinking  of  some  settlement  of  that  question,  but 
I  have  not  entirely  matured  any  plan  ;  and  if  I  had,  I  am  not 
satisfied  that  it  would  be  expedient  to  offer  it.  Any  plan  that  I 
might  offer  would  be  instantly  opposed,  because  I  offered  it. 
Sometimes  I  have  thought  that,  considering  how  I  have  been 
and  still  am  treated  by  both  parties  (the  Tariff  and  the  Anti- 
Tariff),  I  would  leave  them  to  fight  it  out  as  well  as  they  can. 
The  lingering  hopes  for  my  country  prevail  over  these  feelings 
of  a  just  resentment,  and  my  judgment  tells  me,  that  disregard- 
ing them,  I  ought  to  the  last  to  endeavor  to  do  what  I  can  to 
preserve  its  institutions  and  re-establish  confidence  and  concord. 
I  shall  act  in  conformity  with  this  judgment,  but  I  am  far  from 
being  sanguine  that  I  have  the  power  to  effect  any  thing. 


348  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

You  will  have  seen  the  late  Message.  It  is  able  and  elaborate, 
freer  from  passion  than  the  proclamation,  but  not  more  compati- 
ble with  the  doctrines  which  prevail  at  Richmond. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  23,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  mistake  very  much  my  feelings  in  sup- 
posing that  the  doubt  which  I  sometimes  entertained  of  making 
any  effort  to  rescue  the  country  from  its  present  difficult  situa- 
tion, proceeded  from  any  spirit  similar  to  that  which  actuated 
Coriolanus.  That  doubt  sprang  from  the  facts,  that  there  was 
an  organized  party  ready  to  denounce  any  proposition  that  I 
would  make,  because  I  made  it ;  and  that  the  other  party  (the 
Anti-Tariff  party)  contained  many  individuals,  in  whose  view  the 
great  interests  and  even  the  peace  of  the  country,  were  subordi- 
nate to  the  success  of  the  dominant  party  to  which  they  belong, 
and  to  the  success  of  the  designated  successor  of  the  present- 
chief  magistrate.  It  is  mortifying — inexpressibly  disgusting — - 
to  find  that  considerations  affecting  an  election  now  four  years 
distant,  influence  the  fate  of  great  questions  of  immediate  inte- 
rest more  than  all  the  reasons  and  arguments  which  intimately 
appertain  to  those  questions.  If,  for  example,  the  Tariff  now 
before  the  House  should  be  lost,  its  defeat  will  be  owing  to  two 
causes — 1st,  The  apprehension  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  friends,  that 
if  it  passes,  Mr.  Calhoun  will  rise  again  as  the  successful  vindica- 
tor of  Southern  rights ;  and  2d,  Its  passage  might  prevent  the 
President  from  exercising  certain  vengeful  passions  which  he 
wishes  to  gratify  in  South  Carolina.  And  if  it  passes,  its  pas- 
sage may  be  attributed  to  the  desire  of  those  same  friends  of  Mr. 
Van  Buren  to  secure  Southern  votes.  Whether  it  will  pass  or 
not,  and  if  it  does,  what  will  be  its  fate  in  the  Senate,  remains 
altogether  uncertain. 

You  ask  me  in  your  last  letter  if  Tyler  is  not  a  nullifier  ?  I 
understand  him  to  be  opposed  both  to  nullification  and  the  pro- 
ceedings of  South  Carolina.  Will  he  be  re-elected  ?  We  feel 
here  some  solicitude  on  that  point,  being  convinced,  that  tinder 
all  circumstances,  he  would  be  far  preferable  to  any  person  that 
couid  be  sent.  I  hope,  if  you  can  say  a  proper  word  in  his  be- 
half, you  will  do  so. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  349 


REVERDY  JOHNSON  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

BALTIMORE,  February  13,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  will  pardon  me,  I  am  sure,  for  trespass- 
ing a  moment  upon  your  time,  in  thanking  you  for  the  effort 
you  are  making  to  quiet  the  unhappy  and  alarming  dissentions 
of  the  country.  Like  yourself,  decidedly  friendly  to  the  pro- 
tection of  domestic  industry,  I  am  satisfied,  and  have  been  sat- 
isfied for  some  time,  that  nothing  but  a  liberal  spirit  of  compro- 
mise can  save  the  system  from  almost  immediate  destruction. 
The  incalculable  mischief  which,  in  a  mere  pecuniary  point  of 
view,  this  will  bring  upon  us,  is,  of  itself,  alarming  enough,  but 
it  is  comparatively  insignificant,  when  contrasted  with  the  strong 

;  probability,  that  it  may  cause  a  struggle  vital  to  the  Union  itself. 

!  The  plan  which  you  have  proposed,  will,  I  think,  if  any  plan 
can  accomplish  it,  save  the  manufacturers  for  the  time,  and  in  its 
consequences  (gradually  brought  about)  open  the  eyes  of  our 
Southern  brethren  to  the  manifold  benefits  of  the  system  which 
they  have  so  violently  opposed.  I  can  not  but  believe,  that  a 
few  years  of  quiet  and  sober  reflection  will  satisfy  them  that  their 

i  present   hostility  to  the  prevailing  policy,  is  the  merest  crea- 

1  tion  of  prejudice  that  was  ever  known,  and  that  their  true  inter- 
ests, like  that  of  their  Northern  countrymen,  is  in  protecting  the 
nation  and  its  industry,  against  foreign  restrictions.  God  grant 
that  your  efforts  may  prove  successful,  and  that  we  may  again 
see  our  country  not  only,  as  it  is,  prosperous  in  fact,  but  happy 
and  free  in  the  estimation  of  every  citizen  of  the  Government. 

I  repeat  that  I  am  satisfied  you  will  take  this  communication 
in  the  spirit  in  which  it  is  sent,  and  consider  me  as  authorized 
to  suppose  that  you  will  receive  it  in  all  kindness. 


MR.    CLAY   TO   FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

SENATE  CHAMBER,  February  14,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  had  forborne  to  communicate  to  you  the 
plan  of  accommodation  which  I  intended  to  submit,  because, 
although  I  had  long  since  settled  in  my  mind  the  principle  of 
the  plan,  I  had  not  finally  arranged  the  details.  That  work  was 
only  completed  a  few  days  ago.  You  will  see  in  the  papers 
that  I  have  presented  it  to  the  Senate  in  the  shape  of  a  bill.  I 


350  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

was  fully  aware  of  all  the  personal  consequences,  and  personal 
risks  to  which  I  exposed  myself;  but  "what  is  a  public  mail 
worth  that  will  not  sacrifice  himself,  if  necessary,  for  the  good 
of  his  country  ?"  The  measure  has  been  well  secured.  Still 
every  contrivance  will  be  resorted  to  by  the  Van  Buren  men, 
and  by  some  of  the  Administration  party,  to  prostrate  or  defeat 
the  project.  That,  you  know,  I  anticipated.  What  will  be  the 
final  issue  of  the  plan,  I  can  not  certainly  say.  I  hope  for  suc- 
cess. We  had  a  meeting  this  morning  of  the  Committee — with 
the  constitution  of  which  I  am  satisfied — and  things  look  as 
well  there  as  I  expected.  Webster,  and  some  other  of  the  New 
England  Senators,  will  oppose  the  plan. 


JOHN  M.   CLAYTON  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  February  20,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — Prepare  yourself  fully  for  the  debate  to- 
morrow. We  shall  hear  a  labored  speech  from  our  opponents. 

To-morrow  will  be  the  most  eventful  period  of  your  eventful 
life.  Your  friends  depend  on  your  efforts,  and  I  as  one  of  them 
suggest  to  you  this  thought — consider  whether  it  be  not  your 
best  course  to  declare  in  your  speech  on  the  bill  that  you  are  no 
candidate  for  the  honors  of  office — that  you  look  only  to  the 
imperishable  glory  of  preventing  civil  war  and  again  uniting 
your  distracted  countrymen  in  the  bonds  of  fraternal  affection, 
while  at  the  same  time  you  insure  the  continuation,  the  perpet- 
uity of  that  great  system  with  which  your  fame  is  identified.  I 
advise  this  course  at  present.  We  have  a  yawning  gulf  in  our 
Rome,  and  it  will  never  close  till  some  patriot  rides  into  it. 
This  will  stop  the  cry  of  coalition,  save  yourself  and  your 
friends  from  calumny,  and  your  country  from  ruin. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

SENATE  CHAMBER,  February  23,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND. — The  compromise  of  the  Tariff  proposed 
by  me  is  likely  to  be  adopted  with  great  eclat.  It  has  passed  the 
House,  and  will  pass  the  Senate  by  a  large  majority.  It  will  be 
popular  everywhere,  even  in  the  East.  The  Eastern  vote  in 


OF  HENET   CLAY.  351 

the  House  has  been  given  against  it,  rather  from  policy  than  from 
any  dislike  of  the  measure.  Mr.  Webster  and  I  came  in  conflict, 
and  I  have  the  satisfaction  to  tell  you  that  he  gained  nothing. 
My  friends  flatter  me  with  my  having  completely  triumphed. 
There  is  no  permanent  breach  between  us.  I  think  he  begins 
already  to  repent  his  course. 

As  to  tlie  publication  of  my  letter,  do  as  you  please  ;  but  I 
think  it  hardly  merits  it. 

I  shall  go  to  the  North,  or  directly  to  the  West,  immediately 
after  the  close  of  the  session.  I  regret  that  I  can  not  have  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  you.  Make  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Brooke. 


NICHOLAS  BIDDLE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  February  28,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  a  great  deal  to  say,  or  rather  to  ask, 
about  the  manner  in  which  you  have  been  able  to  draw  out  the 
lightning  from  all  the  clouds  which  were  lowering  over  the 
country  ;  but  I  will  not  trouble  you  now,  and  I  only  hope  that 
you  will  come  up  when  the  session  is  over,  and  talk  into  con- 
viction all  the  doubters,  even  my  friend  Mr.  Walsh  himself.  The 
fact  is,  that  for  forty-eight  hours  your  friends  held  in  their  breath 
with  anxiety,  till  they  saw  you  fairly  across  the  chasm,  and  are 
proportionally  gratified  at  seeing  you  in  such  a  firm  and  com- 
manding position.  Of  all  this  hereafter,  when  you  come  to  see 
us.  What  makes  me  write  now  is,  that  I  think  you  may  find  an 
opportunity  on  Saturday  or  Sunday  of  saying  a  few  words  which 
may  make  a  strong  and  favorable  impression  upon  two  large 
masses  of  the  community  whom  I  wish  to  see  well  disposed  to 
you,  especially  at  the  present  moment.  I  mean  the  friends  of 
the  Bank  and  the  Western  States  generally. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  11,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — At  the  date  of  your  last  you  could  not  have 
received  a  letter  which  I  had  addressed  to  you  at  St.  Julien.  I 
shall  leave  here  in  a  day  or  two,  via  Baltimore,  Frederick,  and 
Wheeling,  for  Kentucky.  I  have  been  detained  by  the  Court. 
I  regret  that  I  could  not  have  seen  you. 


352  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

You  ask  how  amity  was  restored  between  Mr.  Randolph  and 
me?  There  was  no  explanation,  no  intervention.  Observing 
him  in  the  Senate  one  night,  feeble,  and  looking  as  if  he  was  not 
long  for  this  world,  and  being  myself  engaged  in  a  work  of 
peace,  with  corresponding  feelings,  I  shook  hands  with  him. 
The  salutation  was  cordial  on  both  sides.  I  afterward  left  a  card 
at  his  lodgings,  where,  I  understand,  he  has  been  confined  by 
sickness. 

I  heard  to-day  that  Livingston  is  to  go  to  France,  Barry  to 
Spain,  and  Stevenson  to  England  ;  and  that  M'Lane  will  be 
made  Secretary  of  State,  Woodbury  of  the  Treasury,  Forsythe 
of  the  Navy,  and  Colonel  William  Wilkins  Post-master  General. 
Caring  nothing  about  these  arrangements,  I  vouch  for  nothing. 

You  may  like  to  know  that  there  is  no  breach  between  Web- 
ster and  me.  We  had  some  friendly  passes,  and  there  the  mat- 
ter ended.  Since,  we  have  occasionally  met  on  friendly  terms. 
I  think  (of  course  I  do  not  know)  that  if  he  had  to  go  over 
again  the  work  of  the  last  few  weeks,  he  would  have  been  for 
the  compromise,  which  commands  the  approbation  of  a  great 
majority. 


HENRY    CLAY,    JR.,    TO    HIS    FATHER. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  March  11,  1833. 

DEAR  FATHER, — This  morning  I  stood  my  examination  in  open 
court  before  the  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  I  intend  imme- 
diately to  commence  the  practice.  My  visit  to  Mobile  and  my 
examination  and  license  there  were  entirely  unnecessary.  I  was 
admitted  to  an  examination  on  the  plea  of  residentship.  I  am 
full  of  hope  and  energy,  and  loving  the  civil  law  as  I  do,  I  indulge 
a  subdued  confidence  of  ultimate  success.  At  all  events,  I  shall 
continue  the  trial  for  two  seasons  after  the  present. 


CHIEF  JUSTICE  MARSHALL  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  March  13,  1833. 

DEAR  SIR, — My  nephew,  Marshall  Jones,  purposes  to  remove 
to  New  Orleans  with  a  view  to  the  practice  of  the  law,  and  is, 
I  believe,  now  in  that  place.  The  circumstances  under  which 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  353 

he  left  Virginia  increase  my  solicitude  for  his  success.  A  per- 
sonal renconter  with  a  young  gentleman  who  had  abused  him 
wantonly  and  grossly,  terminated  very  unfortunately  in  the  death 
of  his  adversary.  This  compelled  him  to  fly  from  Virginia  and 
from  very  flattering  professional  prospects.  After  visiting  Canada 
and  Texas,  he  has  at  length,  I  am  told,  determined  on  trying  his 
fortune  in  New  Orleans.  I  am  extremely  desirous  of  promoting 
his  object,  but  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Johnston,  am  not  ac- 
quainted with  a  single  individual  in  that  place.  May  I  ask  the 
favor  of  you  to  mention  him  to  some  of  your  friends,  not  as  a 
person  known  to  yourself,  but  as  my  friend  and  relation  whom  I 
strongly  recommend.  I  have  the  most  entire  confidence  in  his 
honor,  integrity,  and  amiable  qualities ;  and  shall  feel  myself 
greatly  obliged  by  your  bestowing  on  him  so  much  of  your  coun- 
tenance as  may  favor  his  introduction  into  society,  and  his  pro- 
fessional exertions.  For  the  rest,  he  must  depend  upon  himself. 
With  great  respect  and  esteem  I  am,  dear  sir,  your  obedient 
servant. 


MR.    CLAY  TO   J.    S.    JOHNSTON. 

WASHINGTON,  March  15,  1833. 

DEAR  SIR, — You  observe  that  your  letter  of  the  13th 
found  me  here.  I  had,  prior  to  its  receipt,  sent  you  a  copy  of  my 
speech  which  is  to  be  published  by  Gales  &  Seaton  in  the  order 
of  the  debates.  They  have  not  published  one  word  of  the  com- 
mendation of  the  bill,  which  has  been  put  forth  by  other  editors. 
To  preserve  an  attitude  of  impartiality  they,  in  effect,  make 
themselves  partisans  of  those  who  oppose  the  measure.  Do  you 
think  it  necessary  that  I  should  revise  the  speech  which  I  made 
on  the  introduction  of  the  bill  ?  That  which  was  published  for 
me  was  done  without  my  seeing  it. 

I  am  very  sorry  that  Sergeant  and  Binney  disapprove  tho  meas- 
ure, but  I  can  not  help  it.  I  communicated  it  to  them  confiden- 
tially before  I  brought  it  forward,  and  they  opposed  no  remon- 
strance. As  for  Walsh,  he  has  but  one  god,  and  Mr.  Webster  is 
his  prophet. 

I  hope  you  sent  on  my  letter  to  Lawrence  which  I  inclosed  to 
you.  That  part  of  the  subject  ought  to  be  well  understood 
among  our  friends. 

23 


354  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

I  have  been  detained  here  by  the  most  violent  cold  I  ever  had ; 
but  I  hope  to  be  off  on  Sunday  at  furthest,  for  the  West.  I  can 
not  go  now  to  Philadelphia.  I  gained  my  cause,  Minor  against 
Tillotson. 


PELEG  SPKAGUE  TO  MB.   CLAY. 

BOSTON,  March  19,  1833. 

DEAR  SIR, — It  affords  me  the  highest  gratification  to  be  able 
to  assure  you  that  public  sentiment  here  has  wonderfully  changed 
in  favor  of  your  great  measure,  since  its  introduction.  It  is  now 
popular,  and  becoming  more  and  more  so  as  it  becomes  better 
understood,  as  the  real  condition  of  the  country  and  of  the  views 
and  opinions  of  the  Administration  are  more  known,  and  as  the 
bill  itself  and  your  course  previous  to  its  being  offered  in  the 
Senate  are  explained.  In  New  York  I  scarcely  found  an  indi- 
vidual who  did  not  approve  it.  In  Providence  and  in  Boston  there 
is  yet  some  diversity  of  opinion  among  the  politicians,  but  so 
far  as  I  learn  none  among  the  actual  business  men,  engaged  in 
manufactures.  I  have  seen  several  of  the  principal  and  most  in- 
telligent ;  they  are  only  apprehensive  that  it  will  not  be  perma- 
nent, .that  it  will  be  again  put  afloat.  They  say  that  they  do 
not  think  fit  to  come  out  publicly  in  favor  of  the  measure,  be- 
cause it  might  create  uneasiness  in  the  South,  and  generate  a  dis- 
position to  make  further  demands,  and  because  it  would  carry  a 
censure  upon  their  delegation  in  Congress.  I  have  seen  and 
conversed  with  many  of  the  principal  men,  and  was  at  first  sur- 
prised that  there  was  so  much  of  error  and  misapprehension  in 
nearly  all  in  relation  to  the  bill.  I  yesterday  spent  nearly  an 
hour  in  conversation  upon  this  subject  with  the  Governor,  most 
of  the  members  of  his  Council  being  present,  and  I  also  have 
conversed  with  the  Lieuteriant-Governor,  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  several  members  of  the  Senate,  and 
many  members  of  the  House,  with  Crowningshield  and  D wight, 
formerly  members  of  Congress,  with  both  the  Everett's,  Presi- 
dent duincy,  the  Lawrences,  and  many  other  merchants  and 
manufacturers,  whose  names  are  unknown  to  you  ;  and  I  can 
not  doubt  from  their  representations  that  the  bill  is  now  con- 
sidered a  good  one,  and  will  be  extremely  popular  when  fully 
understood.  Indeed  I  am  entirely  mistaken  if,  in  six  months,  it 
be  net  considered  in  New  England  as  the  most  wise,  patriotic, 


OF  IIEXRY  CLAY.  355 

beneficent  and  splendid  act  of  legislation  that  an 7  individual  in 
this  country  has  ever  achieved.  It  ought  not  to  be  matter  of 
surprise  that  some  time  is  required  to  bring'  the  public  here  to  a 
correct  understanding  of  the  measure,  for  every  member  of  their 
delegation,  in  whom  they  have  justly  so  much  confidence,  voted 
against  it,  and  some,  in  the  early  stages,  united  in  a  feeling  of 
hostility  to  it.  The  debate  has  not  yet  been  published,  which 
is  very  unfortunate,  and  the  impressions  of  the  nature  of  the  bill 
have  been  received  from  the  objections  which  are  understood  to 
have  been  made  to  it  in  the  Senate.  I  have  found  the  impres- 
sion almost  universal  that  it  relinquished  the  principle  of  protec- 
tion after  1842,  and  not  one  have  I  seen  here,  as  I  recollect,  who 
did  not  think  that  after  that  period  the  duties  were  to  be  equal 
on  all  articles,  except  such  as  the  bill  itself  specified  should  be 
free.  I  have,  ever  since  I  arrived  in  New  York,  carried  the  bill 
in  my  pocket  in  order  to  convince  them  of  this  error,  which  has 
always  been  the  first  and  prominent  objection,  and  I  have  not 
met  with  one  to  whom  I  have  had  an  opportunity  to  present  the 
truth,  who  has  not  been  satisfied,  and  wondered  how  they  should 
have  been  so  mistaken.  I  have  made  it  a  business,  since  my 
arrival  here,  to  put  the  matter  right,  and  also  to  correct  another 
erroneous  impression  which  has  been  the  source  of  much  preju- 
dice from  the  beginning,  and  that  is  that  your  course  was  adopt- 
ed without  consultation  with  your  Tariff  friends,  and  operated 
as  a  surprise  ^upon  them  all,  and  particularly  upon  Mr.  W.  I 
have  taken  the  liberty,  every  where  and  upon  all  occasions,  to 
state  the  truth  upon  this  point,  which  I  know.  I  thought  my- 
self not  only  at  liberty,  but  bound,  in  justice  to  yourself,  to  make 
your  course  known,  and  have  been  delighted  to  find  how  re- 
lieved and  rejoiced  your  friends  here  have  invariably  been  to  learn 
the  truth.  I  have  not  hesitated  to  state  the  conferences  which 
were  had,  formal  and  informal,  the  propositions  and  suggestions 
which  you  submitted,  and  the  remarks  of  Mr.  W.  and  others.- 
Rely  upon  it  the  intelligent  men  here  are  getting  to  understand 
the  subject ;  it  requires  but  a  few  persons  to  explain  it,  and  it  will 
be  highly  satisfactory  and  almost  universally  popular.  I  regret 
deeply  that  the  debate  has  not  been  published,  while  the  public 
mind  is  awake  and  inquisitive  in  regard  to  it,  especially  as  all  the 
members  from  this  State  were  opposed  to  it  in  their  votes,  and 
of  course  are  stopped  from  saying  much  in  its  favor.  I  shall  re- 
main here  several  days  longer,  and  shall  see  a  great  many  more 


356  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

of  their  intelligent  and  leading  men,  and  I  have  no  doubt  all 
will  be  satisfied  except  a  particular,  and  I  trust  very  limited  class 
of  politicians,  who  wished  to  carry  matters  to  extremities  with 
South  Carolina,  and  to  see  her  put  down,  prostrated  by  force  of 
arms,  and  with  whom  this  feeling  was  paramount  to  any  regard 
for  the  Tariff. 

Excuse  me  for  writing  so  much,  and  so  many  repetitions,  but 
the  subject  is  one  in  which  every  hour's  reflection  and  observa- 
tion increases  my  interest,  and  I  have  the  strongest  solicitude 
that  every  body  should  view  this  splendid  and  glorious  act  as  I 
do,  and  appreciate  and  do  justice  to  the  mover,  which  I  have  no 
doubt  they  will.  Your  promised  visit  here  is  looked  forward  to 
with  great  eagerness.  Your  reception  will  be  all  that  you  can 
wish.  You  must  not  disappoint  them,  nor  us  in  Maine. 

N.  B.  Since  the  passage  of  your  bill  there  has  been  a  ma- 
terial rise  in  the  value  and  market  price  of  almost  all  manufac- 
turing stocks,  and  of  wool,  and  woolen  goods,  which  is  extend- 
ing now  to  cottons,  and  other  articles.  An  infallible  test  of  the 
real  opinion  of  the  interested. 


NICHOLAS    BIDDLE   TO  MR.   CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  25,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  last  favor  from  Washing- 
ton, and  did  not  fail  to  bear  in  mind  its  interesting  contents.  It 
confirmed  an  opinion  previously  formed,  confirmed  by  subse- 
quent reflection,  and  since  repeatedly  declared,  that  it  was  of 
great  importance  to  the  country  not  to  permit  the  difference  of 
sentiment  on  the  Tariff  to  produce  any  alienation  between  those 
who  had  hitherto  acted  in  concert  on  all  the  other  great  public 
'measures;  and  that  more  especially  no  estrangement  should  he 
allowed  to  grow  up  between  the  two  most  prominent  leaders 
who  were  opposed  on  that  question.  During  the  visit  of  our 
friend,  I  was  in  habits  of  constant  and  confidential  intercourse 
with  him.  In  Regard  to  the  measure  itself,  he  retains  all  the 
opinions  which  he  publicly  expressed ;  but  they  are,  I  think,  un- 
accompanied by  any  thing  of  an  unkind  or  unfriendly  feeling 
toward  yourself,  as  you  will  perceive  when  the  speech  made  on 
that  occasion  is  published.  There  was  a  strong  disposition 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  357 

among  many  of  his  friends,  to  give  him  a  public  dinner ;  but  ihis 
I  discouraged,  because  I  feared  that  it  might  oblige  him  to  say 
more  on  that  subject  than  it  is  prudent  to  express  at  the  present 
time,  and  because  it  would  probably  furnish  an  occasion  for  his 
less  discreet  friends  to  do  and  to  say  things  excusable  at  a  mo- 
ment of  excitement,  but  which  might  afterward  be  regretted. 
For  such  an  exhibition,  I  substituted  a  large  meeting  of  gentle- 
meji  at  my  own  house,  where  his  friends  could  have  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  him,  without  imposing  upon  him  the  necessity  of 
making  any  exposition  of  h's  views  on  any  subject.  I  stated  to 
him  without  reserve,  the  share  which  I  had  taken  in  preventing 
a  public  dinner,  and  my  reasons  for  it,  in  the  propriety  of  which 
he  entirely  acquiesced.  In  short,  he  has  left  us  two  days  ago, 
in  a  frame  of  mind  entirely  satisfactory,  and  your  mutual  friends 
seem  to  understand  each  other  perfectly,  that  there  ought  not  to 
be,  and  that  there  shall  not  be,  any  alienation  between  you,  how- 
ever you  may  have  differed  on  one  measure  of  policy.  For  my- 
self, I  entertain  for  him  so  sincere  an  attachment,  that  I  should 
have  been  greatly  pained  at  a  different  result.  These  good  dis- 
positions will,  I  doubt  not,  be  strengthened  during  the  visit 
which  we  meditate,  to  your  country,  in  the  course  of  the  spring, 
since  no  one  can  be  insensible  to  the  attractions  of  personal  in- 
tercourse with  you.  Few,  I  need  not  add,  appreciate  that  pleas- 
ure more  highly  than  yours,  with  great  respect,  etc. 


ABBOTT   LAWRENCE    TO    MR.  CLAY. 

BOSTON,  March  26,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  great  pleasure  in  acknowledging  the 
receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  13th  inst.,  with  your  speech  upon 
the  Tariff  Bill. 

Your  letter  gave  me  individually,  inexpressible  pleasure,  as  it 
has  placed  in  my  power  the  means  of  satisfying  the  minds  of 
many  prominent  citizens  among  us,  who  had  supposed  the  whole 
scheme  was  brought  forward  without  the  knowledge  of  your 
friends.  I  have  given  the  letter  free  circulation  where  it  has 
been  required,  to  remove  any  prejudices  that  might  have  ex- 
isted, and  I  have  a  general  response  fro-n  all,  that  they  are  en- 
tirely satisfied  with  the  purity  of  your  motives,  as  well  as  your 
enlightened  patriotism.  The  newspaper  presses  are  now  silent 


358  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

here  upon  the  subject,  and  will  remain  so.  I  know  the  editors 
well,  and  have  taken  some  pains  to  place  the  whole  subject  upon 
true  ground.  I  had.  as  you  know,  strong  objections  to  any  con- 
cessions whatever ;  yet  T  am  now  well  satisfied  with  the  course 
the  whole  subject  took  in  Congress ;  so  are  the  people  of  this 
State,  and  of  New  England.  Onr  interests  have  been  greatly 
promoted  by  it,  and  it  is  hoped  and  believed  that  time  will  prove 
to  us  that  it  was  the  dictate  of  wisdom  to  have  adopted  the  bill 
proposed  by  you,  and  carried  by  your  influence.  I  do  not  think 
there  is  the  least  unkind  feeling  toward  you,  in  New  England, 
and  I  do  not  take,  I  think,  too  much  upon  myself,  when  I  say 
you  were  never  more  popular  than  at  the  present  moment.  I 
look  for  a  great  change  in  public  sentiment  upon  the  American 
system,  before  the  end  of  nine  years3  or  even  five  years.  If 
the  system  of  internal  improvements  could  go  on  for  a  few  years, 
with  vigor,  there  is  not  a  doubt  upon  my  mind,  that  this  Union 
would  be  bound  by  ties  stronger  than  all  the  constitutions  that 
human  wisdom  could  devise.  A  railroad  from  New  England  to 
Georgia,  would  do  more  to  harmonize  the  feelings  of  the  whole 
country,  than  any  amendments  that  can  be  offered  or  adopted  to  I 
the  Constitution.  It  is  intercourse  we  want,  and  what  I  desire.  I 
Your  Land  bill  is  a  great  favorite  here,  and  receives  the  hearty 
support  of  all  parties,  with  the  exception  of  some  few  office- 
holders. I  wrote  you  about  the  10th  inst.,  at  Washington; 
when  you  write  again,  will  you  tell  me  whether  it  was  received  ? 
I  have  only  to  ask  you  now  when  we  may  expect  to  welcome 
you  here.  I  am  often  asked  the  question,  and  should  be  glad  to 
answer  it.  Our  mutual  friend,  Mr.  Sprague,  remained  here  four 
days,  and  made  the  most  of  his  time  in  explaining  the  principles 
of  your  bill,  and  the  motives  that  influenced  you  in  bringing  it 
forward.  I  have  a  letter  which  he  sent  me  from  Mr.  Senator 
Johnson,  which  is  read  in  connection  with  yours  of  the  13th. 


MR.    MADISON    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

MONTPELIER,  April  2,  1833. 

DEAR  SIR, — Accept  my  acknowledgments  for  the  copy  of  your 
speech  on  the  bill  modifying  the  Tariff.  I  need  not  repeat  what 
is  said  by  all  on  the  ability  and  advantages  with  which  the  sub- 
ject was  handled.  It  has  certainly  had  the  effect  of  an  anodyne 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  359 

on  the  feverish  excitement  under  which  the  public  mind  was 
laboring  ;  and  a  relapse  may  happily  not  ensue.  There  is  no 
certainty,  however,  that  a  surplus  revenue  will  not  revive  the 
difficulty  of  adjusting  an  impost  to  the  claims  of  the  manufactur- 
ing and  the  feelings  of  the  agricultural  States.  The  effect  of  a 
reduction,  including  the  protected  articles,  on  the  manufacturers 
is  manifest ;  and  a  discrimination  in  their  favor  will,  besides  the 
complaint  of  inequality,  exhibit  the  protective  principle,  without 
disguise,  to  the  protestors  against  its  constitutionality.  An  al- 
leviation of  the  difficulty  may,  perhaps,  be  found  in  such  an 
apportionment  of  the  tax  on  the  protected  articles  most  consumed 
in  the  South,  and  on  the  unprotected  most  consumed  in  the 
North,  as  will  equalize  the  burden  between  them,  and  limit  the 
advantage  of  the  latter  to  the  benefits  flowing  from  a  location  of 
the  manufacturing  establishments. 

May  there  not  be  a  more  important  alleviation  in  embryo — an 
assimilation  of  the  employment  of  labor  in  the  South  to  its  em- 
ployment in  the  North  ?  A  difference,  and  even  a  contrast,  in 
that  respect,  is  at  the  bottom  of  the  discords  which  have  pre- 
vailed, and  would  so  continue,  until  the  manufacturers  of  the 
North  could,  without  a  bounty,  take  the  place  of  the  foreign  in 
supplying  the  South ;  in  which  event,  the  source  of  discord 
would  become  a  bond  of  interest,  and  the  difference  of  pursuits 
'more  than  equivalent  to  a  similarity.  In  the  mean  time,  an  ad- 
vance toward  the  latter  must  have  an  alleviating  tendency.  And 
does  not  this  advance  present  itself  in  the  certainty  that,  unless 
agriculture  can  find  new  markets  for  its  products,  or  new  products 
for  its  markets,  ,the  rapid  increase  of  slave  labor,  and  the  still 
more  rapid  increase  of  its  fruits,  must  divert  a  large  portion  of 
it  from  the  plow  and  the  hoe  to  the  loom  and  the  workshop? 
When  we  can  no  longer  convert  our  flour,  tobacco,  cotton,  and 
rice,  into  a  supply  of  our  habitual  wants  from  abroad,  labor  must 
be  withdrawn  from  those  articles,  and  made  to  supply  them  at 
home. 

It  is  painful  to  turn  from  anticipations  of  this  sort  to  the  pros- 
pect, opened  by  the  torch  of  discord,  bequeathed  by  the  Conven- 
tion of  South  Carolina  to  its  country,  by  the  insidious  exhibitions 
of  a  permanent  incompatibility,  and  even  hostility,  of  interests 
between  the  South  and  the  North,  and  by  the  contagious  zeal 
in  vindicating  and  varnishing  the  doctrines  of  nullification  and 
secession  j  the  tendency  of  all  of  which,  whatever  be  the  inten- 


360  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

tion,  is  to  create  a  disgust  with  the  Union,  and  then  to  open  the 
way  out  of  it.  We  must  oppose  to  this  aspect  of  things  confi- 
dence, that,  as  the  gulf  is  approached,  the  deluded  will  recoil 
from  its  horrors,  and  that  the  delnders,  if  not  themselves  suffi- 
ciently startled,  will  be  abandoned  and  overwhelmed  by  their 
followers. 

As  we  were  disappointed  of  the  expected  visit  last  fall,  from 
yourself  and  Mrs.  Clay,  we  hope  the  promise  will  not  be  forgotten 
when  the  next  opportunity  occurs.  For  the  'present,  Mrs.  Madi- 
son joins  in  cordial  regards  and  all  good  wishes  to  you  both. 


JOHN    SIBLEY   TO    MR.   CLAY. 

KATCIUTOCHE?,  May  22,  1833. 

DEAR  SIR, — Illy  fitted  as  my  mind  is  to  write  a  letter  at  this 
time,  and  painful  as  the  task  is,  I  must  in  grief  tell  you  that  J. 
S.  Johnston,  and  his  son  William,  were,  last  Sunday  morning, 
on  board  the  steam-bcat  Lioness,  on  their  way  to  make  me  a 
visit,  when,  about  thirty-five  miles  above  Alexandria,  in  Red 
River,  a  large  quantity  of  powder  in  the  hold  of  the  boat  ex- 
ploded, and  blew  the  boat  to  atoms.  Fifteen  or  sixteen  passen- 
gers were  lest;  among- them  our  friend  Johnston.*  William 
was  blown  off  a  distance,  much  hurt,  but  not  killed  ;  is,  I  hope, 
safe  with  his  uncle,  a  few  miles  below  where  the  disaster  hap- 
pened. His  wife,  my  poor  child,  was  left  in  bad  health,  in 
Philadelphia.  I  can  now  only  commend  her  to  a  merciful  God, 
and  implore  your  condolence  to  her.  I  will  write  you  more 
particularly  when  I  can. 


MH.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  May  SO,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  favor.  I  should  have 
written  to  you  before,  but  in  this  remote  quarter  we  have  rarely 
any  tiling  interesting  to  communicate.  Since  my  return  from 
Washington,  I  have  been  principally  occupied  with  the  opera- 
tions of  my  farm,  which  have  more  and  more  interest  for  me. 

*  Tlio  Hon.  J.  S.  Johnston,  United  States  Senator,  and  correspondent  of  Mr 
Clay. 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  361 

There  is  a  great  difference,  I  think,  between  a  farm  employed 
in  raising  dead  produce  for  market,  and  one  which  is  applied,  as 
mine  is,  to  the  rearing  of  all  kinds  of  live  stock.  I  have  the 
Maltese  ass,  the  Arabian  horse,  the  merino  and  Saxe  merino 
sheep,  the  English  Hereford  and  Durham  cattle,  the  goat,  the 
mule,  and  the  hog.  The  progress  of  these  animals  from  their 
infancy  to  maturity,  presents  a  constantly-varying  subject  of 
interest,  and  I  never  go  out  of  my  house,  without  meeting  with 
some  of  them  to  engage  agreeably  my  attention.  Then,  our 
fine  green  sward,  our  natural  parks,  our  beautiful  undulating 
country,  every  where  exhibiting  combinations  of  grass  and  trees, 
or  luxuriant  crops,  all  conspire  to  render  home  delightful.  Not- 
withstanding, I  shall  leave  it  early  in  July,  to  make  a  journey 
which  I  have  long  desired  to  perform.  I  shall  go  through  Ohio 
to  Lake  Erie,  thence  to  Buffalo,  Niagara,  Montreal,  Quebec,  Sar- 
atoga, and  toward  September,  to  Boston,  where  I  have  a  young 
son  of  sixteen.  The  papers  have  attributed  to  me  an  intention 
of  visiting  New  England,  as  if  it  were  the  principal  object  of 
my  excursion.  It  is  the  least  important  one,  and  I  should  not 
go  there  but  for  the  sake  of  my  son.  I  intend  traveling  with 
as  much  privacy  as  practicable,  and  absolutely  to  decline  every 
species  of  public  entertainment.  I  wished  to  have  been  accom- 
panied by  Mrs.  Clay,  and  my  son,  and  son-in-law,  with  their 
respective  wives ;  but  neither  of  the  young  ladies  are  in  a  travel- 
ing condition,  and  my  wife  hesitates  about  going  without  either 
of  them. 

You  perceive  that  the  journey  I  have  sketched  will  not  ad- 
mit of  my  having  the  pleasure  of  meeting  you  at  the  White 
Sulphur  Springs.  I  visit  no  place  in  the  summer  with  more 
gratification  than  that  finest  of  all,  our  mineral  springs ;  but  I 
have  never  seen  the  Falls  of  "Niagara,  and  unless  I  avail  myself 
of  this  summer  to  go  there,  I  shall  probably  never  have  another 
opportunity. 

I  have  not  decided  whether  I  shall  return  to  the  Senate  or 
not.  If  the  Land  bill  had  passed,  I  certainly  should  not  have 
gone  there  again;  and  the  condition  in  which  that  measure  has 
been  left,  creates  the  only  doubt  which  I  feel.  But  have 
I  not  done  all  that  was  incumbent  on  me?  Twice  have  I 
pressed  the  bill  in  the  Senate,  where  it  has  twice  passed,  and 
once  in  the  House.  I  regret  most  deeply  that  the  South, 
hitherto,  has  opposed  that  measure.  They  will  regret  it  some 


362  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

day,  if  it  fails  ;  for  the  public  'lands  will  be  lost  to  the  country, 
without  some  such  measure  is  adopted.  They  will  be  used  as 
an  instrument  to  advance  the  ambitious  views  of  some  Presiden- 
tial aspirant,  by  offering  motives  to  the  new  States  to  support 
him.  Already  they  are  attempted  to  be  applied  to  that  object ; 
for  how  otherwise  can  you  account  for  the  opposition  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  friends,  in  New  York,  to  the  Land  bill,  and  thus  separ- 
ating themselves  from  the  rest  of  the  North,  and  evidently 
arraying  themselves  against  the  interest  of  their  own  State  ? 

You  tell  me  that  Messrs.  Leigh,  etc.,  speak  of  me  as  a  candi- 
date for  the  next  Presidency,  and  even  think  of  having  my  name 
forthwith  announced.  I  am  greatly  obliged  by  their  favorable 
opinion ;  but  I  really  feel  no  disposition  to  enter  again  on  an  ar- 
duous and  doubtful  struggle  for  any  office.  I  have  seen  no  evi- 
dence of  any  favorable  changes  in  respect  to  me,  that  are  of  an 
extent  sufficient  to  justify  the  opinion,  that  a  result  of  a  new 
contest  would  take  place  different  from  former  experiments. 
Nothing  is  so  abhorrent  to  my  feelings  as  to  be  placed  in  a  posi- 
tion in  which  I  should  appear  as  a  teasing  suppliant  for  office. 
That  'of  President  is  full  of  care  and  vexation.  One  borne  to  it 
by  the  willing  suffrages  of  a  large  majority  of  his  countrymen, 
may  get  along  well  enough  in  it ;  but  if  it  is  to  be  obtained  in 
a  hard  contest,  by  a  bare  majority,  or  by  a  decision  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  between  several  candidates,  no  one  having 
a  majority,  it  ha*s  no  charms,  at  least  none  for  me.  I  doubt  very 
much  whether  any  successful  opposition  can  be  made  against 
General  Jackson's  designated  successor.  The  press,  patronage, 
and  party,  will  probably  carry  him  triumphantly  through.  I  have 
borne  the  taunts  of  the  Jackson  party  and  principles  long  enough. 
The  country  has  not  thought  proper  to  sustain  my  exertions. 
Distinguished  men,  who  could  not  possibly  have  viewed  things 
differently  from  me,  have  stood  by  with  a  cold  indifference, 
without  lending  any  helping  hand.  What  can  one  man  do 
alone  against  a  host  ? 

If  I  am  asked  what  I  think  of  the  present  state  of  things, 
and  of  the  future,  upon  the  supposition  of  success  on  the  part  of 
the  candidate  referred  to  ?  I  answer,  Bad  enough,  bad  enough, 
God  knows.  But  what  can  I  do  ?  Have  I  heretofore  ever 
ceased  to  warn  the  country  against  it  ?  Worn  out  and  exhausted 
in  the  service,  why  should  I  continue  to  sound  the  alarm,  with 
no  prospect  of  my  being  more  heeded  hereafter  than  heretofore? 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  363 

I  want  repose.  I  have  reached  a  time  of  life  when  all  men 
want  it.  I  shall  not  neglect  the  duties  which  belong  to  one 
who  has  aimed  to  be  a  good  citizen,  and  a  patriot,  even  in  retire- 
ment ;  but  the  country  had  better  try  other  sentinels,  not  more 
devoted  or  zealous,  but  who  may  be  more  successful  than  I 
have  been. 

Such,  my  dear  sir,  is  the  true  state  of  my  feelings.  Your 
partiality  and  friendly  wishes  about  me,  may  not — your  un- 
biased judgment  must — approve  them. 

Mrs.  Clay  unites  with  me  in  warm  regards  to  Mrs.  Brooke. 
For  yourself,  I  need  not  repeat  the  assurance  of  my  cordial  es- 
teem and  friendship. 


J.    W.    P.    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PETERSBURG,  May  31,  1833. 

RESPECTED  SIR, — The  last  speech  which  John  Randolph,  of 
Roanoke,  ever  delivered,  was  at  the  late  Jockey  Club  dinner  of 
our  Newmarket  races,  to  a  party  of  about  two  hundred  gentle- 
men. Inter  alios,  he  alluded  to  yourself,  somewhat  thus  :  "I 
admire  and  respect  such  men  (the  old  Federalists)  far  more  than 
such  Republicans  as  the  Janus-faced  editor  of  '  The  Richmond 
Enquirer,'  who  has  contrived  to  keep  in  with  every  Administra- 
tion, save  the  short  reign  of  John  Adams  the  Second,  and  then 
he  kept  an  anchor  out  to  windward  for  Henry  Clay,  who,  by 
the  way,  gentlemen,  is  a  much  better  man  than  Ritchie.  Clay 
is  a  brave  man — he  is  a  consistent  man,  which  Ritchie  is  not  ; 
an  independent  man,  and  ail  honest  man,  which  Ritchie  is  not." 

These  remarks  were  responded  to  by  the  company  with  rap- 
turous applause,  and  I  now  communicate  them  to  you  (privately 
and  incognito),  because  I  like  to  impart  pleasure  to  a  generous 
mind,  and  it  must  be  some  gratification  to  you  to  hear  that  these 
were  the  last  public  declarations  of  one  of  your  most  envenomed 
and  distinguished  political  enemies,  and  that  they  were  uttered 
and  applauded  in  a  part  of  our  country  which  has  been,  hither- 
to, most  decided  in  its  opposition  to  you. 


364  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.  MADISON    TO    MR.   CLAY. 

MoNTFELrEit,  June,  1833. 

DEAR  SIR, — Your  letter  of  May  28th  was  duly  received.  In 
it  you  ask  my  opinion  on  the  retention  of  the  Land  bill  hy  the 
President. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  Constitution  taeant  to  allow  the  Presi- 
dent an  adequate  time  to  consider  the  bills,  etc.,  presented  to 
him,  and  to  make  his  objections  to  them ;  and  on  the  other 
hand,  that  Congress  should  have  time  to  consider  and  overrule 
the  objections.  A  disregard,  on  either  side,  of  what  it  owes  to 
the  other,  must  be  an  abuse,  for  which  it  would  be  responsible 
under  the  forms  of  the  Constitution.  An  abuse  on  the  part  of 
the  President,  with  a  view  sufficiently  manifest,  in  a  case  of  suf- 
ficient magnitude  to  deprive  Congress  of  the  opportunity  of  over- 
ruling objections  to  their  bills,  might,  doubtless,  be  a  ground  for 
impeachment.  But  nothing  short  of  the  signature  of  the  Presi- 
dent, or  a  lapse  of  ten  days  without  a  return  of  his  objections, 
or  aia  overruling  of  the  objections  by  two  thirds  of  each  House 
of  Congress,  can  give  legal  validity  to  a  bill.  In  order  to  quali- 
fy (in  the  French  sense  of  the  term)  the  retention  of  the  Land 
bill  by  the  President,  the  first  inquiry  is,  Whether  a  sufficient 
time  was  allowed  him  to  decide  on  its  merits?  The  next, 
Whether,  with  a  sufficient  time  to  prepare  his  objections,  he 
unnecessarily  put  it  out  of  the  power  of  Congress  to  decide  on 
them  ?  How  far  an  anticipated  passage  of  the  bill  ought  to  enter 
into  the  sufficiency  of  the  time  for  Executive  deliberations,  is 
another  point  for  consideration.  A  minor  one  may  be,  whether 
a  silent  retention,  or  an  assignment  to  Congress  of  the  reasons 
for  it,  be  the  mode  most  suitable  to  such  occasions. 

I  hope,  with  you,  that  the  compromising  Tariff  will  have  a 
course  and  effect  avoiding  a  renewal  of  the  contest  between  the 
South  and  the  North,  and  that  a  lapse  of  nine  or  ten  years  will 
enable  the  manufacturers  to  swim  without  the  bladders  which 
have  supported  them.  Many  considerations  favor  such  a  pros- 
pect. They  will  be  saved,  in  future,  much  of  the  expense  in 
fixtures,  which  they  had  to  encounter,  and,  in  many  instances, 
unnecessarily  incurred.  They  will  be  continually  improving  in 
the  management  of  their  business.  They  will  not  fail  to  im- 
prove, occasionally,  on  the  machinery  abroad.  The  reduction 
of  duties  on  imported  articles  consumed  by  them  will  be  equiva- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  365 

lent  to  a  direct  bounty.  There  will  probably  be  an  increasing 
cheapness  of  food  from  the  increasing  redundancy  of  agricul- 
tural labor.  There  will,  within  the  experimental  period,  be  an 
addition  of  four  or  five  millions  to  our  population,  no  part,  or 
little,  of  which  will  be  needed  for  agricultural  labor,  and  which 
will,  consequently,  be  an  extensive  fund  of  manufacturing  re- 
cruits. The  current  experience  makes  it  probable,  that  not  less 
than  fifty  or  sixty  thousand,  or  more,  of  emigrants,  will  annually 
each  the  United  States,  a  large  portion  of  whom  will  have  been 
trained  to  manufactures,  and  be  ready  for  that  employment. 

With  respect  to  Virginia,  it  is  quite  probable,  from  the  prog- 
ress already  made  in  the  Western  culture  of  tobacco,  and  the 
rapid  exhaustion  of  her  virgin  soil,  in  which  alone  it  can  be  cul- 
tivated with  a  chance  of  profit,  that  of  the  forty  or  fifty  thou- 
sand laborers  on  tobacco  the  greater  part  will  be  released  from 
the  employment,  and  be  applicable  to  that  of  manufactures.  It 
is  well  known  that  the  farming  system  requires  much  fewer 
hands  than  tobacco  fields. 

It  is  painful  to  observe  the  unceasing  efforts  to  alarm  the  South 
by  imputations  against  the  North  of  unconstitutional  designs  on 
the  subject  of  the  slaves.  You  are  right,  I  have  do  doubt,  in 
believing  that  no  such  intermeddling  disposition  exists  in  the 
body  of  our  northern  brethren.  Their  good  faith  is  sufficiently 
guaranteed  by  the  interest  they  have,  as  merchants,  as  ship-own- 
ers, and  as  manufacturers,  in  preserving  a  union  with  the  slave- 
holding  States.  On  the  other  hand,  what  madness  in  the  South 
to  look  for  greater  safety  in  disunion  !  It  would  be  worse  than 
jumping  out  of  the  frying-pan  into  the  fire.  It  would  be.  jump- 
ing into  the  fire  from  a  fear  of  the  frying-pan.  The  danger 
from  the  alarm  is,  that  the  pride  and  resentment  excited  by  them 
may  be  an  overmatch  for  the  dictates  of  prudence,  and  favor  the 
project  of  a  Southern  Convention  insidiously  revived,  as  promis- 
ing by  its  counsels  the  best  securities  against  grievances  of  every 
sort  from  the  North. 

The  case  of  the  Tariff  and  Land  bills  can  not  fail  of  an  influ- 
ence on  the  question  of  your  return  to  the  next  session  of  Con- 
gress. They  are  both  closely  connected  with  the  public  repose. 


366  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


DANIEL    WEBSTER    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

COLUMBUS,  June  10,  1833. 

MY  BEAR  SIR, — I  have  at  length  reached  this  point,  after  hav- 
ing been  greatly  delayed  by  the  state  of  the  roads,  produced  by 
excessive  rains.  Such  are  the  accounts  here  of  the  state  of 
health,  in  the  towns  and  near  the  rivers,  and  to  the  southward 
of  it,  that  my  future  movements,  and  the  extent  to  which  I  may 
prosecute  my  journey,  have  become  uncertain.  The  season,  too, 
seems  now  rapidly  advancing  into  hot  weather.  I  have  thought 
it  due  to  your  kindness  and  proffered  hospitality  to  make  this 
suggestion,  lest  you  should  stay  at  Lexington,  in  expectation  of 
my  being  there,  after  the  time  when  it  would  be  agreeable  to 
you,  under  existing  circumstances,  to  leave  home.  I  pray  you 
not  to  stay  a  day  for  me,  since  it  is  so  uncertain  whether  I  shall 
get  to  Lexington. 

I  have  heard  only  to-day  the  dreadful  account  about  poor 
Johnston.  It  is  inexpressibly  shocking. 


DANIEL  WEBSTER  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

Cnn-LicoTnE,  June  22d,  1838.  fl 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  kind  letter  of  the  17th  was  put  into  my 
hands  at  Cincinnati,  on  the  morning  of  the  20th,  just  as  I  was 
getting  into  the  carriage  on  my  departure  for  this  place.  With 
whatever  reluctance,  and  it  was  certainly  very  great,  I  found  it 
unavoidable  that  I  should  give  up  the  Kentucky  portion  of  my 
journey ;  since,  even  though  I  felt  no  fear  about  personal  safety, 
I  should  yet  find  those  whom  I  wished  to  see  either  in  alarm  or 
in  affliction.  Now  that  the  scourge  has  departed,  as  I  hope, 
from  your  immediate  neighborhood,  and  although  Providence 
has  kindly  protected  your  own  roof,  yet  I  can  well  conceive  that 
you  must  have  lost  valued  friends,  and  that  so  terrible  a  visitation 
has  left  a  shock  which  must  continue  to  be  felt  for  some  time. 

It  is  my  purpose  to  proceed  immediately  to  Pittsburg,  and 
thence  by  the  shortest  route  to  New  York  and  New  England. 
I  find  Mr.  Ewing  here,  as  well  as  General  M.  Arthur  and 
other  friends.  He  expresses  great  pleasure  at  the  escape  of  your 
family  from  the  calamity.  There  is  no  sickness  here,  though  a 
case  of  cholera  is  reported  as  having  occurred  at  Portsmouth. 


OF  HENKY  CLAY.  367 

I  sincerely  hope  you  will  not  give  up  your  intended  visit  to 
the  North.  All  along  the  country  there  is  a  very  general  expect- 
ation of  seeing  you,  and  the  disappointment  will  not  be  small, 
should  you  not  come. 

I  beg  you  to  make  my  best  regards  to  Mrs.  Clay,  and  say  to 
her,  that  1  will  venture  to  give  her  my  word  that  if  she  will 
visit  the  North,  she  will  find  her  tour  pleasant  and  agreeable,  and 
her  welcome  every  where  hearty. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

ASHLAXD,  August  2,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  favor  of  the  20th  ultimo, 
and  take  great  pleasure  in  transmitting  an  account  of  the  remedy 
most  successfully  applied  in  the  treatment  of  the  cholera  in  Lex- 
ington. I  send  you  herewith  a  number  of  the  "  Western  Jour- 
nal," which  contains  an  article  bringing  into  review  almost  all 
that  has  been  written  on  the  subject  of  the  scourge.  The  de- 
scription and  treatment  of  the  disease  by  Mr.  J.  Kennedy  (the 
first  work  reviewed)  resemble  most  the  appearance  of  it  here, 
and  accord  best  with  the  most  approved  practice. 

From  all  that  I  saw  and  heard  about  it  here,  I  have  drawn 
the  conclusions : 

1.  That  certain  reliance  can  be  placed  upon  no  remedy  after 
the  disease  has  reached  the  state  of  collapse  and  cramps. 

2.  That,  prior  to  that  state,  no  sure  reliance  can  be  placed  on 
any  treatment  which  does  not  embrace  the  use  of  calomel  in 
moderate  doses. 

3.  That  if  the  disease  commences,  as  it  generally  does,  by  a 
complaint  in  the  bowels,  calomel  in  doses  of  from  five  to  twenty- 

'  five  grains,  taken  every  hour,  or  two,  until  the  discharge  from 
!  the  bowels  is  checked,  may  be  relied  upon  with  a  high  degree 
of  certainty. 

If  there  be  considerable  discharge  from  the  bowels,  opium, 
in  the  proportion  of  one  grain  to  every  two  of  calomel,  or  fifteen 
or  twenty  grains  of  laudanum,  were  advantageously  given  with 
calomel. 

The  use  of  emetics  and  bleeding  was  much  controverted.  I 
believe  them  both  good,  in  certain  cases,  and  they  were  both 


368  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

occasionally  resorted  to  with  benefit,  though  I  think  neither  in- 
dispensable. In  the  early  stages  of  the  disease  only,  and  when 
it  has  not  assumed  what  Mr.  Kennedy  calls  the  rapid  type,  would 
it  be  advisable  to  employ  the  emetic  ?  Ipecac.,  salt,  and  mustard, 
and  warm  salt  and  water,  were  all  used.  We  had  among  our 
slaves  a  number  of  cases  of  violent  pain  in  the  abdomen,  which 
we  feared  might  terminate  in  cholera.  In  most  of  them  we 
administered  salt  and  mustard  in  equal  proportions,  about  a  table- 
spoonful  of  each  forming  a  dose,  which  was,  however,  repeated 
until  vomiting  ensued,  and,  after  the  operation,  twenty  grains  of 
calomel,  combined  with  twenty  grains  of  rhuba*rb.  All  of  them 
were  relieved.  The  same  remedy,  with  the  same  success,  was 
employed  at  Mr.  Erwin's,  and  at  a  bagging  factory  in  the  city. 

The  attack  made  upon  Mr.  Dudley's  practice  was  in  conse- 
quence of  his  use  of  the  emetic  ;  and,  I  think,  was  unfounded. 

Some  of  our  physicians  employed  enormous  doses  of  calomel, 
but  I  believe  with  no  advantage. 

I  send  you  a  letter  I  received  from  Dr.  M'Nairy,  containing 
an  account  of  his  practice,  which,  as  I  understand,  was  very  suc- 
cessful. 

Most  sincerely  do  I  hope  that  you  may  not  have  occasion  for 
any  application  whatever  to  this  terrible  disease.  It  still  rages 
with  great  violence  in  some  parts  of  our  State. 

You  seem  to  think  that  I  despond  as  to  our  public  affairs.  If 
you  mean  that  I  have  less  confidence  than  I  formerly  entertained 
in  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  people,  and  in  the  stability 
of  our  institutions,  I  regret  to  be  obliged  to  own  it.  Are  we  not 
governed  now,  and  have  we  not  been  for  some  time  past,  pretty 
much  by  the  will  of  one  man  ?  And  do  not  large  masses  of  the 
people,  perhaps  a  majority,  seem  disposed  to  follow  him  where- 
ever  he  leads,  through  all  his  inconsistencies  ?  He  docs  not,  it 
is  true,  always  govern  positively,  by  enforcing  the  measures 
which  he  prefers ;  but  he  prevents  those,  although  adopted  by 
the  representatives  of  the  people,  to  which  he  is  opposed  ;  and 
although  manifestly  for  their  good,  they  acquiesce  in  and  applaud 
whatever  he  does,  and  take  sides  with  him  against  the  legislative 
authority.  If  that  single  man  were  an  enlightened  philosopher, 
and  a  true  patriot,  the  .popular  sanction  which  is  given  to  all  his 
acts,  however  inconsistent  or  extravagant,  might  find  some  jus- 
tification. But  when^we  consider  that  he  is  ignorant,  passionate, 
hypocritical,  corrupt,  and  easily  swayed  by  the  base  men  who 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  369 

surround  him,  what  can  we  think  of  the  popular  approbation 
which  he  receives  ? 

One  thing  only  was  wanted  to  complete  the  public  degrada- 
tion, and  that  was,  that  he  should  name  his  successor.  This  he 
has  done,  and  there  is  much  reason  to  believe  that  the  people 
will  ratify  the  nomination.  Although  that  successor  may  be 
now,  in  some  places,  unpopular,  when  we  reflect  that  the  whole 
patronage  of  the  Government  will  be  directed  for  three  years  to 
insure  his  success  ;  and  that  a  system  of  organization  exists,  in 
the  largest  State  of  the  Union,  wielding  about  one  seventh  of  the 
whole  electoral'vote,  the  probability  of  his  final  success  must  be 
admitted  to  be  great.  To  these  chances  we  have  to  add  others. 
In  the  South,  it  is  now  pretty  evident  that  you  are  about  to  re- 
enact  the  scenes  of  1824,  when,  under  a  romantic  notion  of  ad- 
hering to  your  candidate,  you  threw  away  your  votes  upon  Mr. 
Crawford,  a  paralytic,  although  it  was  perfectly  notorious  that  he 
stood  no  earthly  chance  of  being  elected.  Now,  under  the  er- 
roneous idea  that  other  parts  of  the  Union  contemplate  an  attack 
upon  your  slave  property,  and  with-  the  purpose  of  adhering  to 
what  are  called  your  principles,  Mr.  Calhoun,  or  somebody  else, 
will  be  brought  out,  and  a  great  effort  will  be  made  to  rally  the 
South  in  his  support.  The  contest  will  be  between  him  and 
Mr.  Yan  Buren.  The  latter,  aided  by  the  dominant  party  in 
Virginia,  may  secure  that  State.  But  it  will  so  turn  out  that, 
whatever  votes  the  Southern  candidate  may  get,  will  serve  Mr. 
Van  Buren  almost  as  effectually  as  if  given  directly  for  himself; 
because  they  will  be  so  many  abstracted  from  some  other  for- 
midable competitor.  Thus,  by  the  operation  of  the  instruments 
now  in  full  employment  to  secure  his  election,  and  by  the  di- 
visions of  those  opposed  to  him,  he  will  obtain  the  majority,  or 
enter  the  House  of  Representatives  with  a  resistless  popularity. 

His  election  once  secured,  the  corrupt  means  of  preserving  and 
perpetuating  power,  now  in  successful  operation  at  Albany,  will 
be  transferred  to  Washington.  And  there  we  shall  hove  a  state 
of  things  which  will  prepare  the  public  mind  for  a  dissolution 
of  the  Union,  to  which,  unfortunately,  there  is  less  aversion  now 
than  could  be  wished  by  those  who  love  their  country. 

I  hope  I  may  be  deceived  in  these  predictions  ;  but  I  fear  that 
I  will  not.  Believing  in  them,  you  can  not  be  surprised  that,  at 
the  age  of  fifty-six,  and  after  the  struggles  which  I  have  made 
to  maintain  the  public  liberty,  and  to  avoid  the  evils  which  now 

24 


370  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

menace  us — struggles,  I  repeat,  in  which  I  have  been  too  little 
sustained — I  should  think  seriously  of  a  final  retirement  from  tho 
theater  of  public  life. 

My  daughter*  was  happy  to  find  herself  in  your  friendly  re- 
collection, and  desires  me  to  assure  you  of  her  cordially  recip- 
rocating your  esteem.  She  is  very  happy,  possessed  of  the 
affections  of  her  husband,  residing  upon  a  beautiful  place  adjoin- 
ing mine,  and  enjoying  affluence  and  every  blessing. 

Mrs.  Clay  desires  to  be  kindly  remembered  to  Mrs.  B.  and 
yourself,  and  I  remain  always  your  sincere  friend. 


HARRISON    GRAY    OTIS    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BOSTON,  October  2'2,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  had  long  indulged  a  most  gratifying  antici- 
pation, that  upon  any  visit  you  might  make  to  this  city,  I  should 
be  among  the  foremost  to  receive  you  with  a  cordial  welcome, 
and  to  promote  among  my  fellow-citizens  those  public  demon- 
strations of  respect,  to  which  your  claims,  to  say  the  least,  are, 
in  my  opinion,  equal  to  those  of  any  man  in  our  country.  My 
family  also  would  have  been  too  happy  in  uniting  with  me  in 
every  effort  in  our  power  to  contribute  toward  making  the  stay 
of  yours  among  us  agreeable  and  convenient.  The  chagrin, 
therefore, 'which  I  should  feel  in  a  disappointment  which  forbids 
the  accomplishment  of  these  purposes,  would  be  mortifying  and 
deep,  if  arising  from  any  human  source.  But  we  are  under  an 
affliction  which  comes  from  above,  and  precludes  all  emotions  but 
those  of  anxiety  and  sorrow,  and  dispenses  from  all  duties  but 
those  of  resignation  and  obedience.  My  youngest  son,  the  de- 
ligbt  of  our  eyes  and  our  lives,  is  suddenly  arrested  by  disease, 
in  the  bloom  and  vigor  of  youth,  and  is,  as  his  physicians  fear, 
on  his  dying  bed.  This  trouble  is  too  serious  to  be  mentioned 
as  a  ceremonious  apology ;  but  I  could  not,  without  a  sense  of 
self  disparagement,  permit  you  to  remain  a  visitor  in  my  native 
city,  under  an  impression  that  any  ordinary  cause  would  prevent 
me  from  showing  you,  by  all  that  depends  on  me,  the  sense 
which  I  think  every  man  who  loves  his  country  should  enter- 

*  Mrs.  Erwin,  the  much-loved  child,  and  most  worthy  of  it.  We  have  heard 
Mr.  Clay  speak  of  her,  many  years  after  her  decease,  with  the  most  tender  emo- 
tion. He  delighted  to  dwell  on  her  character  with  a  sympathizing  friend. 


OF  HESTRY  CLAY.  371 

tertain  of  the  claims  of  a  patriot,  who  has  always  carried  his 
principles  in  front,  and  is  ignorant  of  all  political  disguise,  except 
that  which  he  has  seen  worn  by  others,  and  whose  public  serv- 
ices have  been,  and,  I  trust,  yet  will  be,  of  inappreciable  value 
to  his  country.  If  I  can  trust  myself  to  behave  with  decent 
firmness  and  composure,  for  ten  minutes,  I  shall  steal  them,  to 
take  you  by  the  hand.  If  I  do  not,  accept  from  a  full  heart  the 
wish  that  God  Almighty  may  secure  you  and  yours  in  his  holy 
keeping. 

I  pray  you  not  to  think  of  replying  to  this. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

SENATE  CHAMBER,  December  11,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  delayed  acknowledging  the  receipt  of 
your  favor,  in  consequence  of  an  uncertainty  whether  my  an- 
swer should  be  addressed  you  at  St.  Julien  or  at  Richmond,  and 
I  am  yet  at  a  loss  which  direction  to  give  it. 

My  journey  was  full  of  gratification.  In  spite  of  my  con- 
stant protestations  that  it  was  undertaken  with  objects  of  a  pri- 
vate nature  exclusively,  and  my  uniformly  declining  public 
dinners,  the  people  every  where,  and  at  most  places,  without 
discrimination  of  parties,  took  possession  of  me,  and  gave  enthu- 
siastic demonstrations  of  respect,  attachment  and  confidence. 
In  looking  back  on  the  scenes  through  which  I  passed,  they 
seem  to  me  to  have  resembled  those  of  enchantment  more  than 
of  real  life. 

From  indications  which  have  been  as  yet  given,  it  would 
seem  that  the  session  opens  with  a  majority  in  the  House  for  the 
Administration,  and  a  majority  in  the  Senate  against  it.  We 
passed  a  pretty  strong  measure  yesterday,  resuming  the  appoint- 
ment of  committees  by  the  Senate  itself.  On  that  vote,  parties 
stand  twenty-two  to  eighteen.  We  hope  to  reverse  the  majority 
in  the  House,  and  to  strengthen  it  in  the  Senate,,  if  we  have  no 
desertions. 

Are  you  in  habits  of  intimacy  with  Floyd  ?  If  you  are,  you 
may  ask  him  to  show  you  a  long  letter  I  have  recently  addressed 
to  him,  in  answer  to  a  long  letter  I  had  received  from  him  on 
public  affairs. 

Mrs.  Clay  joins  me  in  respects  to  Mrs.  Brooke. 


372  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


AMBROSE  SPENCER  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

ALBANY,  December  14,  1833. 

DEAR  SIR, — Knowing  that  your  time  is  wholly  taken  up  in 
the  arduous  duties  before  you,  I  have  hesitated  to  divert  your  at- 
tention a  moment  by  any  thing  I  can  suggest ;  but  I  am  not  willing 
that  an  acquaintance  which  gave  me  unspeakable  pleasure,  should 
be  suffered  to  fade  away.  If  you  have  not  leisure  to  answer  my 
letters  I  assure  you  that  your  silence  will  give  me  no  offense. 
You  can  hardly  conceive  what  favorable  impressions  your  short 
visit  among  us  created.  Those  who  were  prepared  to  love  and  ad- 
mire you,  were  confirmed  in  all  their  anticipations,  and  they  admire 
and  love  you  with  the  more  intensity ;  and  even  those  who  have 
been  in  the  habit  of  thinking  and  speaking  unkindly  of  you, 
were  generally  compelled  to  think  better  of  you.  I  revert  to  the 
few  happy  hours  I  spent  in  your  company  with  renewed  delight. 
You  may  say  this  is  flattery  ;  but  if  you  understood  my  charac- 
ter,  this  is  a  vice  never  imputed  to  me  by  friend  or  foe,  but 
enough  of  this. 

I  am  aware  that  it  is  quite  premature  to  think  or  speak  of  the 
next  Presidential  candidate,  but  it  seems  that,  nolens  volcns,  the 
press  will  talk  of  it,  and  consequently  the  public  will  think  of  it. 
In  my  opinion  the  national  Republicans  ought  to  keep  themselves 
wholly  uncommitted,  unless  a  great  change  should  take  place  in 
the  public  mind,  and  the  prejudices  of  party  be  greatly  abated, 
the  annunciation  of  any  one  of  our  distinguished  friends  would 
have  the  effect  to  unite  the  whole  Jackson  phalanx  on  some  one 
of  their  leaders,  and  I  think  Mr.  Van  Buren  would  probably  be 
that  man.  From  present  appearances  the  contest  on  the  part  of 
our  adversaries  will  be  between  Van  Buren,  Judge  M'Lean,  and 
Mr.  Cass.  I  had  no  opportunity  to  obtain  your  opinions  of  the 
two. latter,  but  I  confess  I  feel  strong  repugnance  to  both  of 
them.  The  question  is  not  whether  they  are  as  unprincipled  as 
Jackson,  for  I  console  myself  with  the  belief  that  we,  under  no 
circumstances,  can  elect  a  worse,  or  more  incompetent  man.  If 
we  are  driven  to  a  choice  between  the  three,  which  of  them 
will  be  the  least  mischievous  ?  M'Lean's  judicial  course  has 
been  Jesuitical  and  trimming,  and  it  will  be  a  strong  objection 
to  him  that  he  enters  the  arena  with  the  robes  of  office  on.  As 
to  Cass,  I  once  thought  well  of  him ;  but  did  he  not  write  an 


OF  HEXRY   CLAY.  373 

article  in  the  "  North  American  Review"  expressly  to  propitiate 
the  favor  of  Jackson,  chiming  in  with  his  crude  notions  that  Geor- 
gia had  a  right  to  abrogate  the  laws,  etc.,  of  the  Cherokees  and 
subject  them  to  their  jurisdiction  ?  This  was  in  July,  1830.  Did 
he  not  write  an  essay  for  "  The  Globe"  reviewing  Judge  Marshall's 
opinions  in  the  case  of  the  Missourians,  to  prepare  the  public 
mind  for  the  President's  refusal  to  obey  and  carry  into  effect  the 
mandate  of  the  court  ?  Is  he  not  the  one  of  the  Cabinet  who 
gave  an  oral  opinion  against  removing  the  deposits,  but  saying 
if  they  were  removed  he  would  stand  by  the  President  ?  If  he 
has  done  all  or  any  of  these  things,  he  is  a  fit  instrument  for  a 
tyrant,  and  I  despise  him.  Can  you  enlighten  me  on  any  of  these 
matters  at  a  leisure  moment  ? 

I  feel  as  I  did  when  I  saw  you,  most  desponding  at  the  pros- 
pect before  us,  and  yet  were  I  called  to  act,  I  would,  if  possible, 
nerve  myself  for  the  contest  and  fight  the  battle  on  the  last  inch 
of  ground  left. 

Excuse,  I  pray  you,  my  want  of  method.  I  write  on  just  as  I 
feel.  We  are  all  well.  Present  my  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay  and 
say  to  her,  Mrs.  Spencer  presents  her  respects  and  will  long  re- 
member her  with  affection. 

P.  S.  Mrs.  De  Witt  Clinton  told  me  she  regretted  very  much 
you  did  not  call  on  her.  She  has  not  one  remaining  prejudice 
against  you,  and  her  husband's  were  conceived  in  error,  and 
were,  I  doubt  not,  produced  by  misrepresentation. 


HENRY    CLAY,    JR.,    TO    HIS    FATHER. 

JIAPLEWOOD,  December  14,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER, — I  must  now  write  you  upon  a  very  pain- 
ful subject.  Anne,  Mr.  Erwin,  and  the  rest  of  the  family,  with 
the  exception  of  myself,  determined,  from  the  great  and  apparent 
increase  of  Theodore's  malady,  and  from  the  positive  risk  and 
danger  of  his  going  at  large,  that  he  ought  to  be  again  placed 
in  the  Hospital  in  this  place.  The  Commissioners  have  taken 
him  once  more  under  their  protection.  They  applied  to  me  to 
know  if  I  consented  to  it.  I  told  them  that  I  should  have  noth- 
ing to  do  in  the  matter,  but  that  as  one  nearly  related,  but  with- 
out any  authority  or  desire  to  act,  I  had  no  objection.  When 


374  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

he  was  placed  in  the  Hospital  I  was  applied  to  as  his  brother, 
the  nearest  relation  present,  to  advance  $50  for  his  board,  and  to 
give  my  bond  for  $500.  I  advanced  the  money  promptly,  and 
have  expressed  my  willingness  to  give  my  bond.  This  is  my 
part  in  the  affair.  I  am  not  the  mover  in  the  business,  nor,  I 
may  say,  a  participant,  for  Anne  selected  her  course  without 
consulting  with  me.  She  placed  him  where  he  is.  But  now 
let  me  say,  my  dear  father,  without  I  beseech  your  having  my 
motives  impugned,  that  Anne  has  done  right.  Theodore  endan- 
gered the  lives  of  all  in  the  house  with  him.  He  was  worse 
than  he  ever  had  been.  But  he  is  now  doing  better.  To  look 
at  him  was  enough  to  melt  the  heart.  His  health  wasting  away, 
his  face  pale  and  emaciated.  The  day  exhausted  in  forming 
suspicions  of  plots  and  conspiracies,  the  night  in  ceaseless  and 
terrible  alarms.  Let  me  say,  with  a  full  knowledge  of  what  J 
owe  to  you  and  to  my  mother,  that  we  should  allow  the  best 
physicians  to  operate  with  this  most  subtle  and  distressing  disor- 
der. When  he  was  in  the  Hospital  before,  his  health  was  re- 
established and  his  mind  certainly  improved.  Let  us  then  curb 
our  feelings  and  not  destroy  our  brother  and  our  child  by  mis- 
timed affection.  If  the  malady  is  a  great  affliction  to  us  all,  and 
the  most  awful  calamity  to  which  a  human  being  is  subject,  then 
let  the  remedies  be  applied  with  proportionate  care.  Let  the 
wisest  men  and  the  most  skillful  in  cures  take  our  patient  under 
their  charge.  I  have  every  hope,  and  others  entertain  hope 
also  that  Theodore  will  be  eventually  cured,  if  left  in  the  Hos- 
pital. His  disorder,  from  being  confined  to  a  few  subjects  has, 
I  think,  become  more  general,  and  I  hope  unsettled.  At  all 
events  we  ought  never  to  resign  hope  ;  and  the  experience  of 
mankind  informs  us  that  the  living  and  discipline  of  a  Hospital 
are  the  best  remedies  for  the  disease.  Is  the  discipline,  even 
when  the  worst,  as  painful  as  the  amputation  of  a  limb,  and 
shall  we  do  less  to  preserve  our  mind  than  our  body  ?  But  you 
know  the  truth  of  what  I  write  and  my  mother  too  will  adopt 
it,  I  hope  ;  for  I  think. if  she  will  reflect  upon  Theodore's  case, 
she  will  recognize  the  exact  coincidence  with  it  of  what  I  write. 
Theodore  is  now  doing  well,  and  I,  at  least,  feel  much  better 
satisfied  with  what  is  going  on  for  his  good  than  when  he  was 
at  large,  a  source  of  mortification  and  affliction  to  you  and  his 
friends,  and  in  a  progress  to  the  gradual  but  complete  destruction 
of  his  mind,  his  health,  and  happiness. 


OF  HENKY  CLAY.  375 

MB.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  16,  1833. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  addressed  a  letter  to  you  at  Richmond,  but 
understand  that  you  are  at  St.  Julien,  to  which  I  direct  this  letter. 

We  were  highly  gratified  to-day  in  the  Senate.  We  carried 
the  appointment  of  every  chairman  of  the  committees  as  we 
wished  ;  and  as  far  as  we  proceeded,  every  member  of  the  several 
committees,  with  one  unimportant  exception.  There  is  a  fair 
prospect  of  our  having  in  the  Senate  a  majority  of  twenty-six 
or  twenty-seven. 

Whether  it  will  be  practicable  to  rescue  the  Government  and 
public  liberty  from  the  impending  dangers,  which  Jacksonism 
has  created,  depends,  in  my  opinion,  mainly  upon  the  South ; 
and  the  course  of  the  South  will  be  guided  mainly  by  Virginia. 
Hence  the  very  great  importance  of  this  State  taking  a  patriotic 
direction.  I  understand  that  you  are  thought  of  for  the  Chief 
Magistrate.  I  know  the  sacrifices  you  must  make,  if  you  ex- 
cept that  station ;  but  can  not  you  make  them  ?  "  What  is  a 
public  man  worth  who  is  not  ready  to  sacrifice  himself  for  his 
country?"  Depend  upon  it,  that  every  thing  for  which  you 
fought,  or  which  you  and  I  hold  valuable,  in  public  concerns,  is 
in  imminent  hazard.  By  means  of  the  Veto,  the  power  as  ex- 
ercised of  removing  from  office,  the  possession  of  the  public 
treasures,  and  the  public  patronage,  the  living  existence  of  lib- 
erty and  the  Government  is,  in  my  judgment,  in  peril. 

I  mean  myself  to  open  and  push  a  vigorous  campaign.  It  is 
the  campaign  of  1777.  I  want  aid — all  the  aid  that  can  be 
given.  I  mean — which  will  surprise  you — to  be  very  prudent, 
but  very  resolute.  Can  you  not  assist  us  ? 


ERASTUS    ROOT    TO    MR.   CLAY. 

DELHI,  January  12,  1834. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  read  your  speeches  on  the  removal  of  the 
Deposits  with  much  pleasure  and  deep  interest.  I  perceive  in 
them  that  force  of  argument  and  that  commanding  eloquence 
which  I  was  wont  to  witness  in  former  days,  in  the  efforts  of 
Henry  Clay,  in  the  cause  of  liberty  and  the  Constitution. 

When,  my  dear  sir,  will  the  mad  career  of   the   "  military 


876  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

chieftain"  be  checked  ?  or  is  it  never  to  meet  with  a  check  ? 
Will  a  thoughtless  multitude,  led  on  or  encouraged  by  knavish 
politicians,  always  sing  pagans  of  praise  to  the  usurpations  of  a 
despot,  if  emblazoned  with  military  renown  ?  I  fear  the 
splendid  and  enormous  bribe  he  has  seized,  and  is  now  distribut- 
ing, will  insure  the  object  of  his  wishes — the  succession  to  his 
throne. 

Under  the  Constitution,  as  now  understood,  is  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  an  officer  impeachable  for  high  crimes  and  mis- 
demeanors ?  Can  the  instrument  be  convicted  of  the  crime  it 
has  perpetrated  ?  He  might  be  forfeited  as  a  dcodand. 

In  your  speeches  on  this  occasion,  I  discover  the  same  ardent 
patriotism,  the  same  devotion  to  public  and  personal  liberty 
which  I  so  much  admired  when  associated  with  you  in  the 
House  of  Representatives ;  but  from  what  you  hinted  to  me  last 
winter,  I  have  some  reason  to  fear  that  when  the  repeal  of  the 
Force  bill  shall  come  under  consideration,  in  your  House,  you 
will  cause  me  to  regret  a  blot  in  your  bright  escutcheon.  You 
were  not  present  on  the  final  passage  of  that  odious  bill,  but  I 
got  the  idea  (I  hope  an  erroneous  one)  that  had  you  been  present, 
you  might  have  voted  for  it.  With  the  sword  and  the  purse, 
and  that  bill  at  his  command,  an  American  Cassar  might  sink 
into  comparative  insignificance  that  puny  whipster  of  a  Caesar 
whom  you  so  eloquently  described  as  swaying  the  final  destinies 
of  Rome.  A  part,  and  the  most  odious  part,  of  the  Force  bill, 
I  believe,  will  expire  with  the  present  session,  but  the  Statute 
Book  ought  to  be  purged  of  that  foul  stain. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  14,  1834. 

$[Y  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  12th.  That 
written  by  you  early  in  December  never  came  to  hand,  and  1 
regret  it.  As  to  the  repeal  of  the  Force  bill,  there  are  parts  of 
it  which  are  permanent,  and  which,  in  my  judgment,  ought  to 
remain,  independent  of  and  distinct  from  any  excitement  in 
South  Carolina.  The  two  sections  (the  first  and  fifth)  contain 
some  provisions,  to  which  I  objected  on  their  passage.  If  the 
repeal  of  them  were  asked,  not  on  the  ground  of  the  truth  of 
the  principles  of  nullification,  but  as  expedient,  since  the  neces- 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  377 


sity  for  them  has  passed  by,  to  tranquillize  the  South,  it  might 
not  be  objectionable,  although,  even  in  that  view,  those  parts  of 
the  act  expiring  with  the  present  session,  by  express  limitation, 
there  is  no  great  utility  in,  the  repeal.  But  it  is  not  asked  on 
any  other  ground  than  that  nullification  is  right,  and  to  that  I 
can  not  assent.  If  I  could  forget  myself  and  my  principles  so 
much  as  to  adopt  those  of  nullification,  it  would  prove  my  utter 
ruin  as  a  public  man.  Nullification  is  every  where  in  the  min- 
ority but  in  South  Carolina.  In  Kentucky,  it  can  not  hold  up 
its  head.  And  I  think  Mr.  Calhoun  has  been  unfortunate  in 
stirring  this  matter,  which  had  better  be  left  to  sleep  quietly. 

What  is  doing  in  your  Legislature  about  the  deposits  ?  We 
want  all  aid  here  on  that  subject  which  can  be  given  us  from 
Richmond.  What  has  been  done  there  has  been  of  immense 
service  to  us.  Virginia  is  herself  again,  and  has  once  more  the 
power  to  rally  around  her  standard  the  friends  of  freedom.  Bui 
bold,  determined  conduct  on  her  part  is  necessary  ;  and  particu- 
larly on  the  subject  of  the  public  treasury.  If  she  now  falters 
or  falls  back,  it  would  have  been  better  that  she  should  have 
never  excited  any  hopes ;  for  then  we  might  have  all  sunk 
quietly  into  the  abyss  of  despotism. 


MR.   CLAY  TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  10, 1834 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  should  have  written  you  oftener,  but  for  the 
best  reason  in  the  world,  that  I  had  really  nothing  to  write  that 
was  interesting. 

The  debate  on  the  deposits  continues.  We  are  gaining  both 
in  public  opinion  and  in  number  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
We  are  probably  still  there  in  a  minority,  although  the  majority 
is  not  large,  and  will  melt  away  if  the  current  of  public  opinion 
continues  to  mix  with  us. 

I  transmit  you  a  letter  in  answer  to  one  I  received.  I  wish 
you  to  read  and  deliver  it,  unless  you  think  I  had  better  not  have 
it  delivered.  We  are  here  so  accustomed  to  vetos,  that  I  volun- 
tarily, you  see,  subject  my  letter  to  yours. 

Our  city  is  full  of  distress  committees.     The  more  the  better. 


378  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.    TAZEWELL    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

NOBFOLK,  February  19,  1834. 

DEAR  SIR, — An  absence  from  this  place  for  some  weeks  past 
has  prevented  me  from  receiving  your  favor  of  the  1st  instant, 
until  a  short  time  since.  I  now  hasten  to  reply  to  it,  merely  to 
give  you  some  evidence  of  the  consideration  with  which  I  re- 
gard any  communication  of  yours.  The  opinion  you  asked  of 
me  upon  the  abstract  question  you  proposed,  even  if  entitled  to 
more  respect  than  my  opinions  ought  ever  to  receive  from  you, 
can  be  of  but  little  value  now,  when  all  the  difficulties  we  en- 
counter proceed  from  the  practical  operation  of  measures,  which, 
whether  they  may  be  traced  to  usurpation  or  to  the  mere  abuse 
of  power,  reach  the  same  actual  results.  But  as  you  have  asked 
my  opinion,  I  will  give  it  to  you  freely. 

Many  years  ago,  soon  after  I  became  a  member  of  the  Senate, 
and  before  you  last  entered  that  body,  I  was  under  the  necessity 
of  discussing  this  question  at  large ;  and  to  that  end  I  then  ex- 
amined it  very  carefully.  The  result  of  this  examination  was 
the  conviction  of  my  own  mind,  that  all  the  executive  power 
created  by  the  Federal  Constitution  was  confided  thereby  to  the 
President,  to  be  exercised  by  him  at  his  discretion,  and  upon  his 
high  responsibility,  except  in  the  cases  of  appointments  and  of 
treaties,  if  indeed  the  latter  may  be  considered  as  an  executive 
power  under  this  Constitution,  [n  this  opinion  the  majority  of 
the  Senate  then  concurred. 

Under  this  view  of  the  subject,  it  seemed  to  me  of  little  use 
to  inquire,  in  regard  to  the  power  of  removal  from  office,  whether 
this  was  a  substantive  power  or  one  merely  accessorial  to  the 
power  of  appointment.  For,  as  it  was  clearly  an  executive 
power,  if  it  was  a  substantive  power,  it  would  then  be  embraced 
in  the  general  Grant  of  all  executive  power,  which,  by  the  Con- 
stitution, is  given  to  the  President ;  and  if  it  was  but  an  acces- 
sorial power,  it  must  follow  its  principal,  and  appertain  to  the 
same  functionary,  to  whom  the  principal  power  of  appointment 
was  granted  by  the  Constitution  in  terms,  although  in  the  exer- 
cise of  the  power  of  appointment,  he  was  required  to  consult 
his  advisory  council,  the  Senate. 

This  conclusion  seemed  to  me  tile  more  apparent  when  I  ad- 
verted to  the  other  powers  that  are,  obviously,  merely  accessorial 
to  the  power  of  appointment,  such  as  the  power  of  nominating 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  379 

to  office,  and  of  commissioning.  No  one  could  suppose  that  the 
Senate  enjoyed  either  of  these  powers,  although  the  Constitution 
required  of  the  President  to  obtain  their  advice  and  consent,  be- 
fore he  could  exercise  his  power  of  appointment.  The  only  rea- 
son for  this  is,  that  while  the  Constitution  exacts  of  the  Presi- 
dent the  duty  of  consulting  the  Senate  in  all  cases  of  appoint- 
ment, it  imposes  upon  him  no  such  obligation  with  regard  to 
nominations  or  commissions.  Then,  as  the  exclusive  right  of 
the  President  to  these  new  auxiliary  powers  must  be  conceded,  I 
could  discover  no  reason  for  denying  to  him  the  similar  right  to 
the  other  auxiliary  power  of  removal,  as  to  which  also  the  Con- 
stitution was  equally  silent. 

The  treaty-making  power,  too,  seemed  to  me  to  furnish  a 
strong  illustration  of  the  correctness  of  my  position.  Whether, 
under  the  Federal  Constitution,  this  ought  to  be  considered  as 
an  executive  or  legislative  power,  in  either  case  it  must  carry 
with  it  the  accessorial  powers  of  negotiation  and  ratification. 
Now  although  the  consent  of  the  Senate  was  required  to  give 
validity  to  every  treaty,  yet  none  could  suppose  that  the  advice 
of  this  body  was  requisite  to  justify  the  President  in  commenc- 
ing a  negotiation,  or  that  he  was  bound  to  ratify  a  treaty  because 
the  Senate  had  consented  that  this  might  be  done. 

In  the  course  of  this  debate,  it  was  said  by  some  Senator, 
that  whatever  might  be  the  case  elsewhere,  under  the  Federal 
Constitution,  the  power  of  appointment  was  not  an  executive 
power,  but  belonged  to  an  anomalous  class,  because  it  was  con- 
fided to  other  depositaries  than  the  executive  ;  that  being  an 
anomalous  power,  all  its  incidents  must  partake  of  this  character, 
and  appertain  to  the  same  depositaries  to  whom  the  principal 
power  was  intrusted  by  the  Constitution. 

I  could  not  admit  the  general  character  of  the  depositary  to 
be  the  proper  test  by  wfrich  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  the  power 
confided,  especially  as  all  our  Constitutions  furnished  many  ex- 
amples of  the  grants  of  power  admitted  to  be  purely  executive 
to  mere  legislative  or  judicial  functionaries.  It  seemed  to  me 
more  correct  to  say  that  the  character  of  the  depositary  was 
changed  quo  ad  hoc,  than  that  of  the  power  granted.  I  denied, 
therefore,  that  the  power  of  appointment  was  an  anomalous 
power,  and  contended  that  it  was  strictly  executive.  I  could  not 
admit  either  that  this  power  of  appointment  was  confided  to  the 
Senate,  merely  because  the  President  was  required  to  consult 


880  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

them  before  he  exercised  it  effectually.  As  well  might  it  be 
said,  that  the  veto  allowed  to  the  President  by  the  Constitution 
constituted  him  a  part  of  the  Legislature.  In  either  case,  the 
powers  granted  were  negative,  and  not  positive,  and  therefore 
could  not  be  considered  as  active  powers,  which  all  legislative 
and  executive  powers  must  be.  The  Senate,  in  the  case  of 
appointments,  were  authorized  to  give  or  to  withhold  their  con- 
sent when  asked  by  the  President ;  but  they  had  no  authority  to 
proffer  their  advice  unasked  j  nor  was  the  President  bound  to 
follow  it  when  properly  given,  although  he  could  not  act  without 
it.  Therefore,  the  power  appertained  to  him  and  not  to  them. 
I  could  not  discern  how  the  character  of  the  power  granted,  let 
this  be  ascertained  how  it  might,  could  influence  in  any  way  the 
question  of  incidental  authority.  The  accessory  must  follow  its 
principal,  whatever  might  be  the  name  or  nature  of  that  prin- 
cipal. If  they  are  once  separated,  and  the  powers  confided  to 
different  hands,  the  accessory  changes  its  character  immediately, 
and  becomes  a  new  principal  power,  the  matrix  of  other  inci- 
dents. Otherwise,  the  greatest  absurdities,  and  the  most  irre- 
concileable  conflicts,  would  ensue. 

But  I  will  not  fatigue  you  with  any  further  repetition  of  the 
arguments  then  urged,  except  to  say  that  it  appeared  to  me 
manifestly  absurd  to  regard  the  President  as  responsible  for  the 
acts  of  subordinate  agents,  and  yet  to  deny  to  him  the  uncon- 
trolled power  of  supervising  them,  and  of  removing  them  from 
office  whenever  they  had  lost  his  confidence. 

While  announcing  these  opinions,  justice  to  myself  requires  of 
me  to  add,  that  in  claiming  for  the  President  the  exclusive  right 
to  all  the  executive  power  created  by  the  Federal  Constitution, 
I  hold  him  accountable  to  Congress,  to  the  people,  and  to  the 
States,  for  every  misuse  of  the  discretionary  power  so  granted  to 
him.  Believing  that  all  the  powers  of  all  our  Governments  are 
derivative  and  not  sovereign,  I  can  not  recognize  any  other  than 
a  mere  verbal  distinction  between  the  abuse  and  the  usurpation 
of  any  power.  None  can  have  the  right  to  do  wrong,  although 
in  cases  where  no  tribunal  exists  to  determine  what  is  wrong, 
the  mere  possession  of  power  must  necessarily  be  regarded  as  the 
sole  evidence  of  the  right  to  use  it  at  will.  But  in  this  country, 
where  all  political  powers  are  granted,  and  therefore  limited, 
there  always  exists  a  tribunal  competent  to  decide  upon  the 
legitimate  extent  of  powers.  Here,  then,  the  abuse  of  power 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  381 

granted  is  both  in  kind  and  in  degree,  an  equal  offense  with  the 
usurpation  of  power  not  granted,  unless  we  could  conceive  the 
impossible  case  of  power  granted  to  be  abused. 

I  have  never  heard  any  so  wild  as  to  claim  for  the  President 
any  other  executive  powers  than  such  as  are  created  by  the 
Federal  Constitution.  Nor  have  I  supposed  that  any  could  be 
so  foolish  as  to  regard  what  is  called  executive  power  in  Eng- 
land, or  in  any  other  country,  as  the  measure  and  standard  of 
such  power  here.  The  absurdity  of  such  a  pretension  is  so 
monstrous,  that  I  can  not  consider  it  as  meriting  any  serious  re- 
futation. Once  admit  it  to  be  true,  and  the  Constitution  would 
become  a  dead  letter.  We  should  then  be  sent  abroad  to  learn 
the  nature  of  our  own  Government,  and  might  soon  see  the 
President  proroguing,  or  even  dissolving  Congress  at  his  pleasure, 
nay,  creating  a  peerage,  declaring  war,  and  concluding  treaties, 
without  consulting  any  other  department  of  the  Government. 

It  will  always  give  me  pleasure  to  hear  from  you.  Our  prin- 
ciples may  not,  perhaps,  be  in  exact  accordance,  nor  shall  we 
always  agree  in  the  application  of  those  in  which  we  do  concur. 
But  we  have  each  seen  so  much  of  the  world  now  as  not  to 
consider  such  diversities  as  either  injurious  to  its  interests,  or  as 
constituting  any  proper  cause  to  disturb  relations  that,  with  us, 
have  been  of  long  standing. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  10,  1834. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  6th  inst.,  as  I 
did  that  about  the  Compiler,  with  the  subscription  money  which 
Mr.  R.  declined. 

I  should  write  you  oftener,  but  that  I  have  really  nothing  of 
interest  to  communicate.  Almost  daily,  too,  I  express  in  the 
Senate  what  I  have  to  say  on  public  affairs. 

The  view  taken  by  the  writer  in  "  The  Whig,"  as  to  the  ef- 
fect of  either  House  not  concurring  in  the  sufficiency  of  the 
reasons  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  had  not  escaped  me. 
It  would  be  conclusive,  if  the  act  of  removing  the  public  de- 
posits was  conditional,  but  it  is  a  perfect  and  performed  act, 
before  the  reasons  are  communicated  to  Congress.  I  have  al- 
ways *  °lieved  that  if  both  houses  concurred  in  pronouncing  the 


382  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

insufficiency  of  those  reasons,  it  would,  without  any  further  or 
other  legislative  action,  become  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  to 
restore  them,  and  I  have  wished  to  be  able  to  think  that  such 
would  be  his  duty,  if  either  House  disagreed  with  him.  But  if 
one  House  agree,  and  the  other  disagree,  is  not  the  result  a  state 
of  neutrality  ? 

We  shall  look  to  the  issue  of  your  approaching  election  with 
very  great  anxiety. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  April  17,  1834. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  leave  here  to-day  for  the  Virginia  Springs, 
on  account  of  Mrs.  Clay's  health,  which  continues  feeble  and 
precarious.  I  shall  return  as  soon  as  I  can  leave  her  with  pro- 
priety. My  own  situation  requires  also  relaxation.  I  feel  very 
much  prostrated.  I  hope  I  shall  be  able  soon  to  return  to  my 
post  with  re-invigorated  health. 

We  are  very  thankful  for  the  kind  invitation  contained  in 
your  letter  of  the  13th,  but  the  condition  of  Mrs.  Clay  at  present, 
is  such,  that  she  would  only  be  a  burden  at  St.  Julien,  without 
being  able  to  enjoy  its  pleasures.  I  transmitted  to  you  at  Rich- 
mond some  letters  from  New  York,  communicating  the  issue  of 
the  great  three  days'  contest.  It  is  felt  by  both  parties  here,  as 
the  precursor  of  the  complete  overthrow  of  Jacksonism. 

We  are  still  anxious  about  your  elections,  but  feel  confident  of 
their  being  no  variation  from  the  last  Legislature,  in  the  aggre- 
gate result. 

The  nullifiers  are  doing  us  no  good  here.  You  will  have 
seen  a  badly-reported  speech  of  mine,  in  answer  to  Mr.  Calhoun. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  23,  1834. 


MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor,  transmitting  a  copy  of 
the  address  of  the  minority  of  your  Legislature.  It  did  not 
strike  me  as  possessing  much  ability,  but  on  some  points  was 
very  weak  and  vulnerable.  I  am  not  aware  that  any  answer  to 
it  from  this  place  will  be  attempted. 


OF  HEXRY  CLAY.  383 

I  received  also  your  subsequent  favor. 

Things  remain  in  statu  quo  here.  There  is  a  small,  but  as 
yet  inflexible  majority,  sustaining  the  Executive  in  the  House. 
If  the  elections  in  Virginia  and  New  York,  should  be  adverse  to 
the  Administration,  that  majority  probably  will  be  changed,  but 
in  an  opposite  event,  it  may  be  increased.  Mr.  Van  Buren  yes- 
terday offered  to  bet  me  a  suit  of  clothes  upon  each  of  the  elec- 
tions in  the  city  of  New  York  and  in  your  State.  The  Admin- 
istration party  is  very  confident,  and  our  friends  are  not  without 
fears  as  to  the  issue  of  matters  with  you.  It  is  with  politics 
as  with  the  currency.  In  certain  states  of  both,  a  slight  circum- 
stance produces  much  effect.  We  were  not  prepared  here  for 
the  unfortunate  result  in  Bouldin  district.  It  depressed  our  side, 
and  elevated  the  other,  far  beyond  what  such  an  event  would 
have  done  at  any  other  time. 

What  are  your  real  prospects?  I  should  confide  much  in 
your  judgment.  Would  you  like  to  take  up  Van's  bet  ? 

I  told  him  yesterday,  that  if  the  people  entertained  the  Ad- 
ministration in  its  late  measures,  I  should  begin  to  fear  that  our 
experiment  of  free  Government  had  failed ;  that  he  would 
probably  be  elected  the  successor  of  Jackson ;  that  he  would  in- 
troduce a  system  of  intrigue  and  corruption,  that  would  enable 
him  to  designate  his  successor ;  and  that,  after  a  few  years  of 
lingering  and  fretful  existence,  we  should  end  in  dissolution 
of  the  Union,  or  in  despotism.  He  laughed,  and  remarked  that 
I  entertained  morbid  feelings.  I  replied,  with  good  nature,  that 
what  I  had  said,  I  deliberately  and  sincerely  believed. 


ALEXANDER   COFFIN   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

HUDSOX,  NEW  YORK,  May  12,  1834. 

SIR, — Nearly  a  century  has  passed  over  my  head;  and,  al- 
though I  have  witnessed,  with  much  apprehension  for  the  result, 
many  hazardous  scenes  which  my  dear  native  country  has  strug- 
gled through  in  that  time,  not  one  has  excited  that  trembling 
sense  of  alarm  which  the  measures  of  the  present  Executive 
have  done.  I  have  remarked,  in  their  whole  course,  an  un- 
bridled lust  of  power,  that  attacked  the  very  foundation  of  our 
free  institutions.  And,  notwithstanding,  a  temperament  naturally 
sanguine  leads  me  to  contemplate  things  under  a  cheering 


384:  PEIVATE  COKRESPONDENCE 

aspect,  when  I  beheld  his  bold  claims  to  lawless  power  sustained 
by  men  in  whom  I  had  placed  trust.  I  confess  a  very  gloomy 
prospect  of  the  future  presented  itself;  my  spirit  sunk  within 
me  ;  and  I  began  "to  despair  of  the  Republic."  But, thinks  be 
to  God,  who  breathed  into  a  phalanx  of  good  men  in  the  P  ;  ate 
of  the  United  States,  a  spirit  to  breast  the  storm  ;  and  has  en- 
abled them,  as  I  hope,  to  rescue  the  country  from  the  danger 
that  impended  over  it.  Allow  me  to  testify  to  you,  sir,  as  a  dis- 
tinguished individual  in  that  phalanx,  my  respect,  together  with 
my  thanks,  for  the  very  important  share  you  bore  in  that  con- 
flict;  and  also,  to  tender  my  most  hearty  congratulations  upon 
the  prospect  we  now  enjoy  of  seeing  the  Constitution  and  laws, 
redeemed  from  the  grasp  of  usurpation,  restored  to  healthy  action. 
May  I  beg  you  to  accept,  from  a  man  far  advanced  in  his  94th 
year,  the  cane  which  will  be  handed  you  herewith,  as  a  token 
of  his  gratitude  for  your  eminent  services  rendered  to  our  be- 
loved country  ?  It  was  made  from  the  jawbone  of  a  spermaceti 
whale,  the  head  from  a  tooth  of  the  same,  by  the  mate  of  a  ship 
belonging  to  one  of  my  grandsons,  upon  her  homeward  passage 
from  the  Pacific. 


JOHN  NITCHIE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

AMERICAN  BIELE  SOCIETY,  KEW  YOKE, 
July  5,  1834. 

SIR, — It  affords  me  much  pleasure  to  inclose  to  you  a  certifi- 
cate of  your  membership  for  life  in  this  society.  The  occasion 
of  your  being  made  a  Life  Member  you  will  find  from  the  extract 
of  the  letter  of  the  individual  making  the  needful  contribution 
which  is  copied  on  the  back  of  the  certificate. 

Permit  me,  respected  sir,  in  the  name  of  the  benevolent,  but 
anonymous  donor,  to  ask  your  acceptancy  of  this  compliment ; 
and  also,  to  assure  you,  of  my  earnest  desire  that  you  and  yours 
may  have  an  eternal  interest  in  the  promises  of  that  blessed 
Book,  which  it  is  the  design  of  this  Society  to  spread  abroad 
among  the  nations  of  this  fallen  world. 

Extract  of  a  letter  to  John  Nitchie,  General  Agent  and  Assist- 
ant Treasurer  of  the  American  Bible  Society,  dated  July  3, 
1834. 

DEAR  FRIEND, — I  send  you  the  sum  of  thirty  dollars,  which  I 
will  thank  you  to  present  to  the  managers  of  the  American  Bible 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  885 

Society,  &-"be  devoted  by  them  to  the  circulation  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures! 

In  consequence  of  this  contribution,  you  will  please  enroll  the 
name  of  the  Honorable  Henry  Clay,  of  the  United  States  Senate, 
among  your  Life  Members. 

The  above  is  from  a  friend,  which  has  arisen  from  the  contin- 
ued savings  of  a  Missionary,  by  his  laying  aside  portions  of  fees 
and  presents  at  the  time  they  were  received ;  the  entire  amount 
of  fees  received  on  Sunday  and  Thursday  of  every  week,  also, 
free-will  offerings  under  peculiar  Providences :  one  tenth  of  his 
regular  salary,  and  one  tenth  of  the  balance  of  his  receipts  dur- 
ing the  year  over  his  family  expenses. 

You  will  please  forward  to  Mr.  Clay,  a  certificate  of  his  Life 
Membership ;  also,  beg  him  to  lay  aside  a  portion  of  his  income, 
and  thus  constitute  in  like  manner,  at  least  one  of  his  friends,  a 
Life  Member  of  your  important  society,  and  in  so  doing,  I  would 
beg  him  to  request  that  friend  thus  constituted,  to  constitute 
some  other  individual  a  Life  Member.  In  this  way  passing  the 
excitement  round  from  friend  to  friend,  an  amount  of  good  will 
accumulate,  which  the  full  glories  of  the  Eternal  World  alone 
can  unfold. 

This  is  to  certify,  that  Honorable  HENRY  CLAY,  of  the  United 
States  Senate,  by  virtue  of  a  contribution  of  thirty  dollars,  made 
by  a  clergyman  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  is  a  Mem- 
ber for  Life  of  the  AMERICAN  BIBLE  SOCIETY,  New  York,  July 
5th,  1834. 

JOHN  COTTON  SMITH,  President. 
J.  N.  BRIGHAM,  Cor.  Secretary. 

Attest — JOHN  NiToniE,  General  Agent  and  Assistant  Treasurer. 


FRANCIS    LIEBER    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

a  PHILADELPHIA,  November  8,  1834. 

Y  DEAR  SIR, — I  feel  convinced  that  you  will  not  ascribe  my 
delay  in  answering  your  favor  to  any  unsubstantial  reason  ;  on 
the  contrary,  I  did  not  write  immediately,  because  I  was  desir- 
ous of  writing  to  you  as  definitely  as  possible.  My  wish  is  to 
see  you  in  Lexington,  and  to  become  personally  acquainted  with 
the  College,  etc.,  as  well  as  to  give  those,  who  might  desire  to 
25 


386  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

engage  me  for  the  College,  an  opportunity  of  personal  acquaint- 
ance. The  salary,  as  you  yourself  intimate,  is  not  large,  and  I 
should  not  be  able  to  incur  the  expenses  of  removing  thither, 
and  furnishing  there  my  house  again,  if  I  had  not  some  hopes 
of  being  able  to  have  some  young  gentlemen  living  in  my  house. 

I  should  ere  this  have  set  out  for  Lexington,  had  I  not  actually 
been  engaged  in  the  publication  of  a  work,  which  made  my 
stay  here  indispensable. 

I  send  you  in  the  mean  time  a  testimonial,  such  as  you  men- 
tion. If  more  are  desired,  I  may  send  more  from  here,  as 
Messrs.  Joseph  Ingersoll,  Sergeant,  N.  Biddle,  Richard  Peters,  or 
in  fact  any  gentleman  of  note  here  or  in  Boston,  might  be  ap- 
plied to. 

If  you  should  make  a  trip  to  Philadelphia,  in  the  course  of 
this  winter,  I  would  beg  you  to  send  me  word  that  you  are  in 
town  (in  case  that  you  should  be  here  only  for  a  day  or  two) ; 
you  would  greatly  favor  me  with  a  personal  interview. 

Politics  seem,  this  moment,  so  sickening,  that  we  avoid  speak- 
ing of  them,  whenever  possible.  News,  of  the  very  worst  kind, 
are  here  fronj  New  York.  We  are  already  in  a  revolution,  as 
nations  so  often  are  long  before  they  know  it.  "  The  Globe" 
plays  very  cheering  preludes  with  regard  to  attacks  upon  the 
Supreme  Court.  My  letters  from  Europe  are  of  the  worst  kind, 
with  reference  to  the  moral  influence  of  our  general  affairs  on 
those  of  rational  freedom,  and  the  sway  of  law  in  that  part  of 
the  world. 

A  letter  from  you,  though  it  consist  but  in  a  few  lines,  is  al- 
ways a  great  delight  to  me  ;  and  you  will  much  oblige  me  by 
informing  me  whether  this  letter  has  not  perhaps  missed  you. 
Please  present  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay,  who,  I  trust,  has 
continued  to  improve  in  health. 


NICHOLAS    BIDDLE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  January  4,  1835. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  been  thinking  for  some  days  past 
whether  the  time  had  not  come  when  another  interposition  of 
yours  is  not  needed  to  save  the  country  from  great  trouble.  In 
all  this  French  negotiation,  mismanaged  as  it  has  been  from  the 
beginning,  nothing  is  so  inexplicable  as  the  manner  in  which 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  387 

the  overture  of  France  has  been  treated,  and  I  have  been  looking 
for  some  movement  from  you  for  the  production  of  all  that  will 
be  told  of  that  communication.  You  know,  I  presume,  the  con- 
tents of  it — if  you  have  not  seen  it  all ;  at  any  rate,  you  are 
sufficiently  aware  of  the  dates  and  circumstances,  which  would 
enable  you  to  make  a  distinct  call.  If  I  do  not  mistake,  Mr. 
Pageot  communicated  it  on  the  llth  of  September,  a  few  days 
before  the  orders  went  which  will  occasion  Mr.  Barton's  return. 

On  the  2d  of  December  he  sent  it  with  a  letter  to  the  Depart- 
ment, and  although  it  was  sent  back,  yet  his  letter  might  be 
called  for. 

It  seems  to  me  that  this  dispatch  of  the  Duke  de  Broglie  ought 
to  have  settled  the  matter  in  five  minutes  :  and  yet  the  country 
is  to  be  cursed  with  a  quarrel  in  which  every  disadvantage  is  on 
our  side. 

If  there  is  any  thing  connected  with  it  which  you  wish  to 
know,  I  think  I  can  obtain  the  information  ;  and  I  forbear  to 
add  any  thing,  because  I  am  under  the  impression  that  you  are 
apprised  of  the  whole.  Had  you  been  at  the  head  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  the  French  ministry  had  said  that  they  would  deem 
that  a  happy  day,  when  they  would  be  able  to  surrender  this 
sum  deposited  in  their  hands,  you  would  certainly  have  thrown 
no  unnecessary  obstacle  in  their  way.  , 


CHANCELLOR    KENT    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

NE\V  YORK,  January  9,  1835. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Let  me  remind  you  to  send  me,  when  printed, 
one  of  the  twenty  thousand  copies  of  your  Report.  I  rather  guess 
I  shall  like  it.  Like  it !  why,  God  bless  you,  I  sympathize  with 
you  in  all  your  public  feelings  and  doings  since  the  beginning  of 
the  reign  of  the  present  dynasty.  My  prayer  is,  that  length  of 
days  may  be  in  your  right  hand,  and  in  your  left  hand  riches 
and  honor. 

IELEUTH    COOKE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 
SANDUSKT  CITY,  January  22,  1835 

DEAR  SIR, — I  can  not  withhold  from  you  the  heartfelt  ex- 
pression of  applause  with  which  the  Report  of  the  Committee  on% 


PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

Foreign  Relations,  in  reference  to  our  affairs  with  France,  has 
been  received  in  this  quarter.  All  see,  and  most  acknowledge, 
in  it  the  evidence  of  that  enlightened  patriotism  and  consummate 
statesmanship  which  have  more  than  once  elevated  the  character 
of  our  country,  and  rescued  it  from  impending  dangers.  What- 
ever has  been,  and  whatever  may  continue  to  be;  the  measure 
of  injustice  and  ingratitude  to  its  author,  by  that  country,  now 
thrice  saved  by  his  wisdom,  posterity  can  not  fail  to  assign  him 
ample  justice  on  her  brightest  page. 

Excuse  this  frankness  ;  you  know  it  is  not  flattery.  I  speak 
from  the  midst  of  those  who  at  all  times,  and  through  all  changes, 
have  been  your  fixed  and  steadfast  friends,  not  from  a  sordid  hope 
of  favor,  but  from  an  admiration  of  your  exalted  talents,  your 
lofty  independence,  and  a  love  of  your  principles. 

God  knows  what  we  are  to  do  to  preserve  our  country.  Pressed 
as  you  must  be  with  public  duties,  I  dare  not  ask  you  (confiden- 
tially) what  are  the  prospects  ? 


MR.  MADISON  TO  MR.   CLAT. 

MONTPELIER,  January  81,  1835. 

DEAR  SIR, — Perceiving  that  I  am  indebted  to  you  for  a  copy 
of  your  Report  on  our  Relations  with  France,  I  beg  you  to  accept 
this  return  of  my  thanks  for  it.  The  document  is  as  able  in  its 
execution  as  it  is  laudable  in  its  object  of  avoiding  war  without 
incurring  dishonor. 

It  must  be  the  wish  of  all  that  the  issue  may  correspond  with 
the  object.  But  may  not  a  danger  of  rupture  lurk  under  the 
conflicting  grounds  taken  on  the  two  sides  ?  That  taken  by  the 
Message,  and  by  the  Report  also,  in  a  softened  tone,  that  the 
treaty  is  binding  on  France,  and  is  in  no  event  to  be  touched ; 
and  the  ground  taken,  or  likely  to  be  taken  by  France,  with 
feelings  roused  by  the  peremptory  alternative  of  compliance  or 
self-redress,  that  the  treaty  is  not  binding  on  her,  appealing  for 
the  fact  to  the  structure  of  her  Government,  which  all  nations 
treating  with  her  are  presumed  and  bound  to  understand. 

It  may  be  well  for  both  parties  if  France  should  have  yielded 
before  the  arrival  of  the  Message,  or  not  decided  before  that  of 
the  Report,  or,  at  least,  should  not  be  inflexible  in  rejecting  the 
terms  of  the  treaty.  A  war  between  the  two  nations,  which 


OF  IIENEY  CLAY.  389 

may  cost  them  many  millions,  for  a  stake  not  exceeding  a  few, 
would  be  an  occurrence  peculiarly  unpropifious  to  the  cause  of 
popular  representation  in  the  present  crisis  of  the  political 
world. 

War  is  the  more  to  be  avoided,  if  it  can  be  done  without  in- 
admissible sacrifices,  as  a  maritime  war,  to  which  the  United 
Slates  should  be  a  party,  and  Great  Britain  neutral,  has  no  aspect 
which  is  not  of  an  ominous  cast.  Enforce  the  belligerent  rights 
of  search  and  seizure  against  British  ships,  and  it  would  be  a 
miracle  if  serious  collisions  did  not  ensue.  Allow  them  the  rule 
of  "  free  ships,  free  goods,"  and  the  flag  covers  the  property  of 
France  and  enables  her  to  employ  all  her  naval  resources  against 
us.  The  tendency  of  the  new  rules  in  favor  of  the  neutral  flag 
is  to  displace  the  mercantile  marine  of  nations  at  war,  by  neutral 
substitutes,  and  to  confine  the  war  on  water  as  on  land  to  the 
regular  force  ;  a  revolution  friendly  to  humanity  as  lessening  the 
temptations  to  war  and  the  severity  of  its  operations,  but  giving 
an  advantage  to  tlie  nations  which  keep  up  large  navies  in  time 
of  peace  over  nations  dispensing  with  them,  or  compelling  the 
latter  to  follow  the  burdensome  example.  France  has  at  present 
this  advantage  over  us  in  the  extent  of  public  ships  now,  or  that 
may  immediately  be  brought  into  service,  while  the  privilege  of 
the  neutral  flag  would  deprive  us  of  the  cheap  and  efficient  aid 
of  privateers. 

I  do  not  relinquish  the  hope,  however,  that  these  views  of  the 
subject  will  be  obviated  by  amicable  and  honorable  adjustment. 

Should  the  course  of  your  movements  at  any  time  approach 
Montpelier,  I  need  not  express  the  pleasure  which  a  call  from 
you  would  give  to  Mrs.  Madison  and  myself. 

IJOHN   BROWN  TO  MR.   CLAY. 
FRANKFORT,  Ap  -il  20,  1835. 

Mr.  C.  J.  Ingersol  has  given  me  the  melancholy  intelligence 
of  the  death  of  my  dear  brother.*  You  'may  imagine,  but  it 
would  be  impossible  for  me  to  express  how  deeply,  how  pain- 
fully my  feelings  have  been  excited  by  this  event.  I  under- 
stand that  Charles  Ingersol  and  my  niece  are  absent  on  a,  jour- 

*  James  Brown,  brother-iu-law  of  Mr.  Clay,  and  his  correspondent  for  thirty 
years. 


390  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

ney  for  her  health,  and  as  I  do  not  know  that  any  person  in 
Philadelphia  has  authority  to  take  charge  of  my  brother's  effects, 
I  have  concluded  that  it  was  expedient  that  I  should  go  on  to 
attend  to  that  business.  It  is  certainly  important  that  his  papers 
shall  be  carefully  preserved,  and  that  his  private  correspondence 
shall  not  be  exposed.  I  presume  he  has  left  a  witl,  but  know 
not  who  he  has  named  executors.  If  you  can  give  me  any  in- 
formation on  this  subject,  I  pray  you  to  drop  me  a  line  by  mail, 
and  advise  me  how  to  proceed  and  inform  what  you  would  wish 
to  have  done.  I  expect  to  set  out  on  Wednesday,  or  Thursday 
at  furthest. 


STUDENTS  OF  WASHINGTON  COLLEGE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  Pennsylvania,  May  16,  1835. 

SIR, — We  take  great  pleasure,  as  a  Committee  of  the  "  Clay 
Institute  of  Washington  College,"  in  communicating  your  elec- 
tion as  an  honorary  member  of  our  Association. 

We  offer  you  this  inadequate  testimonial  of  our  esteem,  not, 
we  hope,  from  a  spirit  of  man-worship,  but  from  an  honest  admi- 
ration of  your  virtues  as  a  statesman,  a  philanthropist,  and  a 
man.  We  do  not  expect  that  by  it  we  will  confer  honor  upon 
you,  but  rather,  as  was  said  in  the  epitaph  of  a  distinguished 
poet,  "  That  you  will  confer  honor  upon  us." 

Permit  us,  sir,  to  request  your  acceptance  of  this  humble  trib- 
ute, and  of  our  warmest  wishes  for  your  happiness  through  life. 


HARRIET  MARTINEATJ  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

WHITE  SULPHUR  SPRINGS,  June  30. 

DEAR  MR.  CLAY, — Your  frank,  which  overtook  me  at  Cincin- 
nati, was  highly  acceptable  on  its  own  account,  as  well  as  for 
the  very  delightful  letters  it  inclosed  from  my  mother  and  the 
Furnesses.  My  mother  is  in  excellent  health  and  spirits,  and 
Mr.  Furness  writes  me  the  happy  news  that  his  family  will  be 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Boston,  and  that  he  will  preach  there 
during  the  month  of  August,  at  least. 

We  enjoyed  our  ten  days'  visit  at  Cincinnati  very  much,  and 
found  your  kind  introductions  of  eminent  service.  We  staid 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  391 

longer  there  than  we  had  intended,  from  finding  it  impossible 
to  travel  at  all  in  the  interior  of  the  State.  A  gentleman  es- 
caped out  of  the  mud  to  his  home,  at  last,  after  traveling  at  the 
rate  of  one 'mile  an  hour — a  process  which  does  not  suit  the 
taste  or  convenience  of  Miss  Jeffery  or  myself.  Our  voyage  and 
journey  hither  were  quite  prosperous^and  the  only  disappointment 
we  have  met  with  is  the  non-arrival  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Smith. 
As  we  see  and  hear  nothing  of  them,  and  as  the  Lprings  are 
obliged  to  go  (by  Mr.  L.'s  physician's  advice)  to  the  Hot  Springs, 
where  we  do  not  want  to  go,  we  have  accepted  the  offer  of  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Sullivan  of  Boston,  to  travel  together  as  far  as  Har- 
per's Ferry.  They  have  engaged  an  extra,  which  will  afford  us 
plenty  of  room,  and  have  stipulated  to  be  eight  days  on  the 
road,  seeing  the  Natural  Bridge  and  Weir's  Cave,  by  the  way. 
As  we  are  not  in  need  of  imbibing  sulphur,  and  this  pretty  place 
is  soon  understood,  we  have  no  hesitation  in  embracing  so  very 
advantageous  a  plan  of  traveling,  though  it  takes  us  away  to- 
morrow. The  Lorings  flew  to  meet  us  on  our  arrival  yesterday, 
and  we  find  quite  a  throng  of  friends  here  from  the  Atlantic 
cities,  and  could  make  ourselves  happy  for  a  month,  if  we  could 
stay  so  long.  We  shall  leave  our  Philadelphia  address  in  the 
post-office,  in  case  of  the  arrival  of  any  letters ;  but  we  expect 
no  more  from  you.  I  almost  hope  there  may  be  none,  we  have 
given  you  so  much  trouble  already. 

Mr.  Calwell  will  be  most  happy  to  see  you ;  and  in  the  mean 
while,  all  has  been  done  to  fulfill  your  request  about  making  us 
comfortable.  We  shall  never  forget  how  much  we  owe  to  your- 
self and  very  many  of  your  friends  to  render  our  stay  in  this 
country  happy.  We  shall  always  love  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Erwin  like 
near  and  dear  connections  of  our  own.  I  hope  Mrs.  Clay  and 
Mrs.  Erwin  are  both  better.  Pray  present  our  respects  and  love 
to  all  your  circle,  and  believe  me,  dear  sir,  ever  respectfully  and 
gratefully  your  friend. 

P.  S.  Mr.  Prather  has  been  here  a  few  days,  improving  hourly 
in  health.  He  requests  me  to  mention  the  safe  arrival  of  the 
party,  and  that  they  are  anxiously  looking  for  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Smith.  I  have  been  introduced  to  Mr.  P.  since  I  wrote  the  first 
part  of  this  letter. 

I  have  also  been  weighed ;  and  find  my  ponderosity  to  be  one 
hundred  and  sixteen  pounds ; — within  two  of  Mr.  Erwin's  guess ; 


392  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

and  Louisa  weighs  one  hundred  and  ten.  So  now  you  know 
another  important  circumstance  about  us.  Poor  Mrs.  Loring 
weighs  only  eighty-five  pounds.  Mr.  L's.  eyes  are  no  better. 
This  P.  S.  is  for  Mr.  Ervvin,  if  you  will  be  kind  enough  to  show 
-it  to  him. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  .* 

ASHLAND,  July  14,  1835. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  last  night  your  favor  of  the  8th  in- 
stant. Having  experienced  the  constancy  and  fidelity  of  your 
friendly  attachment  to  me,  and  entertaining  a  high  opinion  of 
your  discretion  and  judgment,  I  shall  answer  it  with  all  the 
frankness  and  freedom  with  which  I  would  address  any  friend, 
on  the  interesting  subject  of  the  next  Presidential  election. 

After  the  result  of  the  election  of  1832, 1  have  felt  no  desire  to 
have  my  name  again  presented  as  a  candidate,  unless  I  was  satisfied 
that  it  was  the  wish  of  a  probable  majority  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  Under  the  influence  "of  this  feeling,  far  from  en- 
couraging any  movements  in  my  favor,  I  have,  in  several  in- 
stances, dissuaded  them  from  being  made,  when  I  was  consulted. 
I  have  indeed  sometimes  thought,  since  that  period,  that  a  state 
of  things  might  arise  which  would  induce  a  majority  of  the  peo- 
ple to  turn  their  attention  toward  me  j  but  it  has  not  occurred. 
It  is  possible  that  if  the  Whigs  had  manifested  no  inclination  to- 
ward other  candidates,  and  had  thought  proper  to  have  adhered 
to  me,  such  a  state  of  things  might  have  arisen.  But  the  solici- 
tude of  other  gentlemen,  perhaps  more  entitled  than  I  am  to  be 
chosen  Chief  Magistrate,  and  the  discouragement  of  the  use  of 
my  name,  resulting  from  the  issue  of  the  last  contest,  have  led 
respectable  portions  of  the  Whigs,  in  different  States,  to  direct 
their  views  to  other  candidates  than  myself.  The  truth  is  that 
I  was  strongly  disinclined  to  be  presented  as  a  candidate  in  1832, 
fearing  the  issue  which  took  place,  but  I  was  overruled  by 
friends,  some  of  whom  have  since  thought  it  expedient,  in  con- 
sequence of  that  very  event,  that  another  name  should  be  substi- 
tuted for  mine. 

Without  meaning  to  pass  my  opinion  upon  the  measure  adopt- 
ed by  the  Whig  members  of  your  Legislature,  at  the  last  winter 
session,  except  in  regard  to  its  operation  upon  the  prospects  of 

*  The  latter  part  of  this  letter,  with  its  address,  is  lost. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  393 

my  election,  I  must  say  that  I  think  it  was  highly  injurious  to 
those  prospects.  Ohio  had  been  considered  as  a  State  which 
(Jackson  out  of  the  way)  would  certainly  bestow  her  suffrage 
on  me,  if  I  were  a  candidate.  It  was  believed,  and  probably  is 
yet  believed,  that*  no  candidate  would  unite  so  much  strength  in.' 
opposition  to  Mr.  Van  Buren  as  I  coujd.  When,  therefore,  it  was 
seen  that  Ohio,  instead  of  manifesting  a  disposition  to  support 
me,  was  disposed,  through  her  Legislature,  to  bring  forward 
another  gentleman,  it  exhibited  a  division  in  our  party,  and  a 
distrust  of  the  extent  of  my  strength  which  had  an  unfavorable 
effect  on  my  pretensions.  There  were  many  too  who  could  not 
see  the  policy  or  propriety  of  selecting,  as  a  candidate,  a  gentle- 
man who  was  an  original  friend  of  Jackson,  in  preference  to  all 
who  had  been  uniform  in  opposition  to  him.  The  principle,  on 
which  such  a  selection  was  founded,  looked  too  much  to  support 
expected  to  be  derived  from  the  Jackson  ranks,  without  suffi- 
ciently estimating  the  amount  that  might  be  lost  in  our  own  from 
positive  aversion,  or  apathy  and  indifference. 

I  have  never  said  that  I  would  not  consent,  under  any  circum- 
stances, tc  be  a  candidate.  I  have  said  that  I  did  not  wish  to 
be  a  candidate,  except  on  the  condition  before  mentioned,  that 
is,  that  I  vas  desired  by  a  probable  majority  of  the  country,  or 
at  least  that  there  was  strong  reason  to  believe  that  I  should  not 
be  again  defeated.  I  could  not  have  declared  that  my  name 
should  not  be  used,  in  any  contingency,  without  violating  a  prin- 
ciple of  pullic  duty,  which  subjects  the  services  of  every  citizen 
of  the  couilry  to  the  call  of  the  majority.  But  I  have  reserved 
to  myself  tb>  right  of  controlling  and  arresting,  as  far  as  I  could, 
any  movement  which  might  be  attempted  in  my  behalf  that  was 
likely  to  end  in  defeat. 

I  must  nov,  in  frankness,  say  that  the  condition  on  which  I 
should  be  wiling  to  be  run  has  not  heretofore  existed,  and  does 
not  seem  to  ne  now  to  exist.  I  have  no  reason  to  believe  that 
I  should  be  tlccted  if  I  were  brought  forward ;  none  to  'think 
that  I  am  the  wish  of  the  majority  of  the  people.  And  it  is  re- 
pugnant to  ny  feelings  and  sense  of  propriety  to  be  voluntarily 
placed  in  an  tftitude  in  which  I  would  seem  to  be  importuning 
the  public  for  an  office  which  it  is  not  willing  to  confer.  It  is 
possible  indeel,  as  many  of  my  friends  think,  and  so  I  am  in- 
clined to  believe  from  the  information  I  possess,  that,  if  I  were 
the  only  Whig  Candidate  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Van  Buren,  I  would 


394  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

receive  a  greater  support  than  any  other;  but  I  apprehend   it 
would  fall  short  of  securing  my  election. 

I  have  appropriated  too  much  of  this  letter  to  myself,  the  least 
important  part  of  yours.  But  I  will  now  give  you  my  candid 
views  as  to  the  state  of  the  country  and  the  best  policy,  as  it 
seems  to  me,  for  the  Whigg  to  pursue. 

I  will  not  take  up  time  in  dwelling  on  the  calamity  of  Mr. 
Van  Buren's  election.  It  is  enough  for  me  to  express  my  con- 
viction that  it  would  lead  to  a  system  of  general  corruption,  and 
end  in  a  subversion  of  the  Union. 

I  feel  too  with  you  the  absolute  necessity  to  secure  his  defeat,  of 
union  and  concert  among  those  who  are  opposed  to  him.  Can  that 
union  and  concert  be  produced  on  Judge  White  ?  I  think  not, 
for  a  reason  already  stated.  He  has  been  throughout  a  supporter 
of  Jackson's  administration,  and  holds  no  one  principle  (except 
in  the  matter  of  patronage)  as  to  public  measures  in  common 
with  the  Whigs.  Although  for  other  reasons  he  is  to  be  prefer- 
red to  Van  Buren.  I  apprehend  that  it  would  be  impossible,  if 
we  were  to  take  him  up  as  our  candidate,  to  infuse  onong  our 
friends  the  spirit  and  zeal  necessary  to  insure  success,  especially 
in  States  where  internal  improvements  and  the  American  sys- 
tem have  been  popular.  The  Judge,  however,  seems  to  be  the 
favorite  of  the  South  and  South-west ;  and,  from  all  the  lights 
which  we  possess,  it  is  probable  that  he  will  obtain  their  undi- 
vided support.  At  least  it  is  so  probable  as  to  make  it  a  justifia- 
ble basis  of  future  calculation. 

While  Mr.  Webster  has  attainments  greatly  supeior  to  those 
of  any  other  nominated  candidate,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  a 
general  persuasion  seems  to  exist  that  he  stands  m  chance.  I 
believe  that,  if  he  stood  a  fair  chance  elsewhere,  bT  great  effort, 
the  vote  of  this  State  might  be  given  to  him.  In  this  opinion, 
however,  I  differ  from  many  of  my  friends. 

General  Harrison  could  easier  obtain  the  vote  of  Kentucky 
than  'any  other  candidate  named.  Judge  McLean  has  not  re- 

|  cently  been  much  spoken  of,  was  never  generally  popular  here, 

I  but  against  Van  Buren  perhaps  be  might  obtain  tte  vote  of  Ken- 

l  tucky. 

You  will  say  this  is  not  a  very  favorable  accomt  of  the  pros- 
pects of  the  several  candidates  opposed  to  Mr.  Vai  Buren.  It  is. 
not,  and  I  regret  it,  but  I  believe  it  to  be  true. 

What  then  is  to  be  done  ?     Nothing  toward  an  union  upon 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  395 

either  of  them  by  public  assemblies,  in  my  opinion,  until  after 
the  election  in  Pennsylvania.     Great  confidence  exists  that  the 
Jackson  candidate  for  Governor  there  will  be  defeated,  and  as 
great  that,  in  that  event,  the   State  will  not  support  Mr.  Van 
Buren.     Mr.  Webster's  friends,  General  Harrison's,  and  Judge  i 
M' Lean's,  each  persuade  themselves  Jhat  the  vote  of  the  State  I 
will  be  given  to  their  favorite.     Now,  if  we  can  have  reasonable  \ 
assurance  that  Pennsylvania  will  support  either  of  them,  I  should 
think  it  would  be  our  true  policy  to  rally  upon  that  one,  and 
employ  all  our  energies  to  give  him  as  great  an  amount  of  sup- 
port as  possible. 

There  would  then  be  three  candidates :  Mr.  Van  Buren,  Mr. 
White,  and  the  Pennsylvania  favorite.  And  if  White  gets  the 
South  and  South-west  vote,  or  nearly  all  of  it,  and  Pennsylva- 
nia and  the  Whig  States  North  of  the  Potomac,  and  in  the  West, 
including  Louisiana,  unite  on  a  candidate,  he  would  enter  the 
House  with  the  largest  vote,  and  Van  Buren  might  have  the 
smallest  vote  of  the  three. 

I  agree  with  you  that  whoever  is  returned  to  the  House  will 
be  elected.  If  his  plurality  is  considerable,  after  the  experience 
which  we  have  had,  and  upon  general  principles,  it  is  desirable 
that  he  should  be  chosen. 

On  a  late  occasion  of  a  public  dinner,  given  to  Governor 
Poindexter,  I  avowed  publicly  my  opinion  in  opposition  to  Mr. 
Van  Buren.  This  I  should  not  have  done,  but  for  the  report 
that  I  favored  his  pretensions  in  a  contest  with  Judge  White, 
which  was  industriously  circulated.  You  will  see  what  I  said 
in  the  public  papers.  The  truth  is,  that  I  think  the  election  of 
either  Mr.  Van  Buren  or  Judge  White  would  be  a  great  misfor- 
tune, although  that  of  the  Judge  would  be  the  least.  I  did  not 
express  my  preference  between  the  other  candidates,  which  it  ap- 
peared to  me  improper  to  do.  But  I  have  no  hesitation  in  say- 
ing to  you  that  either  Mr.  Webster,  General  Harrison,  or  Judge  >. 
******* 


LOUISA    CAROLINE    JEFFERY   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  July  19,  1835. 

MY  BEAR  SIR, — Will  you  allow  "  little  insignificant  me"  (to 
parody  Miss  Kemble's  words)  to  answer  your  last  kind  letter  ad- 
dressed to  Miss  Martineau  ?  She  has  received  safely  the  differ- 


396  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

ent  letters  and  newspapers  you  kindly  forwarded  to  her,  includ- 
ing the  parcel  transmitted  through  Sir  Charles  Vaughan.  Since 
we  left  the  Virginia  Springs,  we  have  made  a  very  pleasant  jour- 
ney through  the  valley  to  Harper's  Ferry,  with  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
William  Sullivan  of  Boston,  visiting  the  Natural  Bridge  and 
Weir's  Cave  by  the  way,  which  objects  are  greatly  inferior  to  the 
Falls  of  Niagara  and  the  Mammoth  Cave,  in  interest.  We  have 
been  spending  a  few  days  here,  visiting  Long  and  Staten  Islands, 
and  on  Tuesday  morning  we  go  up  the  North  River  to  West 
Point,  Catskill,  and  probably  to  Saratoga ;  thence  to  Stock- 
bridge,  and  after  visiting  some  of  the  pretty  New  England  vil- 
lages, we  shall  go  to  Boston  about  the  14th  of  August. 

Miss  M.  received  rather  unfavorable  accounts  of  the  political 
state  of  England  from  her  brother.  He  appears  to  think  that 
the  Tory  influence  (used  in  intimidating  and  bribing  electors) 
will  be  too  strong  for  the  Whigs  ;  that  they  will  not  carry  large 
enough  measures  to  satisfy  the  people,  and  there  will  follow  that 
dangerous  state  of  things,  pressure  from  without ;  and  to  what 
is  this  Tory  reaction  to  be  attributed  ?  To  the  imbecility  of  the 
Whigs,  I  suppose  the  Radicals  will  say.  I  should  rather  attribute 
it  to  the  fears  of  the  timid,  arising  from  the  constant  complaints 
of  the  Radicals  since  the  passage  of  the  Reform  Bill,  and  the 
confidence  these  disputes  inspired  the  Tories  with,  that  they 
might  rise  through  the  want  of  union  among  their  opponents.  Did 
you  see  that  Lord  Stanley  asserts,  on  the  authority  of  a  friend  at 
Washington  (of  course  Mr.  Murray),  that  Americans  are  all  Con- 
servative ?  If  by  Conservative  he  means  Tory,  I  think  he 
would  find  himself  mistaken,  and  I  can  not  think  Mr.  Murray 
could  mean  to  make  such  an  assertion.  You,  in  the  great  kind- 
ness of  your  heart,  will  excuse  my  want  of  talent  to  condense 
all  my  matter  into  one  page. 

We  feel  very  grateful  for  Judge  Porter's  kind  regards  and  re- 
membrances, and  though  passing  through  a  very  excellent  chan- 
nel, they  might  be  still  more  welcome  did  they  come  more  di- 
rect. When  yon  write  to  him  next,  will  you  just  mention  that 
Miss  M.  and  I  sent  him  a  joint  packet,  which  we  trust  he  re- 
ceived safely,  though  it  was  only  directed,  Attacapas,  La.  Give 
my  very  kind  love  to  Mrs.  Erwin  ;  tell  her  I  trust  she  will  par- 
don me  for  my  neglect  in  not  writing  to  her  ere  this,  but  she 
shall  certainly  have  my  impressions  of  Yankee  land. 

I  feel  very  grateful  that  my  name  is  joined  with  my  compan- 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  397 

ion  in  the  recollections  of  the  kind  and  excellent  inhabitants  of 
Woodlands  and  Ashland.  Some  of  my  most  pleasing  associa- 
tions are  connected  with  my  visit  to  Lexington.  I  am  fully 
aware  I  have  no  claim  on  your  very  valuable  time,  but  if,  in  the 
exceeding  benevolence  of  your  heart,  you  put  pen  to  paper  and 
honor  me  with  a  few  lines,  to  tell  us  how  our  very  good  friends 
are  and  something  of  their  thoughts  and  feelings,  I  shall  feel 
more  grateful  than  any  lady  in  whose  album  you  have  written, 
inasmuch  as  a  few  words  from  Mr.  Clay's  heart  arc  worth  pages 
of  his  handwriting,  though  that  has  its  value.  I  do  not  give 
you  so  difficult  a  subject  to  treat  on  as  "  the  compatibility  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion  with  freedom." 

We  shall  be  much  pleased  to  meet  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Smith.  We 
are  much  grieved  to  hear  of  Mrs.  Clay's  continuous  indisposition. 
Remember  us  most  kindly  to  her,  and  our  best  love  to  the  dear 
inhabitants  of  Woodlands ;  and,  with  our  united  kind  regards 
and  grateful  recollections  to  yourself,  believe  me  yours,  etc. 


JAMES   B ARBOUR   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BARBOUESVILLE,  August  2,  1835. 

On  the  subject  of  politics,  since  our  retrograde  movement  in 
April,  in  this  State,  I  have  desponded  almost  to  despair.  That 
our  jugglers  should  succeed  in  seducing  the  people  into  a  belief 
that  it  was  premature  to  discuss  the  Presidential  election,  and 
that  the  issue  should  be  Leigh,  the  bank,  instruction,  and  all 
that  kind  of  stuff,  and  the  moment  they  had  succeeded,  turn 
right  round,  claim  a  Van  Buren  victory,  send  delegates  to  the 
Rump  Convention,  and  immediately  demand  of  their  partisans 
implicit  obedience — and  all  this  juggling  to  be  acted  in  broad 
daylight,  without  producing  an  immediate  and  violent  reaction, 
seems  to  me  to  render  our  scheme  of  self-government  highly 
doubtful.  Not  having  left  my  house  scarcely  since,  personally  I 
know  but  little.  If  there  have  been  any  changes  in  the  State, 
as  yet,  I  fear  they  are  few.  The  Whigs  seem  generally  to  have 
determined  to  support  White.  A  small  accession  from  the 
Jackson  ranks  might  give  us  the  majority  in  the  State,  but  the 
leaders  of  the  latter  have  told  their  creatures  that  the  Whigs  are 
playing  false  ;  they  wish  to  divide  the*  Jacksonians,  so  as  to  bring 
the  election  into  the  House  (of  which  they  express  a  holy  hor- 


398  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE    . 

ror),  with  a  view  to  elect  Webster,  yourself,  or  some  other 
Whig.  It  is  this  which  constitutes  the  most  formidable  obstacle 
to  our  success  in  this  State.  The  running  of  three  candidates 
they  seize  upon  in  confirmation  of  their  charge,  and  it  is  this 
that  alone  gives  them  hopes  of  success  here.  For  being  apart 
from  this  weapon,  and  the  endorsement  of  Jackson,  would  not 
obtain  five  hundred  votes  in  the  State.  But  I  am  quite  satisfied 
that  no  candidate  can  succeed  against  him  here,  notwithstanding 
his  unpopularity,  unless  it  be  one  maintaining  the  favorite  doc- 
trine of  the  State,  especially  one  who  has  been  opposed,  and  is 
now  opposed  to  the  Bank.  For  independent  of  the  long  cher- 
ished hostility  to  that  institution,  since  Jackson's  hostility  has 
been  avowed,  and  his  party  acquiring  success  by  their  incessant 
clamor  on  that  head,  all  those  in  pursuit  of  office,  whatever  may 
be  their  real  opinions,  have  joined  in  the  denunciation.  Oppo- 
sition, therefore,  to  this  institution,  is  now  a  fixed  maxim  in  the 
political  creed  of  this  State,  as  much  so,  as  the  undivided  God- 
head with  a  Mohammedan.  White  happens  in  this  respect  to 
stand  well,  and  therefore  I  think  is  the  strongest  man  that  can 
be  presented  to  Virginia.  In  addition  to  this,  the  slave  question 
begins,  as  I  learn,  to  excite  a  strong  sensation  among  some  of 
our  people.  Locality  associates  Van  with  the  fanatics  of  his 
State,  and  it  is  not  improbable  will  have  a  greater  influence  in 
the  South,  than  any  other  circumstance  in  the  contest.  Web- 
ster is  out  of  the  question  here ;  McLean  is  not  thought  of; 
Harrison,  next  to  White,  stands  foremost  I  should  conclude.  It 
seems  to  me,  however,  on  the  whole,  tftat  we  have  no  prospect 
of  excluding  Van,  but  by  the  plan  you  suggest  of  selecting  two 
candidates  that  will  be  strongest  in  their  respective  sections. 
White,  I  apprehend  for  the  South,  Webster,  for  the  East,  North, 
and  West,  or  whomsoever  Pennsylvania  prefers — for  in  my 
view,  she  holds  the  election  in  her  hands.  By  running  two 
popular  men,  we  have  the  prospect  of  retaining  or  acquiring  the 
ascendency  in  the  State  Government,  an  object  of  great  import- 
ance, and  almost  a  compensation  for  the  loss  of  our  Presidential 
candidate.  For  example,  even  here,  we  hope,  through  White, 
of  regaining  our  ascendency,  where,  with  an  inferior  candidate, 
we  should  be  in  a  decided  minority.  Fortunately  in  Pennsylva- 
nia, the  division  in  the  Jackson  ranks  promises  success  to  the 
Whig  candidate  for  Governor.  If  he  succeed  it  will  be  sovereign 
in  the  contest  for  President.  This  election  occurring  in  Octo- 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  399 

ber  will  become  a  beacon  to  us  in  the  difficulties  with  which 
we  are  surrounded.  With  its  aid,  the  ensuing  winter,  you  may 
decide  upon  the  best  course  our  affairs  furnish.  Hence,  I  threw 
cold  water  on  Pleasant's  proposed  meeting  in  this  State  for  this 
month,  and  it  has  been  prudently  abandoned.  Personally  dis- 
satisfied with  White,  I  will  support  him  only  because  he  is  a 
lesser  evil  than  Van.  I  shall  wait  patiently  the  development  of 
events,  and  be  prepared  to  follow  any  course  esteemed  best  to 
exclude  Van.  I  read,  and  was  much  pleased  with  your  remarks 
touching  this  gentleman,  made  at  the  Poindexter  fete. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  JOHN  BAILHACHE. 

ASHLAND,  September  13,  1835. 

•  MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  this  evening  of  the  9th 
instant,  returning  $15  collected  of  me  at  Cincinnati,  for  your  pa- 
per published  at  Columbus.  I  own  to  you  that  there  was  some- 
thing in  the  time  and  circumstances  under  which  the  demand 
was  made  that  gave  me  momentary  mortification.  I  believed 
then  that  it  was  without  your  instructions  or  sanction,  and  your 
letter  confirms  my  belief.  Had  the  application  been  made  to 
me  at  home,  and  not  in  the  presence  of  strangers  j  had  it  not 
been  made  as  if  I  were  a  person  of  doubtful  integrity,  it  would 
not  have  excited  any  feeling.  Your  friendly  letter  has  perfectly 
relieved  me.  It  has  preserved  you  on  the  ground  of  honor  and 
delicacy  where  I  had  always  been  accustomed  to  regard  you. 
The  only  regret  1  now  feel  is  that  you  did  not  retain  the  sum, 
while  you  made  the  explanation.  Although  your  paper  was 
sent  to  me,  as  stated  by  you,  and  as  many  others  have  been  for- 
warded, I  ought  to  pay  the  subscription,  having  received  the 
value.  .And  you  must  allow  me  to  consider  myself  indebted  to 
you  the  amount,  to  be  paid  at  some  time  when  I  shall  have  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  you,  which  I  hope  and  sincerely  desire_  may 
be  soon. 

I  shall  be  glad  at  all  times  to  hear  from  you  on  public  affairs, 
or  any  other  topic.  I  saw  a  good  deal  of  General  Harrison  at 
Cincinnati.  Very  little  passed  between  us  on  the  subject  of  the 
Presidency.  He  was  very  respectful  and  cordial.  He  appeared 
to  be  in  good  spirits,  and  I  thought  seamed  confident.  I  adhere 
to  the  opinion  expressed  in  my  former  letter,  that,  if  Pennsylva- 


400  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

ma  will  give  satisfactory  demonstrations  of  an  intention  to  sup- 
port him,  it  will  be  expedient,  under  all  circumstances,  to  run 
him  as  the  most  available  candidate  against  Mr.  Yan  Bnren.  The 
issue  of  the  Rhode  Island  election  following  that  of  Connecticut, 
proves,  I  fear,  that  it  is  in  vain  to  look  even  to  New  England  for 
the  support  of  Mr.  Webster. 


HENRY    CLAY,    JR.,    TO    HIS    FATHER. 

BORDEAUX,  September  17,  1835. 

DEAR  FATHER, — I  send  to-day  by  the  ship  Tuskina,  the  Span- 
ish ass  Don  Manuel.  Mr.  Haggerty  in  New  York  will  have 
him  put  upon  grass  until  he  can  hear  from  you.  I  have  written 
to  him  to  draw  upon  you  for  the  expenses  of  transportation. 
The  captain  carries  him  for  $50,  I  finding  every  thing.  The 
captain's  bill,  and  the  charges  in  New  York  and  on  the  way 
to  Kentucky,  will  be  all  that  are  to  be  paid.  May  I  beg  that 
you  will  meet  this  bill,  and  that  you  will  write  to  James  Hag- 
gerty of  New  York,  whom  you  know,  such  directions  as  will 
be  proper.  The  ass  has  been  rode  and  he  is  as  gentle  as  a  dog, 
so  that  a  small  boy  might  ride  him.  He  is  a  very  fine  ass,  about 
thirteen  and  a  half  hands  and  half  an  inch  or  one  inch  high. 
I  am  induced  to  send  him  because  the  Tuskina  is  a  large  packet 
and  the  only  fine  one  in  port.  I  shall  go  in  a  few  days  to  the 
Hautes  Pyrenees  department  where  I  hope  to  procure  some  good 
Spanish  asses.  There  is  a  mistake  about  them  in  America. 
The  few  I  have  seen  are  very  handsome. 


MR.  CLAY   TO    HIS   WIFE. 

MATSVIIXE,  November  19,  1835. 

MY  DEAR  WIFE, — I  got  to  Governor  Metcalfe's,  last  night,  in 
good  time,  and  reached  here  to-day,  at  two  o'clock.  The 
weather  has  been  very  fine,  and  my  ride  was  a  very  good  one. 
They  tell  me  that  a  steamboat  will'  be  here  this  evening,  in 
which,  when  it  arrives,  I  shall  embark.  I  have  directed  Aaron 
to  go  to  Governor  Metcalfe's  to-morrow  night,  and  the  next  day 
home. 

I  feel  very  uneasy  about  our  dear  daughter,  Anne.     I  sincerely 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  401 

hope  thnt  she  may  get  well,  and  that  all  my  apprehensions  may 
prove  groundless. 

I  feel  too,  my  dear  wife,  most  sincerely  and  excessively  alive 
respecting  yonr  lonely  situation.  I  regret  it  extremely,  and 
whatever  you  may  think  to  the  contrary,  I  should  have  preferred, 
greatly,  your  accompanying  me.  But  I  hope  and  believe  that 
this  is  the  last  separation,  upon  earth,  that  will  take  place,  for 
any  length  of  time,  between  us.  And  I  hope  that  you  will  make 
every  effort  in  your  power  to  be  cheerful,  contented,  and  happy. 


MR.  ERWIN    TO  MR.  CLAY. DEATH  OF  MRS.  ERWIN. 

THE  WOODLANDS,  December  15,  1835. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  feel  myself  scarcely  equal  to  the  task  which 
my  duty  imposes,  that  of  writing  you  at  this  time,  and  speaking 
of  the  late  dreadful  calamity  with  which  it  has  pleased  God  to 
afflict  us — by  which,  at  the  same  fatal  blow,  has  been  taken 
from  you  a  daughter,  unequaled  in  filial  devotion  and  love,  and 
from  me  a  wife,  the  most  devoted,  kind,  and  virtuous,  with  which 
man  was  ever  blessed. 

Other  friends  have,  I  learn,  given  you  the  particulars  of  this 
sad  event,  which  will  spare  me  the  pain  of  presenting  to  you  the 
heart-rending  scene  which  was  so  unexpectedly  produced  by 
the  hand  of  Providence. 

My  home,  lately  the  happiest,  which  I  have  shared  for  years 
with  a  beloved  wife,  who  returned  my  affection  with  a  devotion 
almost  unknown,  who,  whether  I  was  worthy  or  not,  honored 
me  with  a  love  and  confidence  which  I  would  not  have  ex- 
changed for  the  whole  world  beside,  that  home  is  now  to  me  in- 
supportable. Every  object  that  presents  itself — each  tree  and 
flower,  once  so  dear  when  objects  of  her  care — now  serve  only 
to  make  known  to  me  my  loss  and  my  misery.  The  beloved 
object  who  gave  life  and  animation  to  all,  has  left  me  to  lament 
over  my  wretched  fate. 

You,  my  dear  sir,  I  am  fully  sensible,  can  and  will  extend  to 
me  more  sympathy  than  any  other  human  being — you  who  best 
knew  her  exalted  worth,  who  have  daily  witnessed  our  happi- 
ness, not  surpassed,  I  vainly  believe,  in  the  annals  of  wedded 
life — you  who  shared  our  pleasures  and  our  joy,  who  bestowed 
upon  me  the  choicest  gift  of  heaven,  can  feel  for  me,  but  who, 

26 


402  -PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE   OF  HENRY  CLAY. 

I  fear,  will  require  for  yourself  all  the  sympathy  of  your  friends, 
and  all  the  philosophy  with  which  you  are  endowed,  to  support 
you  under  this  sad  bereavement.  Mrs.  Clay,  although  in  reality 
scarcely  able  to  support  herself  under  this  severe  trial,  has  sup- 
pressed, as  far  as  she  was  able,  her  own  feelings,  intent  only 
in  rendering  to  me  and  my  dear  children  every  kindness  which 
her  judgment  and  affection  could  suggest.  She  has  abandoned 
her  own  home  and  remained  with  us,  exerting  herself  to  preserve 
the  babe,  which  has  cost  us  all  so  dear. 

My  children,  now  ten-fold  more  dear  to  me  than  before,  af- 
ford me  much  consolation,  yet  they  are  the  objects  of  my  great- 
est solicitude ;  for  me  to  remain  here  is  impossible,  and  to  part 
from  any  of  them,  at  this  moment,  will  be  equally  trying.  Mrs. 
Clay  at  once  kindly  proposed  taking  charge  of  all  of  them,  and 
to  have  Miss  Brulard  remove  to  Ashland,  for  the  present,  and 
teach  them  as  before.  Miss  B.  wishes  to  return  South,  and  the 
plan  now  is,  to  leave  the  three  youngest  at  Ashland,  the  babe, 
with  Lotty  and  a  wet  nurse,  under  Mrs.  Clay's  care,  and  for  the 
two  boys,  Henry  and  James,  to  accompany  me. 

I  expect  to  leave  for  New  Orleans  two  days  hence.  My  boys 
will  be  important  to  me,  and  I  shall  take  care  not  to  let  any  feel- 
ing prevent  their  having  the  best  means  for  their  improvement 
afforded  them. 

I  shall  hope  to  hear  from  you  very  soon  after  I  reach  New  Or- 
leans. 


CHAPTER  X. 

CORRESPONDENCE   OF  1836,  '37,  '38,  AND  '39. 

GOVERNOR  M'DTJFFIE  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

ABBEVILLE,  C.  H.,  January  27,  1836. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  from  home,  and  you  must  excuse  the 
foolscap  on  which  I  write.  Perceiving  the  message  relative  to 
the  French  indemnity  referred  to  your  Committee,  I  am  irresisti- 
bly compelled  to  make  a  suggestion  or  two.  You  again  have  it 
in  your  power  for  the  third  or  fourth  time,  to  save  the  country 
from  a  great  calamity.  It  is  perfectly  obvious  that  if  the  An- 
imal Message  of  December  last  had  been  permitted  to  reach 
France  before  any  additional  cause  of  irritation  was  given  by  the 
President,  the  indemnity  would  have  been  promptly  paid  by  the 
French  Executive.  The  king  and  the  ministry  have  all  along 
been  most  anxious  to  adjust  the  difficulty  and  pay  the  claim. 
They  have  had  to  struggle  with  a  refractory  Chamber,  who  have 
co-operated  with  General  Jackson's  weakness  and  folly  to  pro- 
duce war.  Now  it  seems  to  me  that  the  course  for  Congress  to 
pursue,  for  the  interest  and  true  honor  of  the  country,  is  perfectly 
plain  ;  and  that  is,  to  be  as  courteous  and  civil  as  the  President 
has  been  rude  and  insulting.  State,  what  is  evidently  true,  a 
confidence  that  there  is  a  desire,  on  the  part  of  the  king  and 
ministry,  to  adjust  the  matter  without  war,  and  a  belief  that  they 
will  pay  the  indemnity,  when  they  read  the  annual  Message, 
and  that  consequently  no  preparations  for  war  are  necessary.  I 
have  not  a  doubt  that  such  a  course  would  insure  a  peaceable 
and  prompt  adjustment  of  the  existing  differences. 

If  war  ensues,  Congress  must  now  be  responsible.  It  will 
proceed  from  their  acts,  and  not  those  of  the  President.  Even 
his  last  Message  would  be  nothing  to  France,  if  Congress  would 
again  adopt  the  course  you  recommended  last  year.  If  it  should 


404  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

fail,  there  will  still  be  time  to  prepare  during  the  session  for  non- 
intercourse,  for  I  can  not  believe  a  war  possible.  A  non-inter- 
course act  on  our  part  would  not,  I  am  sure,  lead  to  a  declaration 
of  war  by  France.  They  could  not  make  it  a  ground  of  war. 

I  beg  you,  my  dear  Sir,  to  excuse  this  liberty.  The  magni- 
tude of  the  interests  involved  must  be  my  apology.  A  war  with 
France  would  be  utterly  ruinous  to  the  Southern  States,  and 
God  knows  what  would  be  its  effect  upon  public  liberty.  It 
would  be"  the  most  signal  example  of  the  folly  of  nations  the 
world  ever  witnessed.  We  go  to  war  for  five  millions,  which  is 
sponged  out  by  the  declaration,  and  with  a  certainty  that  we 
shall  lose  ten  times  as  much,  and  never  can  compel  France  to 
pay  one  cent. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  LESLIE  COMBS. 

WASHINGTON,  March  9,  1836. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  26th  ultimo.  My 
impression  is  that  both  the  legacy  was  paid  and  the  land  assigned 
to  Morrison  Boswell,  agreeably  to  the  will  of  Colonel  Morrison ; 
but  all  the  papers  of  the  estate  being  at  home,  I  can  certainly 
affirm  nothing  and  do  nothing  until  my  return. 

We  learn  from  Kentucky  that  Morehead  has  declined,  leaving 
the  field  to  Clarke.  I  hope  no  feelings  unfavorable  to  his  suc- 
cess will  remain.  Mr.  C.  A.  Wickliffe  is  to  be  run  as  Lieuten- 
ant Governor  with '  him,  as  we  learn.  Any  arrangement  as  to 
individuals  ought  to  be  held  subordinate  to  the  great  object  of 
the  prevalence  of  principles. 

I  have  hopes,  not  unmixed  with  fears,  about  the  Land  bill. 
I  do  not  know  why  your  Pension  case  moves  so  slowly,  or  rather 
does  not  move  at  all,  in  the  House.  Crittenden  and  I  spoke  the 
other  day  of  starting  it  in  the  Senate  ;  and  if  it  does  not  mend 
its  pace  in  the  House  we  may  attempt  that  course. 


MISS  JEFFERY  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

BOSTON,  March  10,  1836. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  sail  from  New  York  on  the  1st  of  April,  in 
the  packet  ship  Orpheus.  Can  I  take  any  parcel  or  communi- 
cation for  you  to  your  son  or  to  Mrs.  Henry  Clay  ?  And  will 


OF  HENEY  CLAY.  405 

you  favor  me  with  a  letter  of  introduction  to  the  latter  ?  as  I 
think  she  might  be  pleased  to  see  in  a  foreign  county,  a  person 
who  had  seen  a«d  known  her  own  relations  ;  and  though  I  am 
afraid  I  can  do  but  very  little  to  increase  her  pleasure,  yet  I 
should  wish  to  show,  at  least,  how  very  grateful  I  feel  for  all  the 
kindness  I  have  received  from  you  and  yours,  by  adding  my 
mite  if  I  can.  Will  you  remember  me  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  assure 
her  of  my  lively  recollections  of  her  kindness.  I  am  afraid 
there  is  nothing  in  the  world  I  can  do  for  you ;  but  should  you 
ever  wish  for  any  thing  which  I  can  procure  in  England,  I  shall 
be  very  much  pleased  to  be  employed.  Remember  me  to  Judge 
Porter. 


GEORGE  TUCKER  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

UNIVERSITY  OF  VIRGINIA,  June  30,  1836. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Before  you  receive  this  you  will  have  learned 
the  death  of  our  venerated  friend,  James  Madison.     I  take  the 
liberty  of  asking  you  to  have  the  inclosed  resolutions  published 
in  "  The  Intelligencer,"  and  I  can  not  lose  this  opportunity  of 
letting  you  know,  or  rather  of  giving  you  a  further  proof  of  the 
high  place  you  held  in  his  estimation.    When  I  was  last  with  him, 
a  few  days  after  the  short  interview  I  had  with  you  in  Washing- 
ton, we  were  conversing  on  the  affairs  of  the  nation — and  es- 
pecially on  the  then  agitating  question  of  the  efforts  of  the  Abo- 
litionists— when,  with  that  absence  of  his  habitual  reserve  on 
political  topics,  of  which  he  had  of  late  afforded  me  many  flat- 
tering proofs,  he  said,  "  Clay  has  been  so  successful  in  his  com- 
promising other  disputes,  I  wish  he  could  fall  upon  some  plan 
of  compromising  this,  and  then  all  parties  (or  enough  of  all  par- 
i  ties,  I  forget  which)  might  unite  and  make  him  President." 
I  Know  ing  his  desire  to  be  at  peace  with  all,  and  to  escape  the 
|  coarse  and  reckless  vituperation  of  the  newspapers,  I  never  ven- 
i  tured  to  mention  this  except  to  one  or  two  discreet  friends,  nor 
i  would  I  now  do  it  to  any  one  who  would  make  it  public,  as  in 
!  the  virulence  of  party  feeling,  it  would  operate  with  majiy  prej- 
I  udiced  minds  to  abate  the  respect  that  the  nation  will  be  dis- 
posed to  show  to  his  memory,  and  by  thus  detracting  somewhat 
from  the  weight  and  influence  of  his  good  opinion,  deprive  you 
of  your  just  rights.     1  never,  however,  intended  that  such  a  re- 
mark should  be  buried,  as  that  would  have  been  a  still  greater 


406  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

injustice  to  you,  and  meant,  and  still  mean  in  good  time  to  make 
it  known.  You  see  I  write  frankly,  but  I  trust  not  at  the  ex- 
pense of  delicacy  , 

Would  it  be  practicable,  and  if  practicable,  would  it  be  safe 
and  prudent  to  extend  the  franking  privilege  to  Mrs.  Madison  ? 
You  can  appreciate  the  real  objections,  if  there  be  any,  without 
being  deterred  from  your  views  of  right,  by  chimerical  appre- 
hensions. I  pray  you  then  to  consider  of  it,  if  not  too  late,  and 
act  accordingly. 

I  forwarded  to  you  last  year  two  copies  of  my  discourse  be- 
fore our  Philosophical  Society — one  for  yourself  and  the  other 
for  Miss  Martineau.  Did  they  reach  you  in  time  before  she  left 
you  ? 

You  must  have  a  mixed  feeling  of  triumph,  contempt,  and 
amusement,  that  the  majority  have  been  obliged,  virtually,  to 
pass  your  Land  bill,  under  another  form. 


HARRIET    MARTINEAU   TO  MR,  CLAY. 

NEW  YOBK,  July  26",  1836.     '' 

DEAR  SIR, — I  am  just  about  to  sail  for  England,  and  I  do  not 
know  where  you  are,  but  I  can  not  help  writing  once  more,  to  as- 
sure you  of  my  respectful  and  affectionate  remembrance  ;  and  of 
the  earnestness  with  which  I  shall  always  watch  for  tidings  of 
you  and  yours.  If  you  should  ever  chance  to  visit  England,  you 
will  give  my  mother  and  me  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  at  "  17 
Pludyer  St.,  Westminster ;"  and  if,  in  the  mean  time,  I  can  be  of 
any  service  to  you  whatever  in  furnishing  information,  or  in 
any  other  way,  pray  write  to  me  there ;  and  it  will  delight  me 
to  be  of  use  to  you. 

Pray  remember  me  most  kindly  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  Mr.  Erwin, 
and  believe  me  ever  yours  faithfully  and  affectionately. 


MRS.  MADISON    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

MONTPELEK,  November  8, 1836. 

The  continued  and  very  severe  affection  of  nay  eyes,  not  per- 
mitting, but  with  much  difficulty,  even  the  signature  of  my 
name,  has  deferred,  dear  friend,  the  acknowledgments  due  for 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  407 

your  very  kind  and  acceptable  letter  of  August  18th.  I  should 
sooner  have  resorted  for  this  purpose  to  the  pen  of  an  amanuen- 
sis, but  that  the  failure  of  my  general  health  combining  equal, 
and  sometimes  greater  suffering,  rendered  dictation  very  painful, 
and  hope  still  flattered  me  that  I  might  yet  use  my  own.  So 
much  time  having  elapsed  with  but  little  improvement  in  my 
situation,  I  can 'submit  to  no  longer  delay  in  offering  this  expla- 
nation of  my  silence,  nor  omit  the  expression  of  my  deep  sensi- 
bility to  that  pure  and  true  sympathy  which  I  am  conscious  I 
receive  from  such  highly  valued  friends  as  Mrs.  Clay  and  yourself. 

The  sources  of  consolation  in  my  bereavement  which  you 
suggest,  are  those  which  my  heart  can  most  truly  appreciate. 
The  reflected  rays  of  his  virtues  still  linger  around  me,  and  my 
mind  now  dwells  with  calmer  feelings  on  their  mellowed  tints. 
He  left  me,  too,  a  charge,  dear  and  sacred,  and  deeply  impressed 
with  its  value  to  his  fame,  and  its  usefulness  to  his  country.  The 
important  trust  sustained  me  under  the  heavy  pressure  of  recent 
loss,  and  formed  an  oasis  to  the  desert  it  created  in  my  feelings. 

In  fulfillment  of  his  wishes  I  have,  therefore,  devoted  myself 
to  the  object  of  having  prepared  for  the  press  the  productions 
of  his 'own  pen.  It  will  form  the  surest  evidence  of  his  claim  to 
the  gratitude  of  his  country  and  the  world.  With  the  aid  of  my 
brother,  who  had  prepared  copies  of  the  debates  in  the  Revolu- 
tionary Congress  and  in  the  Convention,  under  Mr.  Madison's 
eye,  triplicates  have  been  completed  for  publication  here  and 
abroad.  My  son  went,  in  July,  as  far  as  New  York,  and  re- 
mained there  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  with  the  most  emi- 
nent publishers,  and  I  have  had  communication  with  those  in 
other  cities,  but  no  offer  has  been  made  by  any  entitled  to  confi- 
dence, which  would  free  me  from  heavy  and  inconvenient  pecu- 
niary advances  and  the  risk  of  impositions  and  eventual  loss. 
Under  these  circumstances  I  have  been  advised  by  a  friend  to 
offer  the  work  to  the  patronage  of  Congress,  asking  their  aid  so 
far  as  to  relieve  the  work  from  the  charges  upon  it,  principally 
for  literary  and  other  benevolent  purposes,  and,  after  their  use 
by  Congress,  to  give  me  the  stereotype  plates.  This  would  at 
once  allow  me  to  throw  them  into  general  circulation  on  a  scale 
that  would  remunerate  me  more  in  accordance  with  the  expecta- 
tions entertained  by  their  author,  and  would  also  allow  the  price 
to  be  so  graduated  as  to  insure  their  general  diffusion. 

As  this  plan  was  suggested  by  one  favorable  to  the  Adminis- 


408  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

tration,  he  advised  also  that  the  channel  of  his  friends,  as  the  ma- 
jority of  these  who  were  to  decide  on  the  proposition,  should 
be  employed  in  making  it,  and  pledged  their  support.  This 
work  being  a  record  only  of  what  passed  preceding  the  existence 
of  present  parties,  can  not  associate  the  name  of  Mr.  Madison 
with  either,  and  therefore  its  introduction  and  advocacy  by  the 
one  can  be  no  bar  to  the  favor  of  the  other.  On  your  part,  I  am 
sure  that,  in  my  yielding  to  it  this  direction,  you  will  perceive 
no  deviation  from  the  high  respect  and  friendly  regard  I  enter- 
tain toward  yourself,  but  approving  an  adoption  of  this  course  as 
most  conducive  to  success,  you  will,  with  your  friends,  insure  it 
on  the  merits  of  the  work  alone,  uninfluenced  by  adversary  feel- 
ing toward  the  source  from  whence  the  measures  originated. 

It  was  my  intention  to  have  gone  to  Washington,  principally 
with  a  view  to  obtain  in  personal  conference  the  advice  of  my 
best  friends,  but  my  protracted  ill  health,  and  the  approach  of  an 
inclement  season  I  fear  may  prevent  the  journey. 

In  addition  to  three  volumes  of  the  Debates  (near  six  hundred 
pages  each)  now  ready  for  the  press,  matter  enough  for  another 
volume  is  expected,  and  nearly  four  hundred  pages  copied,  of 
writings  and  letters  on  Constitutional  subjects,  considerable-  selec- 
tions have  also  been  made  from  his  early  correspondence,  which 
may  form  a  volume  on  the  legislative  proceedings  of  Virginia, 
and  historical  letters  of  the  period  from  1780  up  to  the  com- 
mencement of  the  new  Government,  His  Congressional  and 
Executive  career  may  furnish  two  more.  His  writings  already 
in  print,  as  "  Political  Observations,"  a  pamphlet  in  1795,  "  Ex- 
aminations of  the  British  Doctrine,"  etc.,  it  is  thought  should  be 
embodied  with  his  other  works  for  more  permanent  preservation. 

It  is  important  that  these  manuscripts  should  be  prepared  and 
committed  to  the  press  as  early  as  they  can  follow  the  Debates, 
and  the  success  of  the  latter  will  much  facilitate  the  publication 
of  the  former,  even  if  Congress  should  decline  a  like  patronage 
to  them,  a  mode  which  would  be  much  preferred. 

The  near  approach  of  the  time  which  will  call  you  to  your 
Senatorial  duties  rendering  it  uncertain  whether  this  would  reach 
you  ere  your  departure  from  home,  I  deem  it  safest  to  address  it 
to  Washington,  whence  I  hope,  on  your  safe  arrival,  you  will 
favor  me  with  an  acknowledgment  of  its  receipt  and  any  sug- 
gestions your  friendship  may  offer. 

Accept  for  Mrs.  Clay  and  yourself  my  affectionate  respects. 


OF  HENKY  CLAY.  409 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  19,  1836. 

MY  DEAR  SIR. — I  am  glad  to  learn  by  your  favor  of  15th  inst. 
that  Mrs.  Brooke's  health  is  improving,  and  sincerely  hope  that  it 
may  soon  be  entirely  re-established. 

Your  objection  to  an  immediate  organization  of  an  Opposition, 
upon  the  principles  stated  by  me,  applies  rather  to  the  time  of 
its  commencement  than  the  principles  themselves.  Undoubtedly, 
such  an  Opposition  should  avail  itself  of  the  errors  of  the  new 
Administration  ;  but  it  seems  to  me  that  it  would  acquire  greater 
force  by  availing  itself  also  of  that  fatal  error  in  its  origin,  which 
resulted  from  the  President-elect  being  the  designated  successor 
of  the  present  incumbent.  If  a  President  may  name  his  successor, 
and  bring  the  whole  machinery  of  the  Government,  including  its 
one  hundred  thousand  dependents,  into  the  canvass;  and  if  by  such 
means  he  achieves  a  victory,  such  a  fatal  precedent  as  this  must 
be  rebuked  and  reversed,  or  there  is  an  end  of  the  freedom  of 
election.  No  one  doubts  that  this  has  been  done.  And  no  re- 
flecting man  can  doubt  that,  having  been  once  done,  it  will  be 
again  attempted,  and  unless  corrected  by  the  people,  it  will  be- 
come, in  time,  the  established  practice  of  the  country.  Now,  I 
think  that  no  wisdom  or  benefit,  in  the  measures  of  the  new 
Administration,  can  compensate  or  atone  for  this  vice  in  its  origin. 
Still  this  point  may  be  pressed  or  not,  according  to  circumstances, 
in  different  States.  As  for  Virginia,  I  am  afraid  another  genera- 
tion must  arise  before  she  regains  her  former  high  rank.  Hence- 
forward, at  least  during  our  lives,  I  apprehend,  she  will  be  only 
a  satelite  of  New  York. 

I  am  obliged  greatly  to  Mr.  Pleasants  for  cherishing  his  friendly 
sentiments  toward  me,  and  request  you  to  assure  him  that  they 
are  cordially  reciprocated.  Nothing  of  interest  has  occurred  here 
since  the  burning  of  the  General  Post-office.  I  understand  that 
the  opinion  is  general  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  that  it 
was  not  accidental. 


SIR   WILLIAM    CLAY   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

FCIAVELL  LODGE,  TWICKENHAM,  January  12,  1837. 

DEAR  SIR, — My  friend  and  brother-in-law,  Mr.  Temple  Bow- 
doin,  tells  me  that  he  has  the  honor  of  your  acquaintance,  and 


410  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

that  he  has  mentioned  to  you  my  name.  I  am  tempted,  in  con- 
sequence, to  take  the  liberty  of  sending  you  a  pamphlet  I  have 
recently  published,  which  may  not  be  wholly  without  interest 
to  you,  as  it  relates  to  a  question  of  great  interest,  as  well  in  the 
United  States  as  in  England  ;  and  as  I  have  endeavored  to  avail 
myself  of  the  ample  experience  which  your  legislative  bodies 
have  had  the  opportunities  to  acquire,  I  trust  that,  by  accepting 
this  trifling  work,  you  will  permit  me  to  consider  myself  not 
wholly  a  stranger  to  one  who  has  conferred  such  celebrity  on 
the  name  I  bear.  It  is,  indeed,  not  wholly  impossible  that  I 
may  have  some  claim  to  the  honor  of  your  acquaintance  beyond 
the  mere  similarity  of  name.  My  lineal  ancestor  was  related  to 
Penn.  I  am  not  quite  clear  that  some  one  of  our  name  did  not 
accompany  him  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  at  a  somewhat  later  period 
(eighty  or  one  hundred  years  since),  a  member  of  our  family 
did  settle  in  America,  although  his  friends  never  had  any  record 
of  his  subsequent  fortunes. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  February  10,  1837. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  8th,  as  I  did  the 
preceding  one  to  which  it  refers,  and  which  I  postponed  answer- 
ing until  I  had  something  worth  communicating.  There  is  in- 
deed some  highly  interesting  occurrence  here  almost  daily,  but 
the  papers  generally  notice  it.  You  will  have  seen  the  letter  of 
the  President  to  the  Committee  of  Investigation.  Yesterday,  a 
still  more  extraordinary  one  was  presented  to  the  Senate  by  Mr. 
Calhoun,  in  which  the  President,  in  the  harshest  and  most  offens- 
ive language  animadverts  upon  a  speech  made  by  that  Senator 
in  the  Senate.  The  majority  was  reminded  that  they  alone  pos- 
sessed the  power  to  vindicate  the  privileges  of  the  Senate  against 
the  Executive  encroachments.  But  they  all  remained  mute ; 
not  one  venturing  to  oifer  any  motion.  Such  is  the  degrada- 
tion to  which  Congress  is  reduced  ! 

You  congratulate  me  on  my  acceptance  of  the  new  appoint- 
ment recently  conferred  on  me  to  the  Senate.  I  think  you 
ought  to  have  condoled  and  sympathized  with  me,  because,  by 
the  force  of  circumstances,  I  was  constrained  to  remain  in  a  body, 
in  the  humiliated  condition  in  which  the  Senate  now  is.  I  shall 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  411 

escape  from  it  as  soon  as  I  decently  can,  with  the  same  pleasure 
that  one  would  fly  from  a  charnel-house. 

Mr.  Webster  retires  positively,  Mr.  Ewing  is  ousted,  and  Leigh, 
and  Clayton,  and  Mangum,  and  Porter,  are  gone.  What  good 
can  I  do,  what  mischief  avert,  by  remaining  ? 

I  should  be  delighted  to  see  you,  but  in  the  month  of  March 
the  Cumberland  route  offers  advantages  so  superior  to  any  other, 
that  I  must  follow  it  to  Kentucky.  Would  to  God  it  were  for 
the  last  time  ! 

Can  you  not  come  to  Ashland  from  Lewir-burg,  when  you 
are  attending  the  Court  there  ?  It  is  an  affair  of  but  two  or  three 
days,  and  we  should  be  rejoiced  to  have  you,  and  Mrs.  Brooke, 
too,  if  she  would  accompany  you,  under  our  roof. 

Do  me  the  favor  to  make  to  her  assurances  of  my  affectionate 
regards,  and  believe  me  always  and  cordially  your  friend. 


CHANCELLOR  KENT  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  February  20,  1837. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  hope  I  shall  not  be  deemed  too  obtrusive,  but  I 
can  not  refrain  from  declaring  my  admiration  of  the  speech  deliv- 
ered by  you,  in  the  Senate,  in  January  last,  on  the  expunging  reso- 
lution, and  which  is  published  at  large  in  "  The  National  Intelli- 
gencer" of  the  16th  inst.  My  sympathies,  and  judgment,  and  con- 
fidence, and  patriotism,  and  grief,  and  indignation,  are  with  you 
in  every  point,  and  if  I  was  in  Washington,  I  would  go  directly 
up  to  you,  and  give  your  hand  the  hearty  shake  of  sympathetic 
feeling.  You  have  vindicated  the  resolution  of  1834  with  irre- 
sistible force,  and  damned  the  other  to  everlasting  fame.  If  you, 
and  such  men  as  you,  who  are  storming  despotic  and  servile 
meanness  in  the  Senatorial  Hall,  have  no  other  recompense,  it 
may  possibly  give  you  some  consolation  to  be  assured  that  you 
are  receiving  the  silent  admiration  and  gratitude  of  thousands, 
and  by  none  with  more  hearty  pulsation  than  by  your  most  re- 
spectful and  obedient  servant. 


412  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  7,  1838. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor.  This  day  the  ex-Presi- 
dent left  this  city,  and  the  President,  for  the  first  time,  sent  in  a 
batch  of  nominations.  Poinsett  for  the  War  Department ;  Dallas 
for  Russia ;  Heywood,  of  North  Carolina,  for  Belgium,  etc.  The 
three  mentioned  were  confirmed.  Smith,  of  Alabama,  and  Ca- 
tron,  of  Tennessee,  were  nominated  by  Jackson  for  judges  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  under  the  new  law.  And  what  judges  they 
will  make  !  They  are  not  yet  confirmed.  Labranche,  of  Lou- 
isiana, was  also  nominated  by  Jackson,  for  Texas,  and  has  been 
confirmed  as  Charge  d'Affaires. 

You  ask  if  I  can  communicate  any  consolation  to  you  for  the 
future,  as  to  public  affairs.  I  lament  to  say  not  much.  Hopes 
are  entertained,  and  with  some  probability,  that  there  will  be  a 
majority  in  the  House  of  Representatives  at  the  next  session, 
against  the  Administration ;  and  if  there  were  more  concert,  and 
a  union  as  to  the  ultimate  object,  among  the  Opposition,  there 
would  be  better  prospects.  I  think  there  is  a  tendency  to  union 
among  them,  but  it  is  not  yet  produced.  Mr.  Calhoun,  now,  as 
heretofore,  stands  in  the  way. 

The  city  has  been  filled  with  strangers.  The  crowd  from 
New  York  has  been  as  great  as  it  was  from  Scotland,  when 
James  ascended  the  throne  in  England. 

My  warmest  regards  to  Mrs.  Brooke.  I  hope  to  leave  here  on 
Thursday. 


MR.    FOX   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  March  8,  1837. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  to  draw  upon  England  for  some  money, 
by  the  next  packet,  of  the  16th.  If  you  can  make  it  conve- 
nient, consequently,  to  draw  upon  me  a  draft  for  the  $1,180 
which  I  am  in  your  debt,  at  ten  days  date  from  the  present,  I 
shall  be  much  obliged  to  you  to  allow  me  to  settle  it  in  that 
way.  If  agreeable  to  you,  the  draft  can  be  sent  to  me  for  ac- 
ceptance, at  that  date,  before  your  departure  ;  or  you  can  inform 
me  in  whose  hands  you  leave  it.  My  servant,  the  bearer  of 
this,  will  wait  for  an  answer,  or  call  for  one  early  in  the  morn-' 
ing,  as  you  may  desire. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  413 

I  wish  you  a  very  happy  journey,  and  am  extremely  glad  to 
find  that  we  are  to  enjoy  the  pleasure  of  your  society  in  Wash- 
ington during  another  session  of  Congress. 


HARRIET  MARTINEAU  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

WESTMINSTER  May  15,  1837. 

DEAR  MR.  CLAY, — It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  acknowledge, 
on  behalf  of  many  authors,  besides  myself,  your  exertions  on  the 
copyright  business.  I  thought  I  was  sure,  both  of  .what  your 
convictions  and  your  efforts  would  be  ;  and  I  rejoice  that  my 
confidence  has  been  justified.  We  are  exceedingly  pleased  with 
your  Report,  and  have  strong  hope  that  our  object  may  be  at- 
tained next  session.  The  American  newspapers  seem  to  show 
a  more  and  more  favorable  disposition  toward  our  claim,  and 
some  solid  proofs  have  reached  the  hands  of  one,  at  least,  of  our 
authors  (Professor  Lyell),  of  the  feeling  which  honorable  Amer- 
ican publishers  entertain  of  the  injury  we  suffer.  Several  hun- 
dreds of  copies  of  Lyell's  fifth  edition  of  his  Geology,  in  four 
volumes,  have  been  ordered  from  England  by  booksellers  in 
Boston,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia,  and  the  money,  in  full, 
transmitted  with  the  order.  A  highly  creditable  proceeding.  It 
was  transacted  through  Professor  Silliman. 

Have  you  seen  what  my  New  York  publishers  (who  are  Eng- 
lish) have  been  doing  to  obviate  mutilation  of  my  book?  We 
fear  we  must  submit  to  be  pirated,  but  the  risk  of  mutilation  is 
much  lessened  by  the  work  being  divided  into  parts.  The  book 
has  been  published  here  only  four  days.  I  have  had  little  hope  of 
pleasing  any  body  in  either  country  with  my  work.  I  might 
have  done  so  by  merely  copying  my  journal,  but  I  felt  the  oc- 
casion to  be  too  serious  a  one  to  be  trifled  with,  arid  I  have,  ac- 
cordingly, risked  every  thing  by  making  an  open  avowal  of 
principles  which  have  no  chance  of  being  popular.  I  am  very 
easy  now  the  thing  is  done.  My  conscience  is  discharged,  and 
I  really  do  not  care  much  what  becomes  of  me  in  name  and  for- 
tune, while  I  can  not  live  without  freedom  of  speech.  This 
last  can  never,  now,  be  taken  from  me. 

Your  new  President  seems  to  have  succeeded  in  making  him- 
self gloriously  unpopular  at  the  very  outset.  I  do  not  believe 
in  his  power  of  retrieving  himself.  We  shall  see.  I  hope  you 


414  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

will  never  have  another  President  who  will  venture  to  declare, 
on  entering  upon  office,  that  under  no  circumstances  will  he,  on 
a  particular  point,  assent  to  a  constitutional  act  which  may  be- 
come the  will  of  the  nation.  Enough  of  him. 
*  We  are  in  a  critical  state,  and  the  Tories  may,  very  likely, 
have  another  short  term  of  office.  The  weakness  of  the  sove- 
reign, the  incompleteness  of  the  Reform  Bill,  and  the  difficulties 
thereby  left  in  the  way  of  the  representation,  are  too  much  for 
the  present  ministry,  even  without  the  House  of  Lords,  which 
we  have  pour  comble  de  maux.  We  do  not  fear  breach  of  the 
peace,  but  much  political  struggle.  We  shall  have  your  good 
wishes  on  the  liberal  side,  though  you  do  find  our  Tory  ministers 
so  very  civil  to  the  United  States. 

I  hope  you  are  well,  and  in  some  good  degree  reconciled  and 
content  in  mind.  My  mother  and  I  are  in  the  best  health  and 
spirits,  and  talking  more,  it  seems  to  me,  of  my  beloved  Ameri- 
can friends  than  of  all  other  persons  in  the  world. 

With  my  kind  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  Mr.  Erwin,  I  am, 
dear  sir,  yours  affectionately. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

ASHLAND,  May  26,  1837. 

MY  DEAR  JAMES, — Just  as  I  was  making  preparations  for  my 
trip  to  St.  Louis,  and  had  resolved  to  start  in  a  few  days,  the 
proclamation  of  the  President  arrived,  calling  Congress  on  the 
first  of  September.  T  shall  be  obliged  to  leave  home,  to  reach 
Washington  in  time,  about  the  middle  of  August.  Consequently 
I  have  only  two  months  and  a  half  to  attend  to  my  private  af- 
fairs. If  I  were  to  go  to  St.  Louis,  and  examine  my  lands  in 
Missouri,  as  I  wished,  it  would  absorb  one  half  of  that  time,  and 
not  leave  me  enough  to  attend  to  necessary  matters  here.  I  am 
compelled,  therefore,  to  abandon  my  contemplated  journey  for 
the  present.  I  assure  you,  my  dear  son,  that  I  do  it  with  great 
regret ;  for  I  wanted  much  to  see  you,  and  to  see  your  place  and 
the  improvements  you  have  made  upon  it. 

As  I  can  not  go  to  see  you,  you  must  come  and  see  me.  You 
will  yourself  judge  of  the  most  convenient  time  for  you  to  leave 
home,  and  come  here.  By  the  first  of  July,  I  suppose  your  crop 
will  be  laid  by,  and  the  season  of  your  Jack  will  be  over  ;  and 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  415 

if  you  can  not  come  before  then,  you  will  be  able  to  leave  home 
at  that  time. 

I  wish  you  to  say  to  Major  Graham,  how  much  I  regret  not 
being  able  to  see  him  at  his  residence,  as  I  expected  and  intend- 
ed. I  am  sorry  for  it  also  on  account  of  his  suit,  in  which  f 
wished  to  have  rendered  him  any  service  in  my  power.  But  it 
is  probable  that,  if  his  suit  shall  be  heard  at  the  time  he  expect- 
ed, he  may  be  able  to  engage  the  services  of  Mr.  Webster,  who 
left  here  on  yesterday  on  his  way  to  Louisville,  and  thence  to 
St.  Louis,  which  place  he  will  reach,  I  suppose,  about  the  6th 
of  June.  His  wife  and  his  daughter  accompany  him,  and  when 
they  get  there  I  wish  you  to  call  and  see  them. 

We  have  had  a  very  dry  spring,  insomuch  that  I  have  never 
seen  the  grass  so  low.  But  two  days  ago  the  rain  began,  and 
we  have  had  the  most  copious  showers.  Should  the  remainder 
of  the  season  prove  good,  we  shall  be  able,  I  trust,  to  make  good 
crops. 

Henry's  two  mares  from  England  have  arrived,  and  both  had 
colts,  but  he  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  one  of  them.  He  had 
also  imported  six  cows  ;  two  died  on  the  passage,  the  other  four 
arrived  with  four  calves.  I  have  given  him  nine  hundred  dol- 
lars for  one  of  the  cows  and  her  calf. 

Should  you  want  money  to  bring  you  home,  you  must  inform 
me,  or  if  there  be  not  time  to  inform  me,  draw  upon  me. 

The  family  are  all  well,  and  join  with  me  in  love  to  you. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  A  COMMITTEE  OF  GENTLEMEN  IN  NEW  YORK. 

ASHLAND,  August  6,  1837. 

GENTLEMEN, — I  duly  received  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the 
honor  to  address  to  me  on  the  20th  ultimo,  transmitting  a  copy 
of  the  proceedings  adopted  at  preliminary  meetings  of  a  number 
of  my  friends  in  the  city  of  New  York,  in  relation  to  the  next 
Presidential  election. 

On  the  question  of  the  propriety  of  agitating  the  public  at 
this  time  by  a  discussion  of  that  subject,  I  entirely  concur  in  the 
opinion  expressed  by  you,  that  it  would  be  altogether  premature. 
Six  months  have  not  yet  elapsed  since  the  termination  of  the  last 
election,  and  more  than  three  years  and  a  half  remain  of  the 
term  which  was  then  filled.  The  country  is,  moreover,  suffer- 


416  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

ing  under  a  great  calamity.  Its  currency  and  its  business  lie 
prostrate.  All  minds  are  absorbed  by  considerations  relative  to 
measures  of  immediate  relief.  At  such  a  moment  to  disturb  or 
distract  tbe  public  attention,  by  introducing  another  exciting  but 
•remote  topic,  seems  to  me  to  be  unwise.  In  expressing  this  sen- 
timent, it  is  far  from  my  purpose  to  convey  any  reproach  or  cen- 
sure toward  those  who  have  taken  a  different  view  of  the  mat- 
ter. It  is  quite  likely  they  have  supposed.,  and  may  be  right  in 
supposing,  that  the  only  adequate  remedy  which  can  be  found 
for  the  evils  with  which  the  country  is  now  afflicted,  will  bo  a 
change  of  those  rulers  by  whose  agency  they  have  been  pro- 
duced or  continued.  But  the  necessity  of  some  earlier  relief  is 
so  great,  and  the  expediency  of  bringing  to  the  consideration  of 
it  a  spirit  of  moderation,  forbearance,  and  conciliation,  is  so  ob- 
vious, that  I  think  we  should  first  direct  our  exertions  exclusively 
to  this  single  object.  We  shall  soon  ascertain  how  far  the  Ad- 
ministration will  co-operate  with  the  country  in  the  restoration 
of  a  sound  state  of  things. 

To  guard  against  misconception,  I  ought  to  add  that  too  much 
delay  as  well  as  too  much  precipitation  should  be  alike  avoided, 
in  arrangements  connected  with  the  next  election  of  a  Chief 
Magistrate  of  the  Union.  Precipitation  would  expose  the  disin- 
terestedness of  our  patriotism  to  unjust  animadversion;  protract- 
ed delay,  to  the  danger  of  division  and  defeat. 

I  also  agree  with  you,  gentlemen,  entirely  in  thinking,  in  re- 
gard to  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  that  some  mode  should 
be  adopted  of  collecting  the  general  sense  of  those  who  believe 
it  important  to  the  preservation  of  our  liberties  involved,  the  cor- 
rection of  abuses,  and  a  thorough  reform  in  the  Executive  Ad- 
ministration, that  there  should  be  a  change  in  the  Chief  Magis- 
tracy. And  none  better  appears  tome  to  have  been  suggested 
than  that  of  a  Northern  Convention.  This  will  not  supersede 
the  previous  employment  of  all  proper  means  to  produce  union, 
harmony  and  concentration.  A  resort  to  such  means  is  recom- 
mended by  their  tendency  to  prevent  those  unpleasant  collis- 
ions, in  the  choice  of  delegates  to  the  Convention,  which  might 
leave,  among  the  friends  of  the  respective  candidates,  a  state  of 
feeling,  unfavorable  to  that  hearty  co-operation  in  the  final  struggle 
which  is  so  essential  to  success. 

Having  said  this  much  upon  the  general  subject,  allow  me 
now  to  add  a  few  words  in  relation  to  myself  personally.  You 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  417 

are  pleased  to  honor  me  with  your  attachment  and  confidence, 
to  appreciate  highly  my  public  services,  and  to  desire  to  place 
me  in  the  highest  station  of  the  Government.  I  am  profoundly 
grateful  to  you,  and  to  all  those  friends  who  cherish  toward  me 
similar  sentiments.  I  think,  however,  that  the  question  of  the 
particular  individual  who  should  be  selected  to  accomplish  those 
patriotic  purposes  which  we  have  in  view,  although  not  unim- 
portant, is  of  subordinate  consequence.  It  should  not  be  allowed 
to  become  the  paramount  object,  nor  to  divide  more,  than  is  ab- 
solutely unavoidable,  those  who  agree  in  the  general  principle. 

I  have  not,  for  several  years,  looked  to  the  event  of  my  be- 
ing placed  in  the  chair  of  Chief  Magistrate,  as  one  that  was 
probable.  My  feelings  and  intentions  have  taken  a  different 
direction.  While  I  am  not  insensible  to  the  exalted  honor  of 
filling  the  highest  office  within  the  gift  of  this  great  people,  I 
have  desired  retirement  from  the  cares  of  public  life ;  and  al- 
though I  have  not  been  able  fully  to  gratify  this  wish,  I  am  in 
the  enjoyment  of  comparative  repose,  and  looking  anxiously 
forward  to  more.  I  should  be  extremely  unwiHinga  without 
very  strong  reasons,  to  be  thrown  into  the  turmoil  of  a  Presiden- 
tial canvass.  Above  all,  I  am  most  desirous  not  to  seem,  as  I 
in  truth  am  not,  importunate  for  any  public  office  whatever.  If 
I  were  persuaded  that  a  majority  of  my  fellow-citizens  desired 
to  place  me  in  their  highest  executive  office,  that  sense  of  duty 
by  which  I  have  been  ever  guided  would  exact  obedience  to 
their  will.  Candor  obliges  me,  however,  to  say  that  I  have  not 
seen  sufficient  evidence  that  they  entertain  such  a  desire. 

Entertaining  these  feelings  and  sentiments,  I  think  it  best  for 
the  present  to  adhere  to  the  passive  position  which  I  have  pre- 
scribed to  myself.  Should  a  National  Convention  of  our  friends 
nominate  any  other  person,  -he  shall  have  my  hearty  wishes  for 
success  and  my  cordial  support.  And,  before  the  assembling  of 
such  a  Convention,  if  one  should  be  agreed  upon,  there  may  be 
such  indications  of  the  public  will  as  will  enable  us  all  clearly 
to  trace  the  line  of  our  duty  toward  our  common  country. 

Requesting,  gentlemen,  you  and  all  who  attended  the  meet- 
ings, the  proceedings  of  which  you  have  had  the  goodness  to 
forward  to  me,  to  accept  my  grateful  acknowledgments,  I  am 
your  friend  and  obedient  servant. 
27 


418  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MB.    CLAY   TO    G.    D.    PRENTICE. 

ASHLAND,  August  14,  1837. 

DEAR  SIR, — From  numerous  communications  and  circumstan- 
ces, I  think  it  probable  that,  whatever  may  be  my  own  inclina- 
tion or  disposition,  I  shall  be  again  forced  into  the  Presidential 
arena.  It  is  right  that  I  should  put  you  in  possession  of  some  of 
the  information  which  has  reached  me. 

In  the  city  of  New  York,  notwithstanding,  and  subsequent  to 
the  movement  there  for  Mr.  Webster,  my  friends  spontaneously 
resolved  to  organize.  From  all  the  Wards  a  committee  of  one 
hundred  was  formed,  subdivided  into  other  Committees  of  Cor- 
respondence, Finance,  etc.,  and  they  tell  me  that  they  have 
ascertained  that  a  decided  majority  of  the  Whigs  prefer  me  in 
that  city.  The  Committee  has  addressed  me,  and  I  have  replied. 
Perhaps  my  reply  may  be  published.  I  take  the  ground  of  en- 
tire passiveness  ;  that  I  do  not  wish  my  name  used,  unless  there 
is  reason  to  believe  it  is  wanted  by  a  majority  of  the  country,  etc. 

I  send  you  inclosed  some  communications  which  I  have  re- 
ceived, which  you  will  be  pleased  to  return  by  Mr.  Erwin  ;  arid 
if  you  do  not  wish  to  retain  this  letter  (as  I  have  kept  no  copy 
of  it),  be  pleased  to  return  that  also. 

I  still  think  of  and  hope  that  arrangements  may  be  made  to 
make  it  your  interest  to  go  to  Washington. 


MR.  CLAY   TO    HIS    WIFE. 

WHITE  SULPHUR  SPEIXGS,  August  27,  1837. 

MY  DEAR  WIFE, — We  arrived  here  yesterday,  having  parted 
from  Mr.  Erwin  at  Guyandotte,  he  proceeding  up  the  Ohio  river, 
and  we  taking  the  land  route  by  this  place.  I  was  concerned  to 
learn  from  him  that  James  became  worse  the  day  on  which  I  left 
home,  and  it  was  necessary  to  call  in  a  physician.  He  assured 
me,  however,  that  although  threatened  with  a  severe  fever,  no 
danger  was  apprehended.  I  sincerely  hope  that  this  may  prove 
to  be  the  case,  but  as  I  shall  feel  very  uneasy  until  I  hear  again 
from  home,  I  wish  he  would  write  me  to  Washington  as  soon  as 
you  get  this  letter. 

I  wrote  you  from  Maysville,  and  in  that  letter  I  mentioned 
most  of  the  things  to  which  I  desired  James'  attention  in  my 
absence.  I  forgot  to  mention  that  I  wished  the  red  cow  with  a 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  419 

white  face  (an  old  Hereford  that  was  put  up  last  winter  to  be 
killed)  fattened  for  beef  for  the  family,  and  any  other  of  the  old 
cows  that  he  may  think  -it  well  enough  to  kill.  There  is  a 
little  two  year  old  at  Mansfield  (I  believe  she  is  an  estray  heifer 
with  a  black  nose)  that  might  as  well  be  slaughtered  for  early 
beef. 

We  shall  leave  here  on  Wednesday  morning  at  furthest  for 
Washington.  By  that  time  I  hope  to  recover  from  the  fatigues 
of  the  journey.  John  looks  very  serious,  but  has  conducted  him- 
self very  well. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS   SON  JAMES. 

WHEELING,  October  19,  1837. 

MY  DEAR  JAMES, — I  have  reached  this  place  on  my  return  home 
from  Congress,  a  good  deal  jaded  and  not  very  well.  Prior  to  my 
departure  from  Washington,  I  received  your  letter  communicating 
the  death  of  poor  Russell,  which  gave  me  sincere  concern.  I 
have  been  quite  uneasy  about  you,  but  hope  that  you  have  es- 
caped sickness.  You  ought  to  be  very  careful  with  yourself, 
for  your  Missouri  fevers  are  very  dangerous. 

I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  the  great  loss  you  have  sustained  in 
sheep ;  and  I  am  now  convinced  more  than  ever  that  it  is  un- 
wise for  you  to  keep  them,  unless  you  have  a  number  sufficient- 
ly large  to  pay  the  expense  of  a  .shepherd  to  keep  constantly 
with  them.  Under  these  circumstances,  I  think  you  had  better 
fatten  what  remain  and  sell  them  for  mutton. 

I  expect  to  remain  at  home  until  late  in  November,  and  then 
proceed  again  to  Washington,  although  I  am  very  tired  of  so 
frequently  crossing  the  mountains.  I  wish  you  to  write  me  often 
and  let  me  know  all  that  concerns  you.  I  send  this  by  the  boat 
that  carries  me  to  Maysville. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

ASHLAND,  October  24,  183Y. 

MY  DEAR  JAMES, — I  reached  home  on  the  22d  instant,  and  re- 
ceived your  letter  of  the  17th.  I  found  all  well  here,  but  it  is 
said  to  be  very  sickly  at  Louisville  and  at  Frankfort,  and  we 
have  been  uneasy  about  you.  I  hope  that  you  will  escape  being 


420  PRIVATE  CORRESPOISTDENCE 

sick.  I  wrote  you  by  the  journey  from  Wheeling,  and  sent  my 
letter  by  the  steamboat.  I  advised  you  in  that  letter  to  sell  your 
sheep,  seeing  that  they  are  not  safe  from  the  dogs  and  wolves. 
Unless  you  had  a  number  sufficiently  large  to  justify  keeping 
a  herdsman,  it  is  useless  to  keep  sheep. 

You  tell  me  that  land  is  still  rising  in  Missouri.  I  wish  you 
could  sell,  at  a  fair  price,  my  small  tract  in  Lincoln,  and  also  the 
Alton  tract,  if  you  could  get  a  good  price  for  it.  What  could 
you  sell  your  land  for  ?  But  I  suppose  that  nothing  could  induce 
you  to  sell  it  and  return  ro  Kentucky.  Mr.  Smith  tells  me  that 
Chatimiere,  the  residence  of  the  late  Colonel  Meade,  is  in  market 
at  $40  per  acre,  which  is  very  low  as  land  has  sold  here.  It  is 
very  good  land,  having,  I  understand,  about  four  hundred  acres 
in  the  tract.  That  would  not  be  large  enough  without  the  pur- 
chase of  some  addition  to  it,  which  probably  might  be  made. 
But  if  you  are  contented  with  your  situation  and  prospects,  you 
had  better  not  think  of  purchasing  it. 

We  will  try  and  have  your  cattle,  etc.,  sent  to  you,  as  you  de- 
sire. I  am  afraid  that  the  river  may  be  too  low,  although  it  is 
now  raining.  Thomas  seems  quite  happy  since  his  marriage. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

ASHLAND,  November  10,  1837. 

MY  DEAR  JAMES, — I  was  glad  to  find  by  your  letter  of  the  29th 
ultimo,  just  received,  that  you  were  in  good  health  and  spirits,  arid 
your  business  prosperous.  I  started  Orphan  Boy,  your  cow,  dog, 
and  gun,  on  the  7th  instant,  for  St.  Louis  via.  Louisville  and  steam- 
boat, under  the  care  of  William  Nelson  White,  a  young 'man 
raised  in  this  county,  and  recommended  to  me.  He  lost  two 
days  in  the  start  by  accident,  as  he  says,  and  I  sent  Aaron  to 
look  after  him  and  the  cattle.  Aaron  has  returned  this  evening 
and  reports  that  he  saw  the  man  with  the  cattle  safely  across  the 
bridge  at  Frankfort  and  going  on  well.  So  that  I  hope  no 
further  mishap  will  occur.  I  send  you  a  copy  of  the  receipt 
which  Mr.  White  gave  me,  from  which  you  will  perceive  that 
I  advanced  him  $20,  was  to  pay  all  expenses  of  himself  and  the 
pattle,  and  to  allow  him  half  a  dollar  per  day  as  a  compensation. 
The  two  days  that  he  lost  ought  to  be  deducted  from  his  account 
Although  he  started  with  the  dog,  he  could  not  carry  but  left  him. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  421 

I  have  written  to  Mr.  Wm.  Prather  to  advance  the  money  for 
his  freight,  etc.  He  had  charge  of  another  calf  which  he  was 
to  leave  between  here  and  Louisville. 

I  will  make  arrangements  in  a  few  days  to  advance  you  the 
$100  which  you  desire. 

I  wrote  yon,  on  my  way  home,  and  again  after  my  return, 
and  advised  the  sale  of  the  sheep. 

I  have  been  engaged  all  this  week  in  getting  in  my  corn. 
My  hogs  are  sufficiently  fat  to  kill  when  it  is  cold  enough.  Yes- 
terday my  new  overseer,  Mr.  Florea,  came  and  entered  on  busi- 
ness to-day. 

Your  mother  had  made  up  her  mind  to  go  with  me  to  Wash- 
ington, but  has  finally  declined  it. 

We  are  all  well,  and  she  and  the  children  send  their  love  to 
you.  Mr.  Erwin  has  not  yet  returned. 


MR.  CLAY  Tt>  HIS    SON  JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  December  18,  1837. 

MY  DEAR  JAMES, — I  received,  to-day,  your  favor  of  the  6th 
instant,  but  have  not  received  your  previous  letter,  to  which  you 
refer,  in  which  you  made  an  offer  of  the  Alton  land 'to  Mr.  Te- 
gert.  I  had,  however,  before  I  left  home,  submitted  the  matter 
of  the  sale  of  that  land  to  you,  and  I  shall  be  content  with  what- 
ever you  may  do,  being  sure  that  your  intentions  will  be  to  do 
the  best  for  us  all. 

With  respect,  too,  to  your  project  of  having  wood  cut  from  it 
for  the  supply  of  the  consumption  of  St.  Louis,  I  leave  that  af- 
fair to  your  judgment.  If  it  be  .well  attended  to,  I  have  no 
doubt  that  it  may  be  rendered  profitable  ;  but  recollect  that  it 
will  depend  altogether  upon  the  degree  of  attention  paid  to  it. 
It  will  have  the  effect  of  repressing  trespasses  upon  the  land. 

I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  the  loss  of  your  heifers,  but  we  must 
expect  occasional  losses,  and  increase  our  diligence  to  repair 
them. 

Your  resolution  to  study,  and  to  begin  with  history,  is  a  good 
one,  and  I  hope  you  will  persevere  in  it. 

Gillie's  Greece,  with  Plutarch's  Lives  ;  Gibbon's  Rise  and  Fall 
of  the  Roman  Empire  ;  Tacitus ;  Hume,  with  the  continuation  ; 
Russell's  Modern  Europe ;  Hallams'  Middle  Ages ;  Robertson's 


422  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

Charles  V.,  Indies,  etc.;  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington;  Botta's 
History  of  the  American  Revolution. 

These  books,  and  others,  may  be  read  with  advantage ;  and 
you  should  adopt  some  systematic  course  as  to  time,  that  is,  to 
read  so  many  hours  out  of  the  twenty-four. 

Give  my  respects  to  Major  Graham. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS   BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  19,  1837. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  17th.  Mr.  Mad- 
ison's Journal  is  not  yet  ordered  to  be  printed,  and,  without  any 
such  object  in  the  delay,  it  may  lead  to  the  benefit  of  Mrs.  Madi- 
son, by  allowing  the  sale  and  diffusion  of  the  European  edition 
of  the  work.  When  printed  by  Congress,  I  will  recollect  your 
wish  to  obtain  a  copy. 

Ritchie  has  discovered  a  mare's  nest  in  the  fact  that  the 
Whigs  are  making  arrangements  to  establish  a  new  paper  here. 
They  do  not  propose  to  establish  it  by  resorting  to  the  public 
crib,  from  which  his  and  other  papers  are  maintained,  but  by 
voluntary  contributions,  raised  among  an  abused  and  betrayed 
people.  There  is  no  occasion  to  conceal  the  object.  The 
Whigs  mean  to  beat  the  Administration  party,  and  the  public 
press  will  be  one  of  their  instruments.  The  design  is  to  estab- 
lish a  new  paper  to*  espouse  and  advance  the  cause  generally, 
without  reference,  at  present',  to  any  particular  candidate. 

The  committee  charged  with  the  business  have  under  consid- 
eration the  selection  of  suitable  editors,  etc.  I  mentioned,  sev- 
eral days  ago,  to  one  of  the  committee,  Mr.  Blackford  as  one 
whose  qualifications  deserved  attention.  They  will  be,  doubt- 
less, duly  weighed  ;  but  it  will  be  best  not  to  excite  expectations, 
or  to  stimulate  any  direct  application  from  him.  I  think  very 
highly  of  his  principles,  and  his  ability.  I  have  no  doubt,  how- 
ever, that  whatever  decision  may  be  finally  made  will  be  the 
result  of  the  best  intentions. 

My  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Brooke,  and  my  hearty  congratula- 
tions on  your  recent  acquisition  of  a  daughter. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  423 


MR.   CLAY  TO    HIS    SON    JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  January  7,  1838. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  23d  ultimo. 
You  complain  of  not  hearing  from  me.  I  have  written  to  you 
several  times  since  I  have  been  here,  and  would  have  written 
oftener,  if  I  had  had  any  thing  to  communicate.  But  rny  cor- 
respondence is  very  oppressive,  and  I  find  it  impossible  to  keep 
up  with  it.  You  must  not  suppose  that  I  feel  any  want  of  af- 
fection toward  you.  Far  otherwise.  You  are  constantly  in 
my  thoughts,  and  in  my  hopes.  I  feel  that  you  must  be  very 
lonesome,  and  regret  to  hear  that  you  are  not  happy.  You  know, 
my  dear  son,  that  I  feared  you  would  not  be,  separated  as  you 
are  from  all  who  love  you,  and  that  I  reluctantly  consented  to 
your  going  to  Missouri.  I  hope  that  you  will  endeavor  to  cul- 
tivate feelings  of  contentment,  and  I  shall  be  most  happy,  on 
my  return  home,  if  we  can  make  any  arrangement  by  which 
you  can  come  back  to  Kentucky,  and  live  in  the  midst  of  your 
friends. 

The  account  you  give  me  of  your  affairs  is  encouraging,  and 
the  account  of  you  which  I  receive  from  others  also  gives  me 
high  satisfaction.  What  I  would  especially  guard  you  against, 
is,  every  species  of  dissipation ;  and  I  own  to  you  that  I  have 
feared  your  solitary  condition  might  tempt  you  into  it.  But  I 
sincerely  hope  that  may  not  prove  to  be  the  case. 

I  suppose  your  offer  of  the  Alton  land  was  declined.  It  is 
very  important  to  protect  it  against  trespasses,  and  I  trust  you 
will  take  care  of  that.  In  a,  forme'r  letter,  I  gave  my  assent  to 
your  having  wood  cut  for  the  St.  Louis  market. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  13,  1838. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  arrear  which  I  am  under  in  our  corres- 
pondence, has  proceeded  from  my  really  having  nothing  of  inter- 
est to  communicate,  and  I  need  not  tell  you  that  my  correspond- 
ence and  public  engagements  are  so  oppressive,  that  I  am  con- 
strained to  avoid  writing  whenever  I  can.  Even  now  I  should 
not  address  you,  but  from  my  apprehension  that  you  would 
misconstrue  my  silence. 


424  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

,  We  have  been  engaged  in  the  Senate,  during  the  last  eight  or 
ten  days,  in  the  most  unprofitable  discussion  that  ever  engrossed 
the  attention  of  a  deliberate  body.  It  was  upon  five  or  six  as 
abstract  resolutions  as  a  metaphysical  mind  can  well  devise. 
They  are  at  last  disposed  of.  Their  professed  object  is  slavery ; 
their  real  aim  to  advance  the  political  interest  of  the  mover,  and 
to  affect  mine.  I  am  greatly  deceived  if  in  both  respects  he 
has  not  signally  failed.  He  was  caught  in  his  own  trap.  You 
will  see  the  series  of  counter-resolutions  which  I  offered.  The 
two  most  important,  after  undergoing  some  modifications,  with 
my  assent,  were  adopted  as  substitutes  for  his.  His  Texas  reso- 
lution was  laid  on  the  table  yesterday,  by  a  vote  of  thirty-five  to 
nine.  I  think  that  when  that  subject  comes  up,  I  will  turn  the 
tables  upon  Mr.  Calhoun,  as  much  as  I  did  on  the  affair  of 
slavery. 

There  is  not,  I  think,  the  slightest  ground  of  approaching  war 
with  Great  Britain,  on  account  of  Canada.  When  the  Presi- 
dent's Message  was  received,  respecting  the  capture  and  des- 
truction of  the  Caroline,  I  thought  it  due  to  the  occasion  to  rep- 
rehend in  the  strongest  terms,  the  violation  of  our  jurisdiction. 
My  remarks  are  correctly  published  in  "  The  National  Intelligen- 
cer," and  there  only.  "  The  Globe"  habitually  misreports  me. 

Resolutions  have  been  introduced  in  the  Kentucky  Legisla- 
ture, recommending  me  as  the  next  President.  Although  I  pre- 
sumed that  something  would  be  done  at  Frankfort,  I  anticipated 
nothing  in  this  form,  and  I  think  it  displays  more  zeal  than 
discretion. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    HIS    SON    JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  January  22,  1838. 

MY  DEAR  JAMES, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  1st  inst.,  this 
day,  and  the  perusal  of  it  gave  me  much  concern.  I  had  pre- 
viously received  from  you  a  letter  complaining  of  your  solitary 
condition,  and  stating  that  you  were  not  happy.  I  answered  it, 
but  as  you  do  not  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  my  answer,  I  sup- 
pose it  had  not  reached  you. 

I  desire  most  ardently,  my  dear  son,  your  happiness^  and  that 
of  every  child  I  have.  You  know  that  I  was  not  anxious  for 
you  to  go  to  Missouri.  The  very  circumstances  which  now  ex- 


kOF  HENRY  CLAY.  425 

1st,  I  anticipated.  But  you  were  confident,  and  I  yielded.  I 
have  wished  to  see  you  happily  married,  'under  the  hope  that 
with  a  wife  whom  you  loved,  and  the  prospects  of  a  family,  you 
might  be  contented  and  happy.  You  tell  me  that  you  have  not 
the  means  to  go  into  society,  hut  you  have  not  informed  me 
what  means  you  allude  to.  I  have  been  very  desirous  that  you 
should  go  much  more  into  society  than  you  have  done,  and  why 
have  you  not  ?  Do  you  want  clothes  ?  The  slightest  intimation 
of  your  wishes  to  me,  on  that  subject,  would  have  commanded 
them.  I  have  refused  you  nothing  that  you  have  asked  me.  I 
have  been,  I  own,  exceedingly  anxious  that  you  should  avoid  all 
dissipation,  but  with  that  restriction,  I  have  not  cared  how  much 
society  you  enjoyed,  or,  rather,  I  have  wished  that  you  should 
see  much  of  it. 

In  my  former  letter,  I  expressed  a  wish  that  you  would  attend 
diligently  to  your  business,  make  yourself  as  happy  as  you  can, 
and  upon  my  return  home,  I  would  see  if  we  could  not  make 
some  arrangement  by  which  you  should  return  to  Kentucky. 

Of  one  thing  you  may  be  certain,  that  you  will  be  happy  no 
where,  without  constant  employment.  That  is  the  great  secret 
of  human  happiness. 

I  should  be  very  glad  to  have  you  near  us.  Have  you  another 
overseer  ?  You  have  never  informed  me.  If  you  have,  I  do 
not  see  why  you  might  not,  at  any  time  leave  home  for  some 
weeks,  go  to  Ashland,  or  make  a  visit  to  see  our  military  lands, 
or  to  your  uncle  Porter. 

Of  one  thing  you  may  be  assured,  my  dear  son,  that  I  not 
only  feel  the  deepest  interest  in  your  welfare  and  happiness,  but 
that  I  am  always  willing  to  do  any  thing  to  promote  it.  I  am 
the  more  concerned  about  you,  because  John  has  lately  given 
me  great  pain,  and  I  almost  despair  of  him.  When  you  reflect 
how  much  anxiety  I  have  suffered  on  account  of  my  sons,  I  am 
sure  that  you  will  be  stimulated  to  persevere  in  a  course  of  regu- 
larity and  propriety. 

I  have  written  to  you  frequently,  but  the  mails  are  irregular. 
I  received  two  or  three  days  ago,  your  letter  of  November, 
transmitting  a  copy  of  that  which  you  had  addressed  to  your 
uncle  Porter. 


426  PRIVATE   COKEESPONDENCE 

MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

SENATE  CHAMBER,  March  23,  1838. 

Mr  DEAR  SON, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  1st  inst.  I  have 
been  a  little  unwell,  and  have  been  so  much  oppressed  with  bu- 
siness, correspondence,  and  company,  that  I  have  been  obliged 
to  engage  a  young  friend  to  act  for  me  as  amanuensis,  and  he 
wrote  the  letter  to  which  you  refer  upon  my  dictation. 

I  return  the  inclosed  certificate  with  my  signature.  I  am 
perfectly  satisfied  with  the  disposition  you  have  made  of  your 
cattle  with  Mr.  Dorrey.  I  am  sorry  that  the  imported  cow  does 
not  breed,  and  I  must  give  you  another  after  awhile.  We  will 
talk  about  the  house  which  you  wish  to  build,  when  I  see  you. 
But  I  still  should  be  happy  to  have  you  back  in  Kentucky,  if  we 
can  make  some  arrangement,  as  I  hope  we  can,  to  that  end.  I 
have  not  yet  procured  the  patent,  but  I  hope  to  get  it  for  your 
laud  to  be  issued  in  the  name  of  Doctor  Rogers.  I  have  been 
looking  out  for  a  wife  for  you,  but  I  suppose  you  will  have  to 
select  for  yourself. 

I  hope,  my  dear  son,  that  you  will  continue  to  cultivate  a 
cheerful  disposition,  and  go  into  society  as  often  as  you  can. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  April  14,  1838. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  should  have  written  you  more  frequently 
but  that  I  had  nothing  material  to  communicate,  of  which  the 
papers  would  not  inform  you.  I  must  add,  too,  that  my  labors, 
especially  that  of  private  correspondence,  have  greatly  increased 
this  session,  from  obvious  causes. 

In  regard  to  the  Presidential  question,  every  thing  is  going 
on  as  well  as  my  most  zealous  friends  could  desire.  Public 
opinion  every  where,  even  in  Indiana  and  Ohio,  is  rapidly  con- 
centrating as  you  could  wish.  The  movement  at  Harrisburg 
for  a  separate  nomination  of  General  Harrison,  is  rebuked  and 
discountenanced. 

The  Whig  members  of  Congress  have  had  several  consulta- 
tions, as  to  the  time  and  place  of  a  National  Convention.  Their 
inclination,  I  understand,  is  to  Harrisbnrg,  and  to  a  period  be- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  427 

tweeri  January  and  June  of  the  next  year.  They  will  probably 
definitely  settle  the  matter  the  next  week. 

When  do  you  return  to  St.  Julien  ?  I  am  very  much  jaded 
and  fatigued,  and  have  some  thoughts  of  running  somewhere 
for  a  few  days.  Possibly  I  may  go  to  you,  if  I  can  be  sure  that 
I  should  meet  only  your  family. 

Present  my  respects  to  Mrs.  Brooke. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

SENATE  CHAMBER,  June  5,  1838. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  extremely  sorry  to  hear  of  the  loss  of 
your  servant.  It  is  a  serious  misfortune,  and  not  easily  repaired, 
independent  of  the  distress  which  such  an  event  must  necessarily 
occasion  to  every  feeling  heart. 

I  can  not  understand  from  any  inquiry  which  I  have  made 
here  the  exact  value  of  your  Military  Land  Warrant.  Mr.  Allen, 
the  Senator,  from  Ohio,  thinks  it  worth  seventy-five  cents  per  acre; 
but  recommends  an  application  to  William  Creighton,  Jr.  (who 
is  a  man  of  honor  and  a  particular  friend  of  mine),  of  Chillicothe, 
who  resides  in  the  heart  of  the  county  set  apart  for  the  army. 

If  the  bill  making  further  appropriations  for  land  scrip,  now 
pending  in  the  House  of  Representatives  should  pass,  your  war- 
rant will  be  worth  much  more,  perhaps  $1  20  cents  per  acre. 
Although  I  can  not  vote  for  the  bill,  I  think  it  very  probable  it 
will  pass  at  this  or  another  session,  and  you  would  probably  do 
well  not  to  part  with  it. 

I  should  be  most  happy  to  see  you  here,  and  why  can't  you 
come  ?  A  few  hours  would  put  you  in  the  Pennsylvania  Avenue. 
If  you  visit  us,  come  directly  to  Mrs.  Hill's  boarding-house,  where 
I  stay,  and  where  you  can  be  accommodated.  It  is  nigh  Gadsby's. 

Every  thing  has  passed  off  admirably  at  the  Ohio  Convention. 


GEORGE    W.  LAFAYETTE    TO    MR.  CLAY. 

PAKIS,  le  6  Aout,  1838. 

MONSIEUR, — Celni  qui  au  nom  des  deux  Chambres  Amuricaines 
reimi.es,  fut,  il  y  a  treize  ans,  le  brillant  interpreto  des  sentimens 
de  la  nation,  pour  1'heureux  veteran  auquel  elle  prodiguoit  tant 
de  bontes,  recevra  j'en  suis  sur  avec  satisfaction,  ct  bienveillance, 


428  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

des  mains  de  la  famille  du  General  Lafayette,  la  collection  de  ses 
manuscrits. 

Q,u'il  me  soit  done  permis,  monsieur,  de  vous  offrir  ce  souvenir 
d'un  ami  qui  n'est  plus,  et  de  vous  prier  en  meme  terns,  d'agreer 
Phommage  de  mareconnoissance,  pour  vos  anciennes  bontes  pour 
moi.  En  memoire  du  pere  que  j'ai  perdu,  j'ose  en  reclamer 
encore  aujourdhui  la  continuation. 

J'ai  1'honneur  d'etre,  avec  la  plus  haute  consideration,  mon- 
sieur, votre  tres-obeissant  et  devoue  serviteur. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  August  28,  1838. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  from  the  White  Sulphur 
Springs,  and  was  gratified  to  learn  that  the  President  had  been 
so  attentive  to  you.  He  is  always  courteous  and  civil  in  his 
manners. 

Mr.  Rives'  determination  not  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  Senate 
is  wise.  Should  he  adhere  to  it,  some  embarrassment  will  be 
avoided  at  your  next  Legislature. 

The  elections  of  Kentucky  and  Indiana  have  eventuated 
successfully  to  the  Whigs,  without  any  diminution  of  their 
strength.  I  believe  we  have  carried  the  election  in  Illinois,  but 
it  is  riot  yet  certainly  ascertained.  The  Locofocos  have  carried 
that  in  Missouri,  but  by  a  greatly  diminished  majority. 

I  have  remained  at  home  since  the  adjournment  of  Congress, 
as  quiet  as  I  could  be,  which  is  not  very  quiet,-for  company  is 
constantly  with  me.  This  is  a  very  bustling  week  in  conse- 
quence of  the  session  at  Lexington  of  the  Board  of  Directors  of 
the  Charleston  and  Cincinnati  Railroad  Company.  They  will 
get  more  soft  words  than  hard  money  in  Kentucky. 

Mrs.  Clay  unites  with  me  in  respectful  compliments  to  Mrs. 
Brooke. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,   October  9,  1838. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  27th  ultimo,  but 
I  can  hardly  say  that  I  had  very  great  pleasure  from  its  perusal  j 
for,  upon  my  word,  if  you  will  excuse  me  for  saying  so,  the  pa- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  429 

per  and  the  writing  are  so  bad  that  I  do  not  know  that  I  have 
guessed  its  contents. 

As  to  the  movement  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts  you  will 
have  seen  that  it  is  alleged  to  have  been  without  authority,  and 
is  retracted.  If  we  succeed  in  the  elections  of  Pennsylvania 
and  New  York,  I  attach  no  importance  to  that,  or  any  similar 
movement,  whether  with  or  without  authority.  My  impression 
is  that  the  editor  of  "  The  Atlas"  expressed  sentiments  which  he 
supposed  would  be  acceptable  to  Mr.  Webster. 

Your  suggestion  as  to  a  Bank  of  the  United  States  would  do 
well,  if  it  would  conciliate  support  from  those  who  are  opposed 
to  such  an  institution.;  but  my  impression  is  that  it  is  to  the 
thing,  in  any  form,  more  than  to  a  particular  modification,  that 
opposition  exists.  At  present,  however,  it  is  useless  to  try  to  es- 
tablish any  Bank  of  the  United  States  with  any  modification 
whatever.  It  should  not  be  attempted  until  the  people  clearly 
call  for  it.  This  I  think  they  will  do  ;  but  if  they  do  not,  if 
they  are  opposed  to  it,  I,  for  one,  cheerfully  acquiesce  in  the  de- 
cision. 

We  have  been,  and  yet  are,  terribly  afflicted  with  drought.  It 
has  injuriously  affected  our  crops,  but  I  presume  not  as  much  as 
yours  have  been. 

Mrs.  Clay  (whose  health  is  now  very  good)  joins  me  in  respect- 
fol  compliments  to  Mrs.  Brooke. 


'      MB.   CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  November  3,  1838. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  18th  ultimo,  and, 
as  it  informed  me  of  your  intention  to  go  to  Richmond,  I  ad- 
dress this  letter  to  that  city.  You  think  I  have  .too  good  an 
opinion  of  mankind.  I  confess  that  I  have,  throughout  life, 
striven  to  think  well  of  them,  but  the  last  thirteen  years  have 
shaken  my  faith  very  much.  I  yet,  however,  believe  the  mass 
to  be  honest,  although  very  liable  to  deception. 

You  are  certainly  right  as  to  one  of  the  two  gentlemen  men- 
tioned, perhaps  as  to  both,  being  unwilling  to  see  me  elected 
Chief  Magistrate.  I  was  greatly  surprised  at  the  course  of 
"  The  Atlas  ;  "  and  although  Mr.  Webster  disavows  its  authority 
to  speak  for  him,  in  that  particular,  there  are  intelligent  persons 


430  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

near  him  who  believe  that  "  The  Atlas  "  presumed  upon  his  con- 
currence. The  issue  of  the  elections,  this  fall,  so  far,  have  been 
very  unfavorable  to  the  Whig  cause.  From  September  of  last 
year  to  September  of  this,  the  current  ran  deep  and  strong  in 
our  favor,  and  swept  over  every  State,  changing  majorities 
against  us,  or,  at  least,  diminishing  them.  All  at  once,  and 
without  any  apparent  cause,  the  current  reverses  its  direction. 
What  has  'produced  it?  To  give  you  a  proof  that  I  am  not  too 
confiding,  I  can  not  forbear  expressing  my  suspicion  that  a  pro- 
fuse and  corrupt  use  has  been  made  of  the  public  money.  It  is 
almost  impossible  otherwise  to  account  satisfactorily  for  what 
we  have  witnessed.  Amos  Kendall  was  at  Columbus  the  week 
before  the  election.  How  easy  was  it  for  him  to  give  orders 
throughout  tho  State,  from  that  central  point  of  Ohio,  to  carry 
the  election  at  any  cost.  And  how  can  he  be  brought  to  ac- 
count, if  he  has  given  such  orders? 

Other  circumstances  will  enable  us  to  account  for  some  of 
the  results  of  these  elections.  In  Ohio,  the  Abolitionists  are  al- 
leged to  have  gone  against  us,  almost  to  a  man.  Senator  Mor- 
ris, you  know,  is  one  of  them,  and  that,  put  together  with  the 
unfortunate  case  of  the  Methodist  preacher,  delivered  up  by 
Governor  Vance  upon  the  demand  of  the  Governor  of  Kentucky, 
turned  them  against  us.  Perhaps  they  were  previously  inclined 
toward  Mr.  Van  Buren. 

If  New  York  goes  against  us,  as  is  to  be  apprehended  after 
what  has  occurred,  our  cause  will  look  bad.  You  will  know 
the  event  by  the  time  this  letter  reaches  you.  It  is  to  be  appre- 
hended, because,  whether  changes  have  been  produced  in  other 
States  by  voluntary  impulse  of  the  people,  or  by  corrupt  means, 
the  same  cause,  whatever  it  may  be,  is  likely  to  exert  itself  in 
New  York. 

The  introduction  of  this  new  clement  of  Abolition  into  our 
elections  can  not  fail  to  excite,  with  all  reflecting  men,  the  deep- 
est solicitude.  It  is,  I  believe,  the  first  time  it  has  been  done. 
Although  their  numbers  are  not  very  great,  they  are  sufficiently 
numerous,  in  several  States,  to  turn  the  scale.  I  have  now  be- 
fore me  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  American  Anti-Slave- 
ry Society,  in  New  York,  in  which  he  says :  "  I  should  consider 
(as  in  all  candor  I  acknowledge  I  would)  the  election  of  any 
slaveholder  to  the  Presidency  a  great  calamity  to  the  country." 

The  danger  is  that  the  contagion  may  spread  until  it  reaches 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  431 

all  the  free  States ;  and  if  it  ever  comes  to  be  acted  on  as  a  rule 
among  them,  to  proscribe  slaveholders,  they  have  the  numbers 
to  enforce  it.  Union  and  concert  with  them  will  throw  the 
whole  Government  into  their  hands,  and  when  they  have  once 
possession,  the  principle  by  which  they  have  acquired  it  will  urge 
them  on  to  other  and  further  encroachments.  They  will  begin 
by  prohibiting  the  slave  trade,  as  it  is  called,  among  the  slave 
States,  and  by  abolishing  it  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  the 
end  will  be 

My  own  position,  touching  slavery,  at  the  present  time,  is 
singular  enough.  The  Abolitionists  are  denouncing  me  as  a 
slaveholder,  and  slaveholders  as  an  Abolitionist,  while  they  both 
unite  on  Mr.  Van  Buren. 

I  should  be  extremely  happy  to  visit  Richmond  and  see  you 
and  the  many  other  friends  I  have  there,  but  I  can  not  do  it 
while  I  remain  a  quasi  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  A  candi- 
date in  fact  I  can  not  say,  and  have  not  said  to  any  human  being 
I  would  be.  I  am  strongly  inclined  to  promulgate  that  I  will  not 
be,  under  any  circumstances.  How  would  it  do  ?  The  princi- 
pal objection  which  I  perceive,  is,  that  they  would  say  that  I 
saw  the  grapes  were  sour.  But  then,  what  need  I  care  for  any 
thing  they  may  say? 

Pray  remember  me  affectionately  to  Leigh.  I  rejoice  to  be 
able  to  infer;  from  a  recent  letter  of  his,  addressed  to  another 
person  and  sent  for  my  perusal,  that  his  health  was  fully  re-es- 
tablished. Mrs.  Clay  unites  with  me  in  regards  to  Mrs.  B. 


WILLIS    HALL  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  December  14,  1838. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  rejoice  to  learn  from  the  papers  that  you  have 
arrived  safe  and  in  good  health  and  cheerful  spirits,  in  Washing- 
ton. The  accident  you  met  with  on  your  journey  gave  us  much 
concern.  You  might  have  said,  perhaps,  on  the  occasion  as  Ca> 
sar  said  to  the  boatman,  "  Quid  times  ?  Ccesarem  invchis  /" 
I  believe  most  implicitly  in  your  fortunes — indeed,  the  great 
source  at  once  of  my  anxiety  for  your  health  and  of  my  confi- 
dence in  your  preservation  is  the  confirmed  belief  that  our  Union 
and  the  future  happy  destinies  of  our  country  are  bound  up  in 
your  life.  Yet  the  most  devout  believers  do  not  disdain  a  little 


432  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

worldly  prudence.  Cromwell  charged  his  soldiers  to  "  Trust  in 
Providence,  but  keep  their  powder  dry  !"  In  the  same  spirit  I 
would  urge  you  to  take  care  of  yourself.  Your  country  never 
stood  in  so  great  need  of  you. 


'  MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON*,  December  20,  1838. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  presume  that  this  letter  will  find  you  quiet 
at  St.  Julien.  I  should  have  written  you  before  had  I  any  thing 
interesting  to  communicate.  To-day,  on  a  call  for  information 
as  to  the  relation  between  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  and  the 
Treasury  Department,  Mr.  Rives  came  out  in  a  speech  of  re- 
markable vigor  and  decision,  which  showed  conclusively  that  he 
had  cut  loose  forever  from  the  Administration.  Of  that  I  pre- 
viously entertained  no  doubt,  and  now  I  think  the  public  can 
entertain  none.  On  the  subject  of  his  re-election  to  the  Senate, 
it  would  be  highly  improper  for  me  to  interfere,  and  I  do  not 
mean  to  interfere ;  but  I  may  to  you  say  that  those  with  whom 
I  have  conversed  out  of  Virginia,  think  that  it  would  be  attended 
with  very  good  effect. 

In  consequence  of  the  Anti-Masonic  and  other  movements, 
since  the  last  session  of  Congress,  at  the  commencement  of  this 
my  friends  were  a  little  discouraged.  They  are  recovering 
from  it,  think  that  things  look  much  better,  and  entertain  confi- 
dence that  public  opinion,  in  regard  to  the  next  Presidency,  will 
remain  unchanged,  as  it  was  at  the  last  session. 

My  own  opinion  is  that,  with  a  view  to  arrest  the  unfortunate 
divisions  which  exist  among  us,  to  check  the  progress  of  intrig- 
ues, and  to  secure  concentration,  action  at  Richmond,  by  the 
Whig  portion  of  the  Legislature  (including,  if  possible,  the  Con- 
servatives) is  highly  expedient.  Such  a  movement  would  prob- 
ably be  followed  and  seconded  at  Albany ;  and  in  that  case,  I 
think  the  question  would  be  settled,  and  our  future  difficulties 
would  afterward  constantly  decrease.  In  this  opinion  the  most 
intelligent  of  our  party,  with  whom  I  have  conversed,  fully  con- 
cur. 

It  is  highly  important,  if  any  thing  is  done,  that  the  Conserv- 
atives should  unite  at  Richmond,  or  if  they  can  not  be  prevailed 
upon  to  do  so,  that  there  should  be  as  little  division  as  possible 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  433 

among  the  Whigs.  The  Northern  Conservatives,  including  Mr. 
Talmadge,  remain  firm  and  decided.  And  my  information  from 
New  York  generally  is  full  of  encouragement.  The  mock 
nomination  of  the  Anti-Masons  has  fallen  still-born,  and  has  pro- 
duced no  material  effect  even  in  the  Anti-Masonic  portion  of  the 
State.  It  appears  that  in  the  pretended  Convention,  there  was 
not  a  delegate  elected  by  a  primary  meeting  whatever  of  the 
Anti-Masons ;  that  except  the  Delegates  from  Pennsylvania 
(who  were  nominated  at  some  previous  Convention),  not  a  mem- 
ber held  his  seat  in  virtue  of  any  election  whatever ;  and  that 
some  member  from  New  York  assumed  the  power  to  cast  the 
whole  vote  of  that  State ! 

Be  pleased  to  present  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Brooke. 


HARRISON  GRAY  OTIS    TO  MR.  CLAY. 

BOSTON,  December  24,  1838. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  last  favor  with  its  inclos- 
ure,  which  is  indeed  a  curiosity,  which  I  will  keep  on  file  sub- 
ject to  your  order.  I  ventured  to  give  the  substance  of  it  to  a 
Senator  of  this  State,  the  late  Lieutenant-Governor  Armstrong, 
a  very  worthy  and  orthodox  gentleman  who  believes  that  origi- 
nal depravity  comprehends  political  as  well  as  what  is  more  strictly 
moral,  and  accounts  this  as  a  mere  variety  among  innumerable  in- 
stances. Of  late  "  The  Atlas"  has  been  silent  on  a  certain  topic,  but 
whether  this  be  preliminary  to  a  new  outbreak,  a  few  days  will 
determine.  I  can  not  yet  find  that  the  parties  concerned  in  the 
project  comprehend  any  persons  hereabout,  beyond  a.  petit  comite 
who  are  supposed  to  command  the  back  stairs  of  that  press.  But 
I  suspect  there  must  be  others,  and  that  there  is  some  overt  com- 
munion with  "  The  American,"  etc.,  in  New  York.  We  shall  see. 
Mr.  Webster  does  not.  leave  Boston,  as  I  hear,  until  the  meeting 
of  the  Legislature  or  about  that  time,  January  1st.  Whether  he 
has  any  object  in  the  delay,  beyond  his  own  convenience,  I  can 
not  say.  A  rumor  has  prevailed  of  his  intention  to  decline  a  re- 
election, but  of  this  I  have  no  convincing  evidence.  I  think 
there  is  a  disposition  among  the  Whigs  here  to  speak  plainly,  and. 
as  you  would  approve,  on  a  certain  subject.  But  until  he  une- 
quivocally withdraws  from  the  canvass  you  can  easily  see  that 
they  must  feel  under  restraint.'  The  most  to  be  hoped  prior  to 

28 


434:  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

that  event,  is  a  declaration  by  the  Legislature  adhering  to  him 
as  their   first  choice,  and    announcing  yourself  as   the   second. 
Some  pains  will  be  taken  to  affect  this,  and  I  must  at  present 
think  with  success.     But  neither  my  information  nor  influence 
are  of  the  value  that  was  attached  to  them3  in  "  the  clays  when 
I  was  young."     I  have  also  been  housed  for  three  weeks  with 
the  "  unpleasant  pains  which  infest  the  toe,"  but  I  hope  to  be 
on  my  legs  to-morrow,  otherwise  I  can  do  nothing,  unless,  like 
poor  Judge  B.,  I  drive  into  the  public  offices.    You  are  aware  of 
the  disturbing  causes  which  are  every  where  at  work  to  pollute 
the  political  current,  and  of  the  address  with  which  antagonist 
causes  are  too  often  made  to  co-operate  in  the  same  result.    Anti- 
Masonry  I  consider  as  effete  in  itself.     There  is  no  longer  zeal 
among  its  votaries.     The  mission  from  this  State  was  an  abso-  ; 
lute  burlesque.     Still  it  will  furnish  pretenses  for  paragraphs  and  - 
cabals.     I  have  more  fear  in  regard  of  abolition.     The  danger 
is  that  the  Whigs  will  identify  themselves,  at  least  in  appearance,  ; 
with  the  Abolitionists,  and  thus  souse  themselves  into  their  toils.  : 
This  will  be  folly  and  madness  without  excuse.     So  deeply  im- 
pressed am  I  with  an  opinion  of  the  extreme  infatuation  of  this  } 
officiousness  that  I  am  reconciled  to  Atherton's  resolutions,  at  * 
the  avowal  of  which  some  of  my  friends  appear  to  be  horrified ;  ; 
but  they  forgive  me  as  an  old  gentleman  whose  vagaries  do  no 
harm.     By  the  by,  I  have  been  told  that  one  of  the  "represent-  * 

atives"  alluded  to  in  H n's  letter  is  Mr.  C g,  of  this  State, 

now  in  Congress. 

I  began  this  merely  as  an  acknowledgment  of  yours  and  have 
rambled  on.  When  any  thing  occurs  that  I  think  may  be  gratify- 
ing to  know  I  will  take  leave  to  apprize  you  of  it,  and  though  at 
seventy-three  I  have  little  reason  to  calculate  upon  seeing  you  at 
the  head  of  the  nation,  the  hope  of  it  is  not  among  the  least  of 
my  septuagenarian  comforts. 

I  am  very  faithfully  and  respectfully,  dear  sir,  yours,  etc. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  26,  1838. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  two  favors  of  the  24th.  What  I 
may  say  on  the  subject  of  Mr.  Rives'  re-election  must  be  regarded 
as  expressed  at  your  instance,  and  as  presenting  opinions  v/hich 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  435 

prevail  exterior  to  Virginia,  without  any  intention  on  my  part  to 
interfere  in  a  local  election  in  a  State  in  which  I  am  no  resident. 

Those  out  of  your  State  are  struck  by  the  fact  that  a  co-opera- 
tion between  the  Whigs  and  Conservatives  will  secure  a  majority 
against  the  Administration  ;  and  that  without  it  the  majority  may 
be  the  other  way. 

The  object,  therefore,  to  be  accomplished,  if  it  be  practicable, 
is  to  secure  that  majority  co-operation  ;  and  to  those  at  a  dis- 
tance Mr.  Rives'  re-election  appears  to  be  a  probable  means. 
If  it  be  not ;  if  a  hearty  co-operation  can  not  be  produced  by  it ; 
if  nothing  is  to  be  gained  but  Mr.  Rives  himself,  quite  a  differ- 
ent view  of  the  question  would  be  entertained.  Mr.  Rives  has 
himself  no  claim  upon  the  Whigs  but  those  which  arise  from  his 
recent  course  ;  and  confining  the  question  to  him  alone,  his  ex- 
punging vote  and  former  course  would  more  than  neutralize  his 
recent  claims.  But  a  more  extended  view  should  be  taken  of 
the  matter.  If  he  can  be  used  as  an  instrument  to  acquire  an 
accession  of  strength  that  would  array  Virginia  against  the  Ad- 
ministration, the  inquiry  then  would  be,  whether  sound  policy 
does  not  demand  that  we  should  sacrifice  all  feelings  excited  by 
a  highly  exceptionable  vote,  in  consideration  of  a  great  object  to 
be  gained  for  the  good  of  our  country.  I  appreciate  and  feel 
sensibly  all  the  difficulties  in  making  such  a  sacrifice,  but  I  think 
that  I  could  submit  to  it,  if  I  had  a  reasonable  certainty  of  that 
object  being  secured. 

It  is  manifest  that,  if  we  repel  the  advances  of  all  the  former 
members  of  the  Jackson  party  to  unite  with  us,  under  whatever 
name  they  may  adopt,  we  must  remain  in  a  perpetual  and  hope- 
less minority. 

Should  we  not  extend  to  the  repentant  in  polities  the  same 
forgiveness  which  the  Christian  religion  promises  to  the  contrite, 
even  in  the  eleventh  hour  ?  The  difference  between  Mr.  Rives 
and  some  others  now  incorporated  in  our  party,  is,  that  their  watch- 
es did  not  run  together. 

Already  has  some  mischief  been  done  in  Ohio,  and  in  other 
places,  by  a  refusal  of  all  conciliation  of  the  Conservatives.  It 
was  obvious  that  their  position  was  temporary,  and  could  not  be 
maintained  for  any  length  of  time.  It  was  at  a  half-way  house. 
They  must  therefore  fall  back  into  the  ranks  of  their  old  asso- 
ciates, or  be  absorbed  by  us.  And  it  seems  to  be  a  prevailing 
opinion  here  to  be  expedient  to  avail  the  country  of  the  services 


436  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

of  as  many  of  them  as  we  can  get,  either  as  allies  or  as  a  part  of 
our  consolidated  force.  I  should  add  that  it  is  feared,  if  he  be 
not  re-elected,  the  event  will  operate  badly  out  of,  as  well  as  in 
Virginia. 

This  is  the  view  which  is  taken  by  those  out  of  Virginia.  Its 
basis  is  the  bringing  about  a  co-operation  in  that  State  between 
the  Whigs  and  Conservatives  by  his  re-election.  If  that  can  not 
be  effected  (and  of  that  those  on  the  spot  are  the  best  judges), 
why,  then,  there  will  be  another  state  of  the  question. 

I  transmit  this  hasty  letter  for  your  own  eye  only.  I  know 
how  justly  sensitive  to  all  foreign  intervention  the  people  of  Vir- 
ginia are,  and  I  should  not  have  touched  on  this  delicate  topic 
but  upon  your  invitation. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  7,  1839. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favors  of  29th  ultimo  and  5th 
instant.  I  regret  extremely  the  existence  of  so  much  division  of 
opinion  in  Virginia,  respecting  the  election  of  a  Senator,  and 
sincerely  hope  that  our  friends  may  all  become  reconciled,  and 
that  what  they  may  finally  do  may  conduce  to  the  success  of 
our  cause  and  the  interest  of  our  country.  I  have  no  individual 
wishes  separate  from  the  common  good.  What  is  best  to  be 
done  at  Richmond  those  alone  can  determine  who  there  have  a 
view  of  all  circumstances.  It  is  not,  however,  to  be  disguised, 
that  what  may  be  done  will  exercise  an  influence  beyond  the 
confines  of  the  State. 

I  have  been  struggling  to-day,  and  some  previous  days,  on  the 
land  subject.  My  friends  are  highly  gratified  with  my  exertions, 
and  I  hope  and  believe  they  have  had  some  effect.  Whether  it 
will  be  practicable  much  longer  to  save  that  great  interest  de- 
pends upon  the  future  course  of  the  old  States.  I  can  not  much 
longer  defeat  the  combined  action  of  the  Administration  and  the 
new  States- 
Mr.  Calhoun,  of  our  State,  being  on  a  visit  of  business  at 
Richmond,  I  have  given  him  a  letter  of  introduction  to  you.  He 
is  intelligent,  shrewd,  and  trustworthy.  You  may  give  him  all 
confidence. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  437 

HARRISON    GRAY    OTIS    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BOSTON,  January  11,  1839. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  friend  Constans  seems,  for  the  present  at 
least,  to  have  blown  his  blast.  I  hope  you  may  have  continued 
to  think  well  of  the  last  letters,  as  I  confess  that  I  jump  in  judg- 
ment with  the  writer.  It  is  evident,  I  think,  however,  that  he 
writes  under  restraint,  and  plays  with  an  oblique  stroke,  but  he 
should  drive  the  two  balls  ("  ebony  and  topaz")  into  the  same 
pocket. 

I  have  conversed  with  a  very  respectable  and  intelligent  mem- 
ber of  the  Massachusetts  Senate,  who,  having  taken  some  pains 
to  sound  opinions,  reports  to  me  that  he  can  not  find  an  indi- 
vidual who  approves  of  the  freak  of  "  The  Atlas."  I  know,  also, 
that  the  editor  of  "  The  Courier,"  and  I  believe,  that  the  editors 
of  all  the  Whig  papers  here,  are  equally  opposed  to  the  doctrines 
of  that  journal.  Still  there  is  an  under-current  somewhere.  Mr. 
W.  has  again  disclaimed  his  privity  to  or  approbation  of  "  The 
Atlas"  heresy,  and  said  he  thought  it  unlucky. 

But  I  am  satisfied  he  does  not  wish  that  the  Legislature  should 
move  on  the  line  of  operation  pointed  out  by  Constans — repeat- 
ing their  quondam  opinions.  I  can't  say  that  he  would  advise  to 
any  action  on  the  subject.  Probably  he  thinks  best  to  do  nothing. 
I  also  apprehend  that  he  thinks  you  did  him  ill  offices  by  favor- 
ing H.,  at  his  expense,  in  1836,  and  that  you  would  still  promote 
his  (H.'s)  interest  next  to  your  own.  You  willfjudge  whether 
it  is  worth  while  to  attempt,  through  friends,  to  have  any  tdair- 
cissement  on  that  point.  I  am  also  certain  that  he  has  no  idea  at 
present  of  saying  nolo  episcopari,  though  it  seems  unimaginable 
that  he  expects  any  important  support.  My  opinions  are  not 
gathered  from  a  personal  interview  with  him,  otherwise  I  would 
not  feel  at  liberty  to  express  them.  I  have  met  him  but  once 
since  his  return  in  summer.  Nor  do  I  violate  any  confidence  in 
giving  you  these  opinions ;  but  they  are  well  founded.  You 
can  easily  see  that  individuals,  knowing  this  to  be  his  way  of 
thinking,  may  feel  embarrassed  in  taking  a  step  which,  though 
not  intended  to  be  adverse  to  him,  might  be  so  construed  ;  and 
that  the  consequence  may  be  a  suppression  of  further  action  by 
the  Legislature.  As  yet,  however,  it  is  impossible  to  judge  ;  but 
that  any  effort  will  be  made  to  nominate  H.  I  do  not  believe, 
though  it  has  been  probably  intended  by  the  petit  comite. 


438  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Wednesday  is  assigned  for  choice  of  Senator.  Mr.  W.  will 
be  nominated  at  his  own  request,  and  will,  doubtless,  be  chosen. 
Rumors  were  afloat  of  his  intention  to  abdicate,  and  the  Govern- 
ment was  preparing  to  cut  in.  I  am  "  confoundedly"  afraid  he 
will  be  cut  out  next  year,  and  that  this  State  will  be  lost.  The 
disturbing  causes  are  inauspicious.  The  last  Legislature  passed 
an  absurd  act  prohibitory  of  selling  spirits  in  quantities  less  than 
fifteen  gallons.  Now  petitions  are  presented  for  a  repeal.  I 
have  been  dragged  into  heading  one,  which  is  followed  up  with 
five  thousand  names  ;  though  I  have  fought  shy  for  many  long 
years  of  all  Efforts  to  bring  me  out  as  an  actor  in  the  political 
scene,  yet  this  strikes  me  as  a  monstrous  abomination,  and  I 
yielded  to  urgent  solicitations  to  become  bell-wether.  I  still 
doubt  the  law  will  not  be  repealed  ;  and  if  not,  it  will  be  a  fulcrum 
by  which  the  Whig  party  will  be  capsized.  The  "  rogues  in 
spirit"  will  combine  with  the  "  rogues  in  grain." 

Then,  again,  there  will  be  abolition.  Our  people,  I  fear,  will 
not  be  silent.  It  is  clear  that  the  efforts  of  the  Administration 
are  directed  to  the  identifying  Whiggism  and  Abolitionism,  and 
the  Whig  party  has  not  sense  enough  to  keep  free  from  the  coils 
of  the  black  snake.  Your  old  Ghent  colleague,  though  a  person 
of  extraordinary  talents,  and,  as  I  believe,  of  great  merit  as  a 
private  citizen,  is,  I  think,  a  variety  per  se  in  the  human  family. 
But  as  my  old  friend  (and  General  Washington's  old  friend), 
Mrs.  Powel,  of  Philadelphia,  used  to  say,  when  puzzled  by  any 
oddity  or  anorffaly  of  character  :  ""  Why,  my  dear,  you  know  God 
Almighty  makes  all  sorts  of  men,  women,  and  children." 

I  have  not  shown  H.'s  letter  since  your  last,  nor  shall  I  but 
with  great  discretion — perhaps  not  at  all,  but  only  state'  the  sub- 
stance of  the  extract  to  two  or  three  friends. 

I  send  you  "  The  Atlas"  of  to-day  ;  it  is  triple  brass.  Think 
of  the  extract  of  his  letter  to  you  in  a  parallel  column — "  Think 
of  that  Master  Brooke."  I  doubt  I  could  print  them  in  a  hand- 
bill, and  clear  one  of  Nick's  bank  shares.  But  I  suppose  you 
are  right  in  your  forbearance,  though  my  mouth  waters  for  such 
a  bon  bon. 

I  express  no  sentiments  to  you  that  I  should  hesitate  to  avow 
any  where,  time  and  place  fitting,  yet  do.  not  wish  to  be  "  talked 
about  j"  and  I  know  you  will  govern  yourself  accordingly. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  439 


MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

SENATE  CHAMBER,  January  18,  1839. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  two  favors  of  the  16th  and 
17th  inst.  I  am  highly  gratified  with  the  prospects  which  exists 
at  Richmond,  of  general  concurrence  among  the  Opposition,  as 
to  the  Presidential  election,  whatever  divisions  may  unhappily 
exist  on  another  question.  It  is  of  very  great  importance  that 
there  should  be  some  expression  of  the  preference  which  is  en- 
tertained in  Virginia,  and  its  influence  elsewhere  would  be  great, 
if  not  decisive. 

I  lament  exceedingly,  the  unfortunate  divisions  which  prevail, 
in  respect  to  the  Senatorial  elections.  Is  it  possible  that  there 
is  any  danger  of  the  election  of  a  friend  of  the  Administration  ? 
Is  it  possible  that  any  Whig  can  prefer  such  a  friend  to  a  Con- 
servative ? 

By  the  by,  Mr.  Rives,  in  conversation  with  me,  expressed  sur- 
prise at  your  opposition  to  his  re-election.  He  derived  different 
impressions  from  his  intercourse  with  you  at  the  White  Sulphur 
Springs.  His  surprise  was  not  accompanied  with  any  complaint, 
but  on  the  contrary,  with  declarations  of  high  regard,  and  per- 
sonal esteem  for  you. 


MR.  CLAY  TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

SENATE  CHAMBER,  January  28,  1839. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  several  favors  respecting 
the  state  of  things  at  Richmond,  in  reference  to  your  Senatorial 
election,  and  thank  you  for  them.  I  did  not  acknowledge  them 
severally  as  they  arrived,  because  they  did  not  seem  to  call  for 
any  particular  observation  from  me.  The  divisions  and  dissen- 
sions in  the  Legislature  at  Richmond,  are  deeply  to  be  deplored, 
and  I  fervently  hope  that  means  may  be  found  to  heal  and 
harmonize.  At  Annapolis,  they  have  just  elected,  or  re-elected, 
Mr.  Merrick,  and  concord,  it  is  thought,  will  be  again  restored. 

The  spirits  of  my  friends  are  again  revived,  and  they  think 
that  they  see,  in  various  quarters,  indications  of  the  final  result 
which  their  partiality  prompts  them  to  desire.  I  believe  myself, 
that  the  current  in  my  favor,  which  for  the  moment  appeared  to 
be  impeded,  will  again  burst  forward,  with  accumulated  strength. 


440  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

The  movement  which  you  suppose  will  take  place  at  Richmond, 
if  made,  would  give  great  impulse  to  that  current. 

Poor  Mrs.  Wickham,  I  see,  is  gone.  Those  who  are  falling 
around  us,  should  remind  us  that  we,  ere  long,  must  follow  them, 
and  their  departure  diminishes  the  motives  of  our  remaining 
here. 


MR.  CLAY  TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  April  2,  1839. 

Mr  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  favor  of  the  13th  ult., 
and  felt  highly  gratifie'd  with  the  favorable  account  of  the  state 
of  public  affairs  in  Virginia,  which  it  communicates.  I  must, 
however,  retort  upon  you  a  charge  that  is  often  made  against  me, 
that  I  fear  you  are  too  sanguine.  There  seems  to  be  making  a 
prodigious  effort  on  the  side  of  the  Administration,  and  I  see  no 
evidence  of  corresponding  or  counteracting  exertions  on  the 
other  side.  Their  late  Convention  will  strengthen  them,  be- 
cause it  is  an  organization  of  their  party,  and  the  members  will 
return  to  their  respective  homes,  animated  by  the  confidence 
and  hopes  inspired  by  their  interchange  of  opinion  and  feeling. 
Where  parties  are  nearly  balanced,  that  which  is  disciplined,  and 
in  a  state  of  complete  organization,  is  almost  sure  to  prevail  over 
its  adversary  in  the  contest.  I  never  was  more  perfectly  con- 
vinced than  I  was  in  1832,  of  the  immense  importance  of  a  Con- 
vention, followed  by  a  county  and  state  organization.  In  the 
autumn  of  that  year,  just  before  the  Presidential  election,  the 
young  men  held  a  Convention  in  Lexington.  It  was  well  at- 
tended— filled  with  the  elite  of  the  State.  They  made  many 
stirring  and  eloquent  speeches,  published  an  address  to  the  State, 
put  it  into  complete  organization,  by  the  appointment  in  all  the 
counties  of  large  Committees  of  Vigilance  and  Correspondence, 
and  returned  home  full  of  enthusiasm.  The  result  was.  Jackson- 
was  beaten  by  upward  of  seven  thousand  votes.  If  you  could 
get  a  similar  convention  of  young  men  at  Charlottesville,  or 
Staunton,  just  before  the  election,  I  believe  that  it  would  be  at- 
tended with  a  similar  result. 

By  the  by,  is  it  possible  that  two  of  the  judges  of  the  Court 
of  Appeals,  attended  and  took  part  in  the  proceedings  of  the  recent 
Convention,  and  that  Judge  Tucker  presided  ?  If  it  be  true,  1 
regard  the  fact  as  a  strong  mark  of  the  degeneracy  of  the  times. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  441 

I  have  not  enjoyed  good  health  since  my  return  home,  from 
severe  colds,  but  I  am  getting  better,  and  we  have  the  prospect  of  an 
early  and  fine  spring.  I  found  Mrs.  Clay  in  her  usual  good  health. 

Is  it  possible  that  there  will  be  no  arrangement  between  Messrs. 
Harvie  and  Botts ;  and  that  they  will  both  persevere,  with  the 
certainty  of  both  being  defeated  ?  In  such  a  state  of  things, 
the  merit  is  with  the  declining  party,  whatever  it  may  be. 

In  Kentucky,  every  thing  looks  fair.  We  may  carry  every 
Congressional  district,  and  we  may  be  defeated  in  three.  I  think 
not  more.  From  Tennessee,  too,  from  Mississippi  and  Louisi- 
ana, I  receive  the  most  favorable  accounts. 

Do  me  the  favor  to  present  the  warm  regards  of  Mrs.  Clay 
and  myself  to  Mrs.  Brooke. 


MB.    CLAY   TO    GENERAL    COMBS. 

HAYSVTLLE,  July  4,  1839. 

MY  DEAB  GENERAL, — Having  heard  here  that  H.  E.  Baron  de 
Marechal,  the  Austrian  Minister,  has  gone  to  Lexington,  I  have 
inclosed  to  him  a  letter  of  introduction  to  you,  one  to  Major 
Tilford,  and  one  to  Mrs.  Clay.  I  wish  you  would  all  contrive 
to  make  him  feel  agreeable  and  happy.  He  is  plain,  unaffected, 
and  intelligent. 

Take  him  out  to  see  Mrs.  Clay,  giving  her  some  notice  of  his 
coming.  And  tell  her  to  make  up'  a  little  afternoon  party  for 
him,  and  give  him  some  ice-creams,  etc. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    GENERAL    COMBS. 

WASHINGTON,  December  1,  1839. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  transmit  you  inclosed  a  letter.  I  received 
that  which  you  did  me  the  favor  to  address  to  me  from  New 
York,  and  noted  its  contents. 

All  eyes  are  now  turned  toward  your  proceedings  at  Harris- 
burg,  which  I  hope  may  be  such  as  to  produce  union,  harmony, 
and  success. 


442  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  HENRY  CLAY. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    GENERAL    COMBS. 

"WASHINGTON,  December  3,  1839. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  and  thank  you  for  your  sev- 
eral letters  addressed  to  me  from  New  York  and  Philadelphia. 

You  have  found  a  most  extraordinary  state  of  things  in  re- 
spect to  the  Convention  at  Harrisburg  and  General  Scott. 

I  understand  it  to  be  conceded,  by  the  Delegates  and  Mem- 
bers of  Congress  from  New  York,  a  majority  of  whom  have 
waited  on  the  General,  that  eight  or  nine  tenths  of  the  Whigs 
of  that  State  prefer  me.  Nevertheless  they  prefer  to  make  a 
nomination  in  conformity  to  the  wishes  of  the  one  or  two 
tenths. 

Now  the  question  is,  and  it  may  be  worked  by  the  rule  of 
three,  whether  it  is  easier  to  bring  over  eight  or  nine  tenths  to 
one  or  two  tenths,  or  one  or  two  tenths  to  eight  or  nine  ?  wheth- 
er the  majority  (and  such  a  majority  !)  can  be  easier  drawn  to 
the  minority,  or  the  minority,  small  as  it  is,  to  the  majority  ? 

What  security  is  there  that  if  a  nomination  is  made,  contrary 
to  the  wishes  of  a  large  majority,  there  is  not  danger  of  a  loss, 
out  of  that  maj  ority,  greater  in  extent  than  the  one  or  two  tenths 
who  are  only  to  be  conciliated  ? 

But  1  will  not  pursue  this  matter.  The  considerations  must 
all  be  obvious  to  you. 


CHAPTER   XI. 

CORRESPONDENCE   OF  184O,  '41,  '42,  AND  '43. 

.       C.    HAMMOND    TO    MB.    CLAY. 

CINCINNATI,  January  21,  1840. 

DEAR  CLAY, — Ever  since  the  determination  of  the  Harrisburg 
Convention  was  known,  I  have  been  watching  for  a  little  abate- 
ment of  decrepitude,  that  I  might  address  you  a  letter  of  con- 
gratulation, in  my  own  hand.  I  have  now  attempted  it. 

I  do  think  that  you  have  great  reason  to  be  thankful  that  the 
burden  of  being  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  was  not  put  upon 
you.  In  my  view  the  canvass  was  always  full  of  degradation, 
and  I  think  that  now-a-days  its  humiliation  is  greatly  increased. 
Since  the  categories  of  Sherrod  Williams  set  the  precedent, 
every  one  claims  to  question  the,  candidate  of  his  life,  opinions, 
and  general  conduct.  An  indecent  impudence  marks  the  move- 
ments of  his  friends  ;  the  foulest'and  often  most  painful  imputa- 
tions characterize  the  assaults  of  opponents.  A  man  has  to  give 
up  his  own  self-respect,  or  every  hour  give  offense  to  some  peda- 
gogue that  stands  over  him  with  uplifted  rod.  From  such  a 
condition  I  would  ask  that  all  high-minded  men  may  be  deliv- 
ered, and  I  would  earnestly  condole  with  every  friend  made 
subject  to  it  by  the  imperious  call  of  the  country.  And,  after 
all,  what  is  the  station  when  attained  ?  Just  that  in  which  no 
upright,  independent  man  can  feel  himself  at  ease,  or  hold  his 
own  assurance  that  he  makes  his  own  opinions  the  basis  of  his 
public  acts.  I  pray  you  take  no  exception  to  an  instance  I  shall 
cite. 

J.  Q,.  Adams,  in  November  last,  wrote  a  strong  letter  on  the 
Amistad  case.  How  widely  does  it  vary,  in  its  positions  of  pub- 
lic law,  from  those  urged  upon  the  British  Government  by  the 
Department  of  State,  respecting  slaves  escaping  to  Canada,  when 


444  PEIYATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Mr.  Adams  was  President  of  the  United  States !  Thus  must  the 
man  be  lost  in  the  office.  At  best,  it  requires  a  good  scribe  and 
an  easily  controlled  docility. 

The  place  you  now  hold  has  ever  appeared  of  the  highest 
honor  to  me,  when  held  as  you  hold  it,  in  ample  confidence  with 
your  constituents.  A  Senator  is  the  adviser  and  the  trier  of  the 
President ;  a  Senator,  thoroughly  informed  of  public  affairs,  en- 
dowed with  high  powers  of  elocution,  braced  with  nerve  for 
every  exigency,  possessed  of  a  competent  estate,  and  deep  in  the 
confidence  of  his  State,  is  just  the  man  I  could  once  have  so  far 
envied  as  to  wish  that  what  he  had  in  enjoyment  could  be  some 
day  within  my  reach. 

I  congratulate  you  and  the  country  that  you  are  a  Senator, 
and  I  hope  you  will  not  lightly  give  up  the  place.  Every  thing 
we  see  or  hear,  or  attempt  to  understand,  points  to  approaching 
exigences,  in  which  the  country  must  call  you  9)  the  rescue. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  A  COMMITTEE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  26,  1840. 

GENTLEMEN, — I  have  received  your  letter  inviting  me  to  de- 
liver an  address  at  a  celebration  of  the  raising  of  the  seige  of 
Fort  Meiggs,  proposed  the  llth  of  June,  1840.  Considering  the 
highly  respectable  source  whence  the  proposal  of  this  celebra- 
tion originated,  the  motive  of  it,  and  the  friendly  terms  in 
which  you  have  conveyed  the  invitation,  it  would  afford  me 
much  satisfaction  to  be  able  to  accept  it ;  but,  if  my  public  du- 
ties do  not,  at  that  time,  require  my  attendance  here,  1  shall  have 
just  reached  my  home,  after  an  absence  of  six  months.  I  can 
not,  therefore,  contract  the  engagement  which  you  invite  me  to 
make,  and  must  leave  to  some  other  person  the  gratification  of 
addressing  our  fellow-citizens  on  the  occasion  in  contemplation. 


MR.  rox  (BRITISH  MINISTER)  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  July  11,  1840. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  believe  it  will  be  more  correct  that  I  should 
wait  to  see  what  Congress  will  do,  before  I  give  away  any  of 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  445 

the  copies  sent  to  me  of  the  British  Commissioner's  Report.  I 
shall  then,  I  hope,  be  able  to  send  it  to  you,  either  by  Mr.  Crit- 
tendcn,  or  some  other  of  your  friends  in  Congress  who  may  be 
returning  at  the  close  of  the  session  to  your  State,  and  whom 
I  can  request  to  take  charge  of  it. 

I  inclose  the  draft  accepted  at  thirty  days,  which  I  will  pro- 
vide duly  for  the  settlement  of  at  the  office  of  the  United  States 
Bank  here.  With  high  respect,  yours  very  faithfully. 


JUDGE  (HENRY)  BALDWIN  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

1840. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  this  moment  come  from  Bamford's 
through  the  rain.  The  first  thing  I  read  was  "a  paper  contain- 
ing your  remarks  on  Gallatin's  pamphlet.  It  is,  in  the  language 
of  Scripture,  health  to  my  soul,  and  marrow  to  my  bones.  It  is, 
as  we  say  in  Pennsylvania  of  apple-toddy — meat,  drink,  wash- 
ing, and  lodging.  Here  is  a  token  from  one  who  always 
respected  you  as  his  old  speaker,  and  schoolmaster  in  politics, 
elections,  and  candidates — non  obstanti — and  who  in  times  of 
the  highest  excitement,  never  said  of  you  as  a  statesman,  a 
harsher  thing  than  is  in  the  pamphlet  he  put  into  your  hands. 

(Any  thing  connected  with  the  pending  election,  to  the  con- 
trary notwithstanding,  which  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  per- 
sonal accounts  of  H.  B.  and  H.  C.) 

Here  is  a  drop  of  the  honest  stuff — genuine  Pennsylvania, 
the  true  extract,  the  essence  of  the  American  system,  the  pro- 
duce of  the  same  soil  which  gave  us  birth,  and  whence  we  de- 
rive our  bread.  It  will  suit  an  American  palate,  and  raise'  no 
conscientious,  constitutional  scruples  in  an  American  stomach. 
Take  a  drop  of  it  to  my  health  in  memory  of  Auld  Lang  Syne. 

This  Florida  case  is  a  tough  one.  I  shall  have  three  or  four 
evenings  of  leisure.  When  you,  Creighton,  Vance,  and  Ewing 
are  disposed  to  bury  old  grudges,  let  me  know  it.  Mrs.  Bamford 
has  a  small  moiety  of  the  self  same,  and  you  will  all  be  as  wel- 
come as  the  flowers  of  May. 

This  is  for  your  eye  and  those  named,  but  for  no  others. 


446  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


GENERAL    HARRISON  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

NOHTII  BEXD,  November  15,  1840. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  shall  set  out  for  Louisville,  in  the  mail  boat, 
to-morrow.  I  have  written  to  Mr.  C.  Wickliffe  (with  whom  1 
have  the  business  which  takes  me  to  Kentucky),  to  meet  me  in 
Frankfort  (having  understood  that  he  has  removed  to  Bards- 
town). 

Since  my  letter  to  you,  I  have  thought  that  our  personal 
meeting  might  give  rise  to  speculations,  and  even  jealousies, 
which  it  might  be  well  to  avoid  ;  for,  although  I  have  made  up 
my  mind  to  disregard  things  of  that  sort  when  they  are  una- 
voidable, yet,  as  all  the  objects  to  be  answered  by  our  seeing 
each  other  might  be  accomplished  through  a  mutual  friend  or 
friends,  I  submit  to  you  whether  it  would  not  be  better  to  adopt 
this  mode  of  communication.  If  you  think  so,  I  request  you  to 
name  to  me  the  friend,  as  heretofore,  to  whom  I  may  communi- 
cate my  views  upon  a  certain  important  action  of  mine,  and  re- 
ceive yours  in  return.  .  Upon  the  subject  to  which  I  allude,  I 
assure  you  I  have  had  no  sort  of  communication  with  any  one, 
unless  it  be  important  suggestions  by  unknown  individuals  (with 
but  one  exception.  I  refer  to  two  letters  written  by  a  man  whom 
I  know,  suggesting  a -general  ^principle).  I  inclose  this  to  Mr. 
Crittenden.  I  shall  stay  but  one  day  in  Louisville,  if  I  can  get 
away. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  8,  1840. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  arrived  here  safely  the  day  before  yesterday. 
Prior  to  my  departure  from  home,  I  received  your  favor  addressed 
to  me  there,  as  I  now  have  that  of  the  Gtli,  addressed  to  me* 
here.  I  deeply  regretted  the  loss  of  the  Virginia  vote,  but  pre- 
sumed it  was  the  result  of  fraud,  and  other  causes.  We  are  look- 
ing with  great  interest  to  the  course  of  your  Legislature.  The 
want  of  a  quorum  in  the  Senate  has  prevented  the  reception  of 
the  President's  Message.  We  shall  get  it  to-day  or  to-morrow. 

I  left  General  Harrison  at  Lexington,  and  I  have  seen  and 
conversed  a  good  deal  with  him.  He  is  much  broken,  but  his 
mind  retains  all  its  strength  and  vigor.  He  appears  to  be  amma- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  447 

ted  by  the  best  dispositions,  and  if  he  acts  in  conformity  to 
them,  our  hopes  will  be  all  realized.  I  communicated  to  him 
that,  during  the  short  time  I  expected  to  remain  in  public  life,  1 
had  no  desire  to  change  my  position  in  the  Senate.  He  pro- 
fessed, and  I  have  no  doubt  now  entertains,  sentiments  of  warm 
regard  and  attachment  to  me.  I  do  not  believe  that  he  had  then 
made  up  his  mind  as  to  the  members  of  his  Cabinet.  I  think  it 
probable,  although  he  did  not  say  so,  that  he  will  invite  Critten- 
den  and  Ewing  to  take  places  in  it.  Beyond  that  I  will  not 
venture  even  a  conjecture.  I  thought  it  right  to  explain  frankly 
to  him  my  feelings  and  relations  toward  Mr.  Webster,  and  I 
stated  to  him  that,  although  my  confidence  in  that  gentleman 
had  been  somewhat  shaken,  during  the  last  eight  years,  I  did 
not  see  how  any  Whig  President  could  overlook  him  ;.  that  if  I 
had  been  elected,  I  should  have  felt  myself  constrained  to  offer 
him  some  distinguished  station ;  and  that  if  he  chose  to  appoint 
him  to  office,  it  would  not  diminish  the  interest  I  felt  in  the 
success  of  his  Administration,  nor  my  zeal  in  its  support,  if  it 
were  conducted  in  the  principles  I  hoped  it  would  be.  I  added 
an  expression  of  my  opinion  that  he  was  not  suited  to  the  office 
of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  which  I  had  understood  some  of 
his  friends  wished  him  to  fill. 

The  General  is  to  be  here  in  a  few  weeks,  to  go  to  Virginia, 
and  to  return  about  the  4th  of  March. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  7,  1841. 

,  MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  5th.  I  should 
have  written  to  you  before  but  I  really  had  nothing  to  write.  I 
am  sorry  that  mere  rumors  about  the  composition  of  the  Cabinet 
should  fill  any  Virginia  Whig  with  apprehension  of  the  Spring 
elections.  I  venture  to  say  that  Gen.  Harrison  will  have  a  better 
Cabinet,  and  less  of  federalism  in  it  than  even  Jackson  or  Van 
Buren  had.  What  more  is  wanted?  Are  not  some  of  our 
friends  too  nervous  ?  Mr.  Webster,  I  suppose,  will  be  a  member 
of  it ;  but  among  all  the  rest  talked  of  I  know  of  no  Federalist. 
"  The  Enquirer"  calls  Mr.  Crittenden  most  untruly  a  Federalist. 


448  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

So  it  does  me.     But  I  hope  that  Virginia  will  no  longer  be  af- 
fected by  the  slang  of  "  The  Enquirer." 

The  exact  time  is  not  known  when  General  Harrison  will  be 
here.  ,  It  is  conjectured  that  it  will  be  from  the  15th  to  the  25th 
instant. 


PETER  B.  PORTER  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

SARATOGA  SPRINGS,  January  28,  1841. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  was  met,  on  my  arrival  here,  by  a  confidential 
communication,  through  my  nephew,  the  Speaker,  from  Mr. 
Weed,  who  expressed  some  delicacy  about  broaching  the  sub- 
ject of  it  to  me  personally,  but  hoped  and  intended  to  have  a 
conference  with  me  (as  he  had)  before  I  left  Albany.  The  sub- 
ject was  the  contemplated  appointment  of  Mr.  Curtis  as  Collect- 
or of  the  Customs  in  New  York,  and  the  following  was  the 
purport  of  the  communication. 

That  the  Governor  and  his  friends  are  extremely  anxious  for 
the  appointment  of  Mr.  Curtis,  who,  although  not  personally 
popular,  is  represented  as  possessing  an  extraordinary  share  of 
tact  or  stratagem ;  and  as  being  able,  by  his  skill  in  planning 
and  combining,  and  his  untiring  industry  in  -executing,  to  pro- 
duce the  most  astonishing  political  results.  That,  with  the  office 
of  Collector  (which  he  considers  as  second  only  in  influence  to 
that  of  Postmaster -General)  he  could,  on  all  important  occasions, 
command  the  vote  of  the  city  of  New  York,  and,  par  cons'- 
quence,  of  the  State.  That  he  is  the  intimate  friend  of  Mr. 
Webster,  arid  possesses  such  influence  over  him  as  to  be  able  to 
direct  all  his  important  political  movements,  an  instance  of  which 
was  shown  in  his  withdrawing  Mr.  Webster's  name  from  the  list 
of  Presidential  candidates  without  his  knowledge  or  consultation 
with  him,  becajuse  he  was  fully  satisfied  that  Mr.  Webster  could 
not  then,  as  he  now  is,  that  he  never  can  be  elected  to  that  office; 
and  (although  it  might  be  disheartening  and  injurious  to  tell  him 
so  at  this  time)  that  he  must  not  and  will  not  be  a  candidate  for 
the  next  term.  That  he  (Mr.  Curtis)  has  great  respect  for  your 
political  character,  and  opposed  your  nomination  only  because 
he  was  convinced  that  if  you  had  been  nominated  you  could  not 
have  been  elected  ;  that,  your  position  being  altered,  you  are 
now  the  only  prominent  candidate  of  the  Whig  party  for  the 
next  term,  and  can  not  fail  of  success,  unless  some  most  unex- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  449 

pected  event  should  interpose  to  prevent  it.  That  he  (Curtis)  is 
so  strongly  fortified  in  his  application  for  the  Collectorship,  that 
he  thinks  nothing  can  defeat  it.  Although  he  would  feel  much 
gratification  in  having  your  good  washes,  and  finally,  that  they 
(Mr.  Weed  and  the  Governor)  had  offered  these  suggestions  to 
me  under  the  belief  that  I  enjoyed  your  confidence  ;  and  with 
the  hope  that  your  views  in  regard  to  Mr.  Curtis  may  accord  with 
those  above  expressed. 

My  reply  to  Mr.  Weed  was,  in  substance,  that  I  knew  but 
little  of  what  was  passing  at  the  seat  of  Government,  and  was 
ignorant  of  your  views,  and  more  so  of  those  of  General  Harri- 
son, on  the  subject  of  the  principal  official  appointments  ;  that  I 
knew,  as  indeed  your  recent  movements  had  proved,  that  you 
were  extremely  anxious  to  retire  from  the  turmoil  of  politics,  and 
have  as  little  to  do  with  the  operations  of  the  Government  as 
would  be  consistent  with  your  duties  as  a  citizen ;  but  that,  at 
the  same  time,  it  was  characteristic  of  you  not  to  withhold  your 
opinions,  if  they  should  be  asked,  on  subjects  involving  the  in- 
terests of  the  country.  I  told  him  too,  that  I  thought  it  would 
be  presuming  too  much  to  expect  you  to  interfere  in  behalf  of 
Mr.  Curtis,  with  a  full  knowledge,  which  you  must  be  presumed 
to  possess,  of  the  industry  and  zeal  he  had  displayed  in  defeating 
your  nomination,  and  that  too  in  a  total  disregard  of  the  known 
wishes  of  a  large  majority  of  the  Whigs  of  -this  State.  Still, 
however,  that  it  was  proper  you  should  know  what  were  the 
opinions  of  the  Governor  and  his  friends,  in  relation  to  Mr.  Cur- 
tis, and  that  I  would  mention  the  subject  in  my  next  letter  to 
you. 

Now  I  do  not  doubt  that  Mr.  Curtis  is  a  man  of  rare  address 
and  management ;  nor  that  he  wields  the  power  over  Mr.  Web- 
ster's volitions  that  is  claimed  for  him  ;  nor  that  he  will  exert  that 
power,  and  probably  with  success,  in  preventing  his  (Mr.  Web- 
ster's) being  a  candidate  at  the  next  election  ;  nor  that  it  is  his 
present  wish  and  intention  (especially  if  you  should  favor  his 
views)  to  support  you.  And  I  have  as  little  doubt  that  if  he 
succeeds  in  obtaining  the  office,  its  patronage  will  be  disposed  in 
favors  to  his  particular  political  friends. 

On  the  preceding  facts,  which  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  com- 
municate to  you,  I  shall  express  no  opinion,  for  surely  no  one  is 
better  able  th^n  yourself  to  weigh  and  decide  on  the  various 
considerations  which  grow  out  of  them. 

29 


450  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

As  J  believe  I  have  given  you  quite  matter  enough  for  one 
dispatch,  I  will  stop  here  at  the  end  of  my  sheet,  and  probably 
write  you  again,  some  few  days  hence,  from  Albany. 

I  am,  as  always,  with  great  respect  and  regard,  your  obedien* 
servant. 


PETER   B.    PORTER    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

EIAGARA  FALLS,  February  20,  1841.  I 

DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  7th  instam, 
and  am  not  surprised  at  the  feeling  it  manifests  in  regard  to  the 
conduct  of  the  gentleman  in  New  York,  who  has  ventured  to 
put  forth  such  bold  views  and  opinions  in  relation  to  his  friend, 
Mr.  Webster,  nor  at  the  wish  you  express  that  this  conduct 
should  be  made  known  to  the  latter  gentleman. 

But  I  feel  that  I  can  not,  and  ought  not,  to  consent  to  have 
such  communication  made  by  or  through  me,  for  various  reasons, 
one  of  which,  and  that  decisive,  is,  that  the  matters  mentioned 
in  my  letter  were  imparted  to  me  in  strict  confidence,  and  under 
such  injunctions  of  secresy  as  would  forbid  their  going  abroad, 
most  especially  in  that  particular  direction.  Another  reason  is, 
that,  although  I  had  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Weed,  predicated 
entirely  on  the  facts  communicated  by  him  through  my  nephew, 
I  can  not  now  be  positive  whether  the  whole  of  these  facts  were 
distinctly  stated  by  both,  or  by  one,  and  which  of  them,  only. 

As  you  may  not  have  correctly  understood  that  part  of  my 
nephew's  communication,  I  will  now  state  it  a  little  more  at  large. 

Mr.  Curtis  was  made  to  say  that  Mr.  Webster  was  a  great 
and  ambitious  man ;  that  his  affections  had  been  long  set  upon 
the  Presidency ;  that  he  had  recently  been  quite  unfortunate  in 
his  private  pecuniary  speculations,  and  repeated  disappointments 
in  these  had  already  given  a  dyspeptic  or.  hypochondriacal  hue 
to  his  mind  and  feelings ;  and  that  his  friends  were  afraid  that  he 
might  fall  into  the  indulgence  of  habits  which  such  a  state  of  de- 
spondency is  too  liable  to  produce,  and  would  prove  ruinous  to  him ; 
that  it  was,  therefore,  incumbent  on  them  to  treat  him  with 
great  delicacy,  and  rather  to  encourage  than  to  thwart  him  in 
his  ambitious  aspirations ;  and  that  it  was  under  such  views  of 
Mr.  Webster's  situation  that  Mr.  Curtis  thought  it  inexpedient 
to  disclose  to  him,  at  present,  his  real  opinion  in  regard  to  Mr. 
Webster's  future  prospects  for  the  Presidency. 


OF  HENRY   CLAT.  451 


MR.    CLAY   TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

"WASHINGTON,  February  5,  1841. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  two  last  favors.  During  the 
twelve  last  years  I  have  recommended  no  person  for  any  place 
whatever,  to  the  appointing  power  of  the  Federal  Government. 
All  that  I  could  do,  therefore,  to  promote  your  wishes  as  to  Dr. 
Berkly,  was  to  urge  Mr.  Roane  to  exert  himself,  which  I  believe 
he  has  done  most  faithfully ;  but  I  am  sorry  to  be  obliged  to 
inform  you  that  it  has  been  unavailingly.  He  this  moment  in- 
formed me  that  the  appointment  has  been  given  to  a  Mr.  Brooks. 

I  have  been  constrained,  after  a  full  consideration,  and  on  a 
deliberate  survey  of  the  whole  ground,  to  adopt  the  principle  of 
non-interference  with  the  new  Administration,  as  to  official  ap- 
pointments. Without  it,  if  the  day  had  a  duration  of  forty- 
eight  hours  instead  of  twenty-four,  I  should  be  unable  to  attend 
to  the  applications  I  receive. 

We  have  nothing  new  here  which  the  papers  do  not  commu- 
nicate. There  has  been  a  little,  not  much,  diversity  of  opinion 
as  to  an  extra  session ;  but  opinions  are  settling  down  as  to  its 
necessity. 

General  Harrison  probably  will  get  to  Baltimore  to-night. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  12,  1841. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  complain  of  my  arrearage  in  our  mutual 
correspondence,  and  with,  at  least,  apparent  cause ;  but  I  have 
never  passed  a  winter  of  so  much  pressure  as  the  one  which 
has  just  terminated,  if  indeed  it  can  be  said  to  have  terminated. 
The  painful  alternative  was  presented  to  me  of  a  neglect  of  my  pri- 
vate correspondence,  or  of  my  public  duties.  I  could  not  hesitate 
which  branch  of  it  to  adopt.  I  have  not  been  able  to  transmit  an 
answer  to  one  out  of  every  hundred  letters  that  I  have  received. 

Moreover,  I  have  had  but  little  of  interest  to  communicate  of 
which  the  papers  did  not  inform  you. 

The  new  Senate  has  opened  with  a  decided,  practical,  and 
available  majority  of  twenty-nine  to  twenty-two,  there  being 
one  vacancy  from  Tennessee.  That  majority,  I  think,  may  be 


452  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

relied  on  in  almost  all  of  the  measures  of  the  new  Administra- 
tion. 

The  Senate  will  adjourn  on  Monday.  The  appointments 
made  are,  almost  exclusively,  to  fill  existing  vacancies.  General 
Payton  has  received  that  of  Post-master  at  Richmond. 

I  pray  you  to  present  my  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs.  Brooke. 


P.    B.    PORTER   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

NIAGARA  FALLS,  February  20,  1841. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  wrote  you  from  Albany,  a  few  days  since,  on 
the  subject  of  a  National  Bank,  to  be  owned  by  the  several 
States  in  their  corporate  capacities  ;  the  capital  to  be  raised  on 
a  pledge  by  each  State  of  its  interest,  or  the  proceeds  of  it,  in 
the  national  domain,  guaranteed  by  the  credit  of  the  general 
Government,  which  would  at  once  insure  the  realization  of  any 
desired  amount ;  the  power  of  organizing  and  directing  the 
operations  of  the  institution  to  be  divided  between  and  exercised 
by  the  general  Government  and  the  several  States,  upon  the 
great  principle  of  separate  and  yet  combined  and  harmonious 
powers  now  exercised  in  relation  to  other  great  interests. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  GENERAL  HARRISON. 

WASHINGTON,  March  15,  1841. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  incessant  engagements  preclude  the 
probability  of  my  having  any  opportunity  of  a  private  conversa- 
tion with  you,  prior  to  my  departure  from  this  city.  I  therefore 
adopt  this  mode  of  saying  a  few  words  before  I  go. 

I  was  mortified  by  the  suggestion  you  made  to  me  on  Satur- 
day, that  I  had  been  represented  as  dictating  to  you,  or  to  the 
new  Administration — mortified,  because  it  is  unfounded  in  fact, 
and  because  there  is  danger  of  the  fears,  that  I  intimated  to  you 
at  Frankfort,  of  my  enemies  poisoning  your  mind  toward  me. 

In  what,  in  truth,  can  they  allege  a  dictation,  or  even  inter- 
ference^ on  my  part  ?  In  the  formation  of  your  Cabinet  ?  You 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  453 

can  contradict  them.  In  the  administration  of  the  public  pat- 
ronage ?  The  whole  Cabinet  as  well  as  yourself  can  say  that. 
1  have  recommended  nobody  for  any  office.  I  have  sought  none 
for  myself,  or  my  friends.  I  desire  none.  A  thousand  times 
have  my  feelings  been  wounded,  by  communicating  to  those 
who  have  applied  to  me,  that  I  am  obliged  to  abstain  inflexibly 
from  all  interference  in  official  appointments. 

I  learned  to-day,  with  infinite  surprise,  that  I  had  been  repre- 
sented as  saying  that  Mr.  Curtis  should  not  be  appointed  Collec- 
tor of  New  York.  It  is  utterly  unfounded.  I  never  uttered 
such  expressions  in  relation  to  that  or  any  other  office,  of  the 
humblest  grade,  within  your  gift.  I  have  never  gone  beyond 
expressing  the  opinion  that  he  is  faithless  and  perfidious,  and,  in 
my  judgment,  unworthy  of  the  place.  It  is  one  of  the  artifices 
by  which  he  expects  to  succeed. 

If  to  express  freely  my  opinion,  as  a  citizen  and  as  a  Senator, 
in  regard  to  public  matters,  be  dictation,  then  I  have  dictated, 
and  not  otherwise.  There  is  but  one  alternative  which  I  could 
embrace,  to  prevent  the  exercise  of  this  common  right  of  free- 
dom of  opinion,  and  that  is  retirement  to  private  life.  That  I 
am  most  desirous  of,  and  if  I  do  not  promptly  indulge  the  feel- 
ing, it  is  because  I  entertain  the  hope — perhaps  vain  hope — that 
by  remaining  a  little  longer  in  the  Senate,  I  may  possibly  render 
some  service  to  a  country  to  whose  interests  my  life  has  been 
dedicated. 

I  do  not  wish  to  trouble  you  with  answering  this  note.  I 
could  not  reconcile  it  to  my  feelings  to  abstain  from  writing  it. 
Your  heart,  in  which  I  have  the  greatest  confidence,  will  justly 
appreciate  the  motives  of,  whatever  others  may  say  or  insinuate, 
your  true  and  faithful  friend. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

ASHIAJJD,  May  14,  1841. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  6th  instant. 
My  health,  or  perhaps  I  should  rather  say,  my  strength  is  not 
fully  re-established,  nor  do  I  expect  it  until  warm  weather,  if 
that  should  ever  again  come. 

I  leave  home  for  Washington  on  the  20th  instant.  I  expect 
to  go  by  Wheeling,  and  without  Mrs.  Clay. 


454  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

I  repair  to  my  post  in  the  Senate  with  strong  hopes,  not,  how- 
ever, unmixed  with  fears.  If  the  Executive  will  cordially  co- 
operate in  carrying  out  the  Whig  measures,  all  will  be  well. 
Otherwise  every  thing  is  at  hazard.  The  Western  elections,  as 
far  as  I  have  yet  heard,  have  terminated  favorably. 

Mrs.  Clay  joins  me  in  warm  regards  to  Mrs.  Brooke. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  July  4,  1841. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  thank  you  for  your  kind  suggestions  as  to 
the  best  mode  of  preserving  my  health.  The  attack  last  March 
in  Baltimore  was  more  severe  than  I  was  aware  of  at  the  time  ; 
but,  thank  God,  my  health  now,  notwithstanding  all  my  labors, 
is  better  than  it  was  when  I  came  here.  This  I  attribute  "to  the 
exercise  which  I  take  every  morning,  and  to  the  perfectly  regu- 
lar life  which  I  lead. 

It  is  very  uncertain  when  Congress  will* adjourn.  I  begin 
now  to  fear  that  it  will  not  be' until  September.  I  shall  probably 
return  by  the  route  of  the  White  Sulphur,  but  of  that  there  is 
no  certainty. 

Mr.  Tyler's  opinions  about  a  Bank  are  giving  us  great 
trouble.  Indeed,  they  not  only  threaten  a  defeat  on  that  meas- 
ure, but  endanger  the  permanency,  and  the  ascendency  of  the 
Whig  cause.  Is  it  not  deplorable  that  such  a  cause  should  be 
put  in  jeopardy  in  such  a  way  ?  He  conciliates  nobody  by  his 
particular  notions.  The  Locos  are  more  opposed  to  the  scheme 
than  to  an  old  fashioned  Bank,  and  ninety-nine  out  of  a  hun- 
dred of  the  Whigs  are  decidedly  adverse  to  it. 


COL.  W.  HAMPTON  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

MILLWOOD,  August  20,  1841. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  the  llth  instant  did  not  reach 
me  until  last  evening  ;  inclosed  you  will  receive  my  acceptance 
of  the  bill  of  exchange  you  sent  me,  which  I  have  stipulated 
to  pay,  at  Messrs.  Goodhue  &  Co.,  my  agents  in  New  York. 

You  will,  I  hope,  decide  upon  taking  Sovereign.     He  will,  I 


I 


OF   HEXRY   CLAY.  455 


think,  suit  your  countrymen,  better  than  Monarch,  being  much 
more  showy,  and  is  also  a  horse,  in  a  very  high  form. 

We  are  anxiously  expecting  to  hear  the  fate  of  the  Bank  bill. 
Should  the  President  return  it  with  his  veto,  I  for  one,  shall 
despair  for  the  Republic  ;  if  our  friends  betray  us,  what  can  we 
expect  from  our  opponents  ? 


MR.    CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 

ASHLAND,  October  28,  1841. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  21st,  to-day,  from 
which  I  infer  your  good  health,  as  I  think  I  recognize  in  its  tone, 
your  buoyant  spirits.  Without  ever  having  been  laid  up,  I 
have  not  been  always  well  since  my  return  from  Washington. 
I  have  worked  too  hard,  and  want  rest.  This  feeling  has  given 
rise  to  a  serious  question  which  I  have  now  under  consideration, 
and  that  is,  whether  I  shall  not  resign  my  seat  in  the  Senate. 
If  I  should  return,  it  will  be  with  the  hope  of  getting  away  be- 
fore the  close  of  the  session ;  and  with  a  resolution  to  take  a 
less  active  part  in  the  public  business. 

You  inquire  what  will  be  done  with  the  Government  Land 
Warrants.  I  believe  I  have  expressed  my  opinion  to  you  here- 
tofore, fully  about  them  ;  but,  without  being  able  to  specify  the 
time  when  they  shall  be  passed  on  by  Congress,  I  should  not  be 
surprised  if  they  are  ultimately  provided  for. 

So  Mr.  G.  says  we  are  to  have  no  fiscal  agent !  That  is  what 
I  have  expected.  Having  rejected  a  National  Bank,  the  State 
Banks,  and  the  Sub-Treasury,  I  could  not  conceive  what  other 
project  of  an  agent  even  Mr.  Tyler's  ingenuity  could  present. 

The  issue  of  the  elections  this  fall,  however  much  to  be  re- 
gretted, perhaps  ought  not  to  surprise  us.  An  army  which  be- 
lieves itself  betrayed  by  its  commander-in-chief,  will  never  fight 
well  under  him,  or  while  he  remains  in  authority.  Our  defeats 
have  not  been  produced  by  any  accession  of  strength  to  our  ad- 
versaries, but  simply  because  our  friends  would  not  go  to  the 
polls.  I  think  they  were  wrong,  but  their  conduct  was  natural. 


456  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.  CLAY  TO  FRANCIS  BROOKE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  27,  1842. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  my  old  apology  for  not  writing  to  you, 
which  I  have  to  submit  to  your  kindness,  to  which  I  must  add 
that  I  have  not  been  very  well,  and  really  nothing  of  interest  to 
write. 

I  was  glad  to  learn  that  you  had  it  in  your  power  to  accept 
the  office  of  President  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  and  that  you 
were  right  to  decline  it.  As  we  advance  in  years,  our  labors 
ought  to  lighten.  With  the  view  to  lessen  mine,  and  in  con- 
templation of  the  unhappy  and  disturbed  state  of  our  public 
councils,  arising  out  of  the  course  of  Mr.  Tyler,  I  mean  to  re- 
sign my  seat  in  the  Senate,  during  this  session.  I  want  rest, 
and  my  private  aifairs  want  attention.  Nevertheless,  I  would 
make  any  personal  sacrifice,  if,  by  remaining  here,  I  could  do 
any  good;  but  my  belief  is  I  can  effect  nothing,  and  perhaps  my 
absence  may  remove  an  obstacle  to  something  being  done  by 
others.  I  shall  therefore  go  home  in  the  spring. 

The  papers  will  inform  you  of  the  afflicting  scenes  passing  in 
the  House  of  Representatives.  They  will  fill  every  patriot 
bosom  with  deep  distress. 


RICHARD  RUSH  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

SYDENHAJI,  near  PHILADELPHIA,  February  14,  1842. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  living  here  on  a  few  acres  that  I  like  so 
much  better  than  the  town,  that  although  near  enough  to  hear 
its  bells,  when  the  wind  sets  right,  I  never  go  there  when 
I  can  help  it,  and  have  nothing  to  do  with  its  business,  which  is 
mentioned  merely  to  account  for  my  being  behind  the  world  in 
important  matters  and  movements  that  are  going  on.  As  well 
as  I  can  catch  some  of  these  at  present,  it  would  seem  that  you 
are  about  to  withdraw  from  the  Senate,  and  if  so,  I  am  unable 
any  longer  to  stand  out  against  an  impulse  that  puts  the  pen  into 
my  hand,  making  me  say,  how,  amid  all  the  mutations  of  the 
last  ten  years,  I  have,  under  all  circumstances,  done  justice  to 
your  patriotism,  in  alliance  with  all  the  other  qualities,  to  mark 
you  out  as  the  true  head  of  the  party,  whose  principles  you 
have  so  pre-eminently  espoused.  Such  a  testimony  can  be  of 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  457 

no  value  to  yon,  but  it  gratifies  me  to  give  it  utterance  from  my 
seclusion  and  leisure  out  here,  founded  as  it  is  on  convictions 
derived  while  associated  with  you  in  the  public  service,  and  al- 
though not  able  to  side  with  that  party  in  public  measures,  I 
continue  to  think  that  it  will  do  great  injustice  to  itself,  if  it 
does  not  regard  you  as  its  natural  candidate  for  the  highest 
honor  it  can  bestow.  At  a  4th  of  July  celebration  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Boston,  in  1840, 1  expressed  this  sentiment  as  strongly 
as  I  could,  General  Harrison  then  being  its  candidate,  which 
may  have  been  too  unimportant  to  have  fallen  under  your  no- 
tice, as  published  in  the  papers  of  the  day,  and  which  is  only  al- 
luded to  now,  as  the  recorded  and  steady  feelings  prompting 
these  lines  to  you. 

I  am  too  much  out  of  the  'world  to  be  informed  if  Mrs.  Clay 
is  at  Washington.  If  she  is,  Mrs.  Rush,  who  often  recalls  her 
agreeable  intercourse  with  her  family,  requests  me  to  convey 
her  affectionate  remembrances  to  her,  and  her  compliments  to 
you.  I  am  glad  to  say  she  is  quite  well,  and  beginning  to  think 
of  her  honeysuckles  and  roses  as  the  spring  approaches,  if  indeed 
we  have  not  had  it  all  the  winter.  With  some  grown-up  daugh- 
ters now  around  her.  we  are  about  as  well  content  and  happy 
as  we  can  expect,  and  both  of  us  much  inclined  to  the  old 
Frenchman's  maxim,  that  "  every  thing  is  for  the  best,  in  this 
best  of  worlds." 

In  the  sentiments  I  have  thus  thrown  upon  you,  when  sup- 
posing that  you  are  about  to  retire  from  your  present  position, 
and  in  those  of  invariable  personal  esteem,  I  beg  you  lo  be- 
lieve me,  my  dear  sir,  very  faithfully  yours. 


RICHAKD    RUSH    TO    MR.  CLAY. 

SYDENHAM,  near  PHILADELPHIA,  February  15,  1842. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  follow  my  letter  of  yesterday,  with  this 
of  to-day.  In  1833,  when  I  first  came  to  live  here,  I  threw  out 
a  volume  founded  on  my  mission  to  England,  in  the  course  of 
which  (chapter  17,  closing  part),  if  so  humble  a  production 
ever  came  under  your  eye,  you  will  have  seen  that  I  alluded  to 
your  early  exertions  in  behalf  of  Spanish  American  emancipation. 

I  am  contemplating  some  continuation  of  the  work,  and  may 
have  occasion  to  speak  somewhat  more  fully  perhaps  on  that 


458  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

topic,  as  connected  with  the  claim  the  English  make  for  Mr. 
Canning,  that  it  was  he  who  first  called  that  part  of  our  conti- 
nent into  independent  existence.  This  is  not  true,  though 
he  had  great  merit  in  that  question — more,  I  think,  than  any 
statesman  of  England  or  Europe,  of  that  day.  You  may  per- 
haps remember  that  I  had  some  very  confidential  intercourse  and 
correspondence  with  Mr.  Canning,  on  this  whole  matter,  which, 
in  fact,  laid  the  foundation  of  Mr.  Monroe's  famous  Message  in 
1823. 

Now,  my  dear  sir,  will  you  do  me  so  great  a  favor  as  to  drop 
me  a  few  lines  at  your  convenience,  giving  me  the  date  of  your 
first  movement  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  this  subject  ; 
I  mean  the, one  which  distinctly  looked  to  our  recognition  of  the 
new  States  ?  I  could  trace  it  through  back  newspapers  and  other 
sources,  for  I  well  remember  your  early  speeches  on  the  subject, 
but  a  few  lines  from  yourself  would  be  more  satisfactory  to  me, 
and  the  opportunity  for  this  correspondence  seems  more  favorable 
to  me  now,  than  after  you  get  to  Lexington,  should  you  go 
there  soon. 

I  pray  you  to  excuse  the  trouble  it  may  give  you,  and  in  the 
renewed  feelings  of  yesterday,  I  remain  yours  very  faithfully. 


MARTIN    VAN   BUREN    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

HILLS  OF  SANTEE,  March  26,  1842. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  friendly 
letter  at  this  place,  and  thank  you  very  kindly  for  the  invitation 
it  contains.  It  is  not  quite  certain  that  I  will  be  able  to  stay 
long  enough  in  Kentucky  to  pay  Mrs.  Clay  and  yourself  a  visit ; 
but  if  it  should  be  so,  you  may  rest  assured  that  I  shall  not  deny 
myself  that  gratification.  My  movements,  after  leaving  Ten- 
nessee, are  not  definitively  settled,  and  will  have  to  be  governed 
by  circumstances,  of  which  I  am  not  now  fully  advised.  It  will 
not,  however,  in  any  event,  be  in  my  power  to  be  with  you  be- 
fore the  beginning  of  May. 


OF  HENEY  CLAY.  459 


CARTER   BEVERLY    TO    MR.   CLAY. 

FEEDERICKSBUKG,  VA.,  April  2,  1842. 

DEAR  SIR, — On  my  arrival  here  yesterday  I  received  your 
reply  to  my  letter  of  February  last  from  Middlesex,  and  feel  glad 
to  find  that  the  communication  I  then  made  to  you  was  well 
received,  and  kindly  acknowledged. 

It  is  assuredly  a  matter  of  high  satisfaction  to  me  to  believe 
that  I  discharged  the  obligation,  which  feeling  and  duty  dictated, 
in  doing  the  justice  I  designed  of  effacing  the  indignity  cast 
upon  you  by  the  unfortunate,  and  to  me  unhappy  Fayetteville 
letter  that  was,  and  has  been  so  much  the  subject  of  injury  to 
you  in  the  public  mind.  It  is  now,  I  trust,  put  entirely  to  rest 
in  the  minds  of  all  honorable  and  candid  men,  of  whatever  po- 
litical persuasion ;  for  surely  none  can,  or  will  henceforward 
presume  to  countenance  the  miserable  slander  that  went  forth  in 
that  communication  to  the  public  against  you.  The  entire  re- 
vocation of  it  given  by  me  ought  to  overwhelm  the  author  of  it 
with  utter  shame  and  mortification  ;  and  if  I  had  any  right  to 
say,  were  I  in  his  situation,  it  would  be  my  province,  as  it  should 
be  an  incumbent  duty  on  me,  to  make  every  atonement  possible 
for  such  an  unfounded,  unprovoked  attack  upon  your  integrity 
and  public  fame. 

Believing  that  your  letter  to  me,  and  this  my  reply,  are  cal- 
culated to  benefit  you  in  the  public  mind,  I  have  sent  both  to 
"  The  Richmond  Whig"  and  "  Independent"  for  publication. 

I  reiterate  expressions  of  health  and  happiness  to  you,  and  re- 
main yours,  etc. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  REV.  GILBERT  H.  SAYRES. 

WASHINGTON,  April  12,  1842. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received,  and  perused  with  great  interest  and 
attention,  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the  favor  to  address  to 
me.  I  cordially  thank  you  for  the  sentiments  of  esteem  and 
confidence,  an  expression  of  which  you  have  so  kindly  com- 
municated. And  I  request  your  acceptance  of  my  grateful 
acknowledgments  for  the  lively  interest  you  are  pleased  to  take 
in  my  spiritual  welfare.  I  hope  that  I  shall  profit  by  it.  My 
mind  has  been  often  seriously  impressed  by  grave  considerations 


460  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

of  preparation  for  a  future  state  ;  but,  like  the  crowd  in  the  active 
bustle  of  life  and  its  varied  occupations,  I  have,  perhaps,  too 
much  neglected  so  weighty  a  matter.  My  retirement  will  afford 
me  leisure  for  a  more  serious,  and,  I  hope,  more  practical  con- 
templation of  it. 

Do  me  the  favor  to  accept  a  copy  of  a  little  farewell  speech  I 
recently  made  in  the  Senate,  accompanying  this  letter  under 
another  envelop,  the  interest  of  which,  if  it  have  any  is  to  be 
found  in  attending  circumstances. 


LORD    ASHBURTON   TO   MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  April  11,  1842. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  truly  obliged  to  you  for  your  very  agree- 
able proposal.  I  should  have  taken  the  liberty  myself  of  ex- 
pressing a  hope  of  being  permitted  to  have  a  little  conversation 
with  you,  and  to  renew  our  acquaintance,  before  you  execute 
your  purpose,  which  I,  in  common  with  your  countrymen,  so 
much  regret,  of  retiring  from  this  seat  of  Government.  At  a 
time  of  life  which  calls  me  more  imperatively  to  give  up  all 
thoughts  of  public  business,  I  have  been  tempted  to  make  my 
appearance  among  you,  to  see  if  we  can  not  contrive  to  live  on 
more  friendly  terms,  and  to  end  bickerings  between  two  coun- 
tries which  have,  in  truth,  a  sincere  respect  and  affection  for 
each  other.  Your  good  wishes  for  the  success  of  this  attempt 
are  most  acceptable  to  me.  I  only  wish  we  had  to  treat  together 
on  what  would  soon  cease  to  be  material  difficulties. 

I  should  take  the  earliest  time  you  propose  for  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  you,  if  it  were  not  that  I  have  an  appointment,  this  morn- 
ing, at  your  Foreign  Department,  and  do  not  know  exactly  how 
long  it  may  last.  To-morrow  I  am  at  your  service,  as  soon  as 
you  please  after  ten  o'clock ;  or  I  would  call  upon  you,  if  it 
were  more  convenient  to  you. 


WILLIAM    C.  PRESTON    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  June  39,  1842. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  dispatched  your  letter  to  General 
Thompson  in  the  Mexican  bag,  'and  am  glad  to  have  even  so 
small  a  commission  to  perform  for  you. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  461 

The  British  negotiation,  I  believe,  goes  on  smoothly  in  regard 
to  every  point  except  the  Maine  boundary,  which  is  complicated 
and  embarrassed  by  the  multitude  of  diplomatists  congregated 
upon  it.  They  have  been  here  ten  days,  and  have  not  yet  got 
to  a  proposition  for  discussion.  Our  hope  is  that  Abbott  Law- 
rence and  Governor  Kent  will  get  the  ascendency,  and  carry  on 
the  matter.  The  other  points — all  of  them,  I  think — are  in  a 
train  of  very  favorable  adjustment.  In  the  mean  time,  our  in- 
ternal condition  is  worse  and  worse,  our  separation  from  the 
Executive  wider  and  wider,  and  the  general  confusion  worse 
confounded.  The  election  of  Mangum  has  brought  on  a  war 
ad  intercessioncm,  and  it  is  now  generally  believed  (on  good 
ground,  perhaps)  that  there  is  a  negotiation  on  foot  to  bring  in 
the  Locofocos  to  the  Cabinet.  Marcy  and  Stevenson,  it  is  said, 
are  the  only  two  that  lend  a  favorable  ear,  and  they  would 
have  a  rough  navigation  through  the  Senate. 

Mr.  Rives'  speech,  yesterday,  seemed  to  be  a  new  latitude 
and  departure.  He  abused  your  distribution  policy,  from  begin- 
ning to  end,  in  good  set  terms,  and  with  much  reason,  I  must 
say.  He  barely  stopped  short  of  denouncing  it  as  unconstitu- 
tional ab  initio,  and  has  thus  retraced  his  own  steps. 

My  letter  was  broken  off  by  the  intelligence  of  poor  South- 
ard's death.  His  funeral  took  place  yesterday.  To-day  Tyler 
sends  in  his  veto  of  the  tariff.  This  is  downright  madness. 
God  preserve  us,  for  our  condition  is  most  sad. 


A   LADY   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  July  13,  1842. 

To  THE  HON.  HENRY  CLAY, — The  life  of  a  political  man,  espe- 
cially if  he  be  pre-eminent  among  his  cotemporaries,  must,  almost 
unavoidably,  in  an  age  of  party  strife,  be  one  of  great  admixture 
of  light  and  shade — of  exulting  joy  and  vexatious  incidents — 
of  injured  feelings  and  of  gratified  pride.  You,  honored  sir, 
have  doubtless  realized,  more  or  less,  the  truth  of  these  remarks 
in  your  own  political  career ;  a  career  too  brilliant  to  escape  envy 
— too  patriotic  to  escape  detraction — too  fearless  to  escape  oppo- 
sition— too  upright  and  honest  to  escape  the  contumely  and  bit- 
ter hate  of  those  who  love  power  more  than  justice,  falsehood 
more  than  truth,  and  who  would  sacrifice  to  the  Shibboleth  of 


462  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

party  the  best  interests  of  their  common  country.  This  may 
pass  as  a  shade,  but  is  it  not  more  than  balanced  by  the  halo  of 
light  which  arises  from  the  approbation  of  the  wisest  statesmen, 
the  honest  praise  of  all  true  patriots,  and  the  admiration  of  all 
Americans,  in  every  condition  of  life,  who  respect  honesty  of 
purpose  and  integrity  of  principle  ;  who  approve  not  ruinous  ex- 
periments and  insulting  vetoes  ;  and  who  regard  the  welfare  of 
their  country  as  paramount  to  all  other  considerations  ?  Then 
comes  the  self-approving  conscience.  Yes,  sir ;  yes,  bright  and 
satisfactory  must  be  to  you  the  reminiscences  of  your  public  life. 

"  All  honor  to  the  star  of  the  West !"  I  trust  it  will  not  long 
be  permitted  to  revolve  in  its  distant  orbit  j  I  trust  it  will  not 
soon  be  permitted  to  set ;  but  may  He  who  rules  over  all  yet 
cause  it  to  rise  to  our  political  zenith,  and  dispel  the  cloud  of 
darkness  which  hangs  over  our  once  prosperous  and  happy,  but 
now  debased  and  injured  country ;  and  by  its  genial  influence 
and  mighty  power  restore  it  to  its  former  glorious  and  proud  con- 
dition. 

Ladies,  excluded  by  law  from  a  voice  in  the  counsels  of  the 
nation,  have  consequently  no  political  influence.  It  is  right  that 
it  should  be  so.  Their  duties  lie  in  a  different  direction,  and 
their  happiness  is  drawn  from  a  different  source.  But  ladies  are 
not  excluded  from  feeling  a  deep  interest  in  the  welfare. of  their 
country,  and  no  law,  and  no  physical  incapacity,  imaginary  or 
real,  prevents  them  from  rendering  it  service  by  calling  upon 
Him  who  overrules  its  destinies,  to  look  down  upon  it  in  this  its 
hour  of  darkness  with  pity  and  compassion,  and  to  deliver  it  from 
its  evil  state.  This  is  a  canvassing  which  surely  can  be  disap- 
proved by  none,  and  which  compromises  neither  sex  nor  station. 
On  this  great  source,  then,  of  power  and  mercy,  do  I  rely  ;  and 
daily  do  I  offer  up  my  supplications  that  God  will  open  the  eyes 
of  this  great  nation  of  freemen  to  their  true  interests,  and  in 
good  time  cause  them  to  place  the  Government  in  the  hands  of 
one  to  whom  all  anxious  eyes  and  honest  hearts  are  now  turned 
— one  who  will  not  "  follow  in  the  steps  of  his  illustrious  prede- 
cessors ;"  but  who  shall  rule  in  wisdom  and  in  judgment,  there- 
by restoring  a  distracted,  prostrated  country  to  sanity  and  health. 
Nor  do  my  fervent  petitions  end  here.  After  a  long  life  of 
honor,  fame,  and  usefulness  shall  have  ended,  may  he — leaving 
his  testimony  in  favor  of  the  laws  of  God — be  prepared  by  his 
grace  to  receive  a  crown  of  glory  in  the  kingdom  above! 


OF  HENEY  CLAY.  463 

You  will  doubtless  be  surprised,  sir,  that  the  trouble  is  given 
you  of  reading  so  long  a  letter,  written  by  a  lady,  without  any 
apparent  motive  ;  and  really,  having  none  of  weight  to  offer,  I 
feel  that  an  apology  is  due.  Trifles,  in  the  hours  of  relaxation, 
sometimes  afford  a  momentary  satisfaction  even  to  the  great ; 
and  I  have  thought  it  might  possibly  tinge  a  passing  moment 
with  a  ray  of  pleasure,  to  be  assured  that  although  your  country- 
women can  not  serve  you  at  the  ballot-box,  they  can,  and  do, 
remember  you  at  the  altar. 

Not  having  the  honor  of  your  acquaintance,  instead  of  my 
own  unimportant  name,  I  beg  leave  to  subscribe,  with  the  great- 
est respect,  that  of  A  TRUE  NORTHERN  FRIEND. 


MR.    CLAY   TO   JACOB    GIBSON. 

ASHLAND,  July  25,  1842. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  letter  by  my  neighbor  and  friend 
Mr.  Henry,  and  the  good  account  he  gives  me  of  you  induces 
me  to  transmit  this  answer. 

My  opinion  on  the  subjects  of  slavery  and  Abolition  was  fully 
expressed  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  in  February,  1839, 
and  I  have  seen  no  reason  since  to  change  it.  The  speech 
which  I  delivered  on  that  occasion  may  be  found  in  a  cheap, 
although  imperfect  collection  of  my  speeches,  recently  published 
in  Cincinnati,  and  to  that  I  respectfully  refer  you.  I  regret  that 
I  have  no  copy  of  it  by  me,  detached  from  the  book,  or  I  would 
send  it  to  you. 

I  regard  the  existence  of  slavery  as  an  evil.  I  regret  it,  and 
wish  that  there  was  not  one  slave  in  the  United  States. 

But  it  is  an  evil  which,  while  it  affects  the  States  only,  or 
principally,  where  it  abounds,  each  State  within  which  it  is  situ- 
ated is  the  exclusive  judge  of  what  is  best  to  be  done  with  it, 
and  no  other  State  has  a  right  to  interfere  in  it.  Kentucky  has 
no  right  to  interfere  with  the  slavery  of  Virginia,  and  Ohio  has 
no  right  to  interfere  with  it  in  either. 

The  jurisdiction  of  each  State,  where  slavery  exists,  is  among 
the  reserved  rights  of  the  States.  Congress  possesses  no  power 
or  authority  to  abolish  it.  Congress  is  invested  with  no  power 
relating  to  it,  except  that  which  assumes  its  legitimate  and 
continued  existence.  As  to  slavery,  with  the  exception  of  the 


464-  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

conservative,  representative,  and  taxing  powers  of  Congress,  the 
States  are  as  much  beyond  the  control  of  Congress  as  if  they 
were  independent  nations,  unconnected  by  any  confederative 
constitution. 

Although  I  believe  slavery  to  be  an  evil,  I  regard  it  as  a  far 
less  evil  than  would  arise  out  of  an  immediate  emancipation  of 
the  slaves  of  the  United  States,  and  their  remaining  here  mixed 
up  in  our  communities.  In  such  a  contingency,  I  believe  that  a 
bloody  civil  war  would  ensue,  which  would  terminate  only  by 
the  extinction  of  the  black  race. 

It  results,  from  these  opinions  which  I  entertain,  that  I  con- 
sider the  movements  of  the  Abolitionists  as  altogether  unauthor- 
ized and  most  unfortunate.  I  believe  them  productive  of  no 
good  whatever,  but  attended  with  positive  mischief  to  both  the 
white  and  the  black  races.  Of  all  the  modes  of  separating  the 
free  blacks  from  the  rest  of  the  population  of  the  United  States, 
in  my  opinion,  that  of  colonizing  them  in  Africa  is  best.  They 
are  there  in  the  abode  of  their  ancestors,  in  a  climate  congenial 
to  their  constitutions,  and  with  boundless  territorial  scope  before 
them.  For  these  and  other  reasons  I  think  Africa  far  preferable 
to  Oregon.  An  emigrant  can  be  sent  to  Africa  much  cheaper 
than  he  can  be  to  Oregon.  He  would  then  be  not  only  in  the 
home  of  his  forefathers,  but  he  might  render  great  service  to  the 
natives  of  Africa,  by  introducing  among  them  the  arts  of  civil- 
ization and  the  religion  of  Christ.  He  would,  moreover,  be  se- 
cure forever  against  the  progress  of  the  white  man,  which  he 
would  be  far  from  being  in  Oregon. 

I  have  regretted  extremely  the  agitation  of  abolition  in  the 
free  States.  It  has  done  no  good,  but  harm.  It  will  do  no  good. 
The  great  body  of  Abolitionists,  like  the  great  mass  of  every 
party,  I  have  no  doubt,  is  honest,  sincere,  and  humane.  Their 
leaders  deceive  them,  and  will  endeavor  to  profit  by  them. 
They  will  seek  to  ride  into  public  office,  and  to  snatch  public 
honor,  upon  the  delusions  which  they  propagate. 

Abolition  is  a  delusion  which  can  not  last.  It  is  impossible  it 
should  endure.  What  is  it  ?  In  pursuit  of  a  principle — a  great 
principle,  if  you  please,  it  undertakes  to  tread  down  and  trample 
in  the  dust  all  opposing  principles,  however  sacred.  It  sets  up 
the  right  of  the  people  of  one  State  to  dictate  to  the  people  of 
other  States.  It  arrays  State  against  State.  To  make  the  black 
man  free,  it  would  virtually  enslave  the  white  man.  With  a 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  465 

single  idea  some  of  its  partisans  rush  on  blindly,  regardless  of  all 
consequences.  They  have  dared  even  to  threaten  our  glorious 
Union  with  dissolution.  And  suppose  that  unhallowed  object 
achieved,  would  it  emancipate  the  slaves?  What  is  their  next 
step  ?  Is  it  to  light  up  a  war  between  the  dissevered  parts  of  the 
Union,  and  through  blood,  devastation,  and  conflagration,  to 
march  forward  to  emancipation  ?  Are  they  at  all  sure  that  through 
such  diabolical  means  they  would  be  able  finally  to  arrive  at 
their  object  ?  No,  my  friend,  let  each  State,  and  the  people  of 
each  State,  take  care  of  their  own  interests,  leaving  other  States, 
and  the  people  of  other  States,  to  take  care  of  theirs.  We  have 
enough  to  do  in  our  respective  and  legitimate  spheres  of  action — 
enough  for  the  exercise  of  all  the  charities  and  sympathies  of  our 
nature. 

But  what  is  ultimately  to  become  of  slavery  ?  asks  the  impa- 
tient Abolitionist.  I  can  not  tell  him  with  any  certainty.  I 
have  no  doubt  that  the  merciful  Providence,  which  permitted  its 
introduction  into  our  country  against  the  wishes  of  our  ancestors, 
will,  according  to  His  own  good  pleasure  and  time,  provide  for 
its  mitigation  or  termination. 

In  the  mean  time,  we  have  had  much  to  encourage  us.  Our 
Revolution  led  to  the  cessation  of  the  African  slave  trade  with  the 
United  States.  It  altogether  ceased  in  1808.  Many  States 
emancipated  ''their  slaves,  not  by  the  perilous  process  of  an  im- 
mediate liberation,  but  by  the  gradual  and  cautious  proceeding. 
of  a  slow  and  regulated  emancipation,  liberating  the  offspring  at 
mature  age,  and  leaving  the  parents  in  slavery ;  thus  making 
preparation  for  the  proper  use  of  the  liberty  which  their  children 
were  to  enjoy.  Every  where  a  spirit  of  humanity  was,  more 
and  more,  infusing  itself  into  the  laws  for  the  regulation  of  the 
treatment  of  slaves,  until  it  was  checked,  in  some  places,  by  the 
agitation  of  Abolition.  Some  States,  where  the  proportion  of 
slaves  was  not  very  great  in  comparison  with  the  whites,  were 
beginning  seriously  to  think  about  the  practicability  of  a  gradual 
emancipation  within  their  limits,  but  they,  too,  have  been  checked 
by  the  intemperate  zeal  of  Abolitionists.  The  feasibility  of 
African  colonization  has  been  demonstrated,  and  the  Society,  with 
its  limited  means,  has  been  quietly  prosecuting  its  noble  object. 

By  some  of  the  means  indicated,  and  others  hidden  from  our 
view,  by  an  all-wise  Providence,  we  may  cherish  the  hope  that. 
if  violent  Abolitionists  will  cease  stirring  up  strife  and  agitating 
30 


466  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

the  passions,  we  may  ultimately  alleviate  the  evils,  if  not  eradi* 
cate  the  existence  of  slavery  in  our  land. 

The  generation  that  established  our  independence  achieved  a 
great  and  glorious  work.  Succeeding  generations  have  accom- 
plished much  in  advancing  the  growth,  the  power,  and  the  great- 
ness of  this  nation.  We  must  leave  some  things  to  posterity, 
and  among  others  the  task  of  making  adequate  provision  for  the 
institution  of  Slavery. 

In  spite  of  slavery,  our  arms  triumphed  in  the  revolutionary 
struggle.  And  it  is  not  too  much  to  assert  that,  if  Abolition  had 
developed  itself  then,  as  it  since  has  done,  we  should  have  failed. 
We  should  have  been  unable  to  form  the  Confederation,  or  sub- 
sequently to  have  adopted  the  present  Constitution.  In  spite  of 
slavery,  we  were  successful  in  the  second  war  with  Great  Britain. 
And  in  neither  war,  it  is  a  gratifying  historical  fact,  was  the 
enemy  able,  by  all  his  arts  of  seduction,  to  withdraw  many  slaves 
from  their  fidelity.  In  spite  of  slavery,  we  have  moved  onward 
in  our  march  to  power  and  greatness,  augmenting  our  population, 
in  a  period  only  co-extensive  with  that  of  my  own  life,  from  two 
and  a  half  to  seventeen  millions. 

If  our  country  is  now  writhing  under  the  agony  of  extreme 
pecuniary  distress  and  embarrassment,  it  has  not  been  produced 
by  slavery,  at  least  not  by  black  slavery.  It  has  been  brought 
about,  I  think,  by  the  exercise  of  arbitrary  power,vbut  not  that 
.which  the  master  exerts  over  his  black  slave. 

Let  us  cease  to  agitate  a  topic  which  divides,  distracts,  and 
inflames  the  community  ;  which  tends  to  array  man  against  man, 
State  against  State,  and  section  against  section,  and  which 
threatens  the  greatest  of  all  possible  calamities  which  could  befall 
this  people,  the  dissolution  of  the  union  of  these  States.  Let  us, 
in  place  of  discord  and  dissension,  cultivate  peace,  harmony,  and 
good  will  among  the  people  and  the  States  of  this  Confederacy. 
And  let  us  recollect  that  we  have  other  duties — far  higher  duties 
— to  perform  toward  our  country,  toward  posterity,  and  toward 
the  world,  than  even  the  extirpation  of  African  slavery,  however 
much  its  original  introduction  among  us  is  to  be  deplored. 

I  have  thus,  in  answer  to  your  inquiries,  given  you  a  full,  can- 
did, and  unreserved  exposition  of  my  opinions  and  feelings,  on 
the  several  subjects  to  which  they  relate.  I  hope  they  will 
be  received  and  examined  in  the  same  friendly  and  frank  spirit 
in  which  they  are  communicated. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  467 


JUDGE    STORY    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

CAMBRIDGE,  August  3,  1842. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  return  you  my  sincere  thanks  for  the  copy 
of  your  Lexington  dinner  speech,  which  you  have  been  so  kind 
as  to  send  me.  I  have  read  it  with  deep  interest.  It  abounds 
with  passages  of  great  eloquence  and  statesmanlike  views,  and 
lofty  principles.  I  am  a  Whig,  and  although  I  do  not  pretend 
to  mingle  in  the  common  politics  of  the  day,  there  are  great 
measures  upon  which  I  have  a  decided  opinion,  arid  which  I 
would  not  disguise,  if  1  could.  I  am  for  a  National  Bank,  a 
protective  Tariff,  a  distribution  law  of  the  public  lands,  and  a 
permanent  Bankrupt  law.  All  these  measures  are,  in  my  judg- 
ment, indispensable  to  the  public  prosperity  and  peace  of  our 
country.  In  promoting  these  measures,  I  know  no  man  who 
has  labored  more  perseveringly,  or  with  more  zeal,  ability,  and 
honorable  devotion,  than  yourself,  at  all  times.  I,  as  one,  feel 
grateful  to  you  for  these  labors ;  and  I  trust  that  my  country 
will,  for  many  years  to  come,  possess  the  services  of  one  whose 
eminent  talents  have  so  justly  obtained  the  approval  of  the  most 
enlightened  minds  in  our  public  councils. 

With  my  best  personal  wishes  for  the  entire  restoration  of  your 
health,  and  for  many  years  of  life,  happy  as  well  as  useful,  I 
beg  you  to  believe  me,  with  the  highest  respect,  truly  your  most 
obliged  friend  and  servant. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  JOHN  S.  LITTELL. 

ASHLAND,  August  17,  1842. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  letter  with  its  inclos- 
ure.  The  arrangement,  by  which  Mr.  Epes  Sargent  has  under- 
taken to  compose  a  biography  of  me,  was  made  by  the  young 
men  of  New  York,  prior  to  my  learning,  through  Mr.  Tolandx 
your  friendly  wishes.  It  would  have  been,  otherwise,  very 
agreeable  to  me  to  have  acceded  to  them. 

Mr.  Sargent's  work,  I  presume,  from  what  I  have  heard  of  its 
progress,  is  now  nearly  ready  for  the  press.  I  wish  he  had  a 
better  subject  for  his  pen ;  and  I  fear  that  it  may  be  with  him, 
as  it  has  been  with  many  of  the  artists,  who  have  taken  my 
portrait,  that,  owing  to  the  defects  of  the  original,  nothing  very 


468  PRIVATE   COKRESPOXDENCE 

striking  or  interesting  will  be  produced.  I  am  sure  that  it  will 
be  no  more  his  than  it  was  their  fault.  I  have  perused  your  song 
with  lively  interest,  and  I  cordially  thank  you  for  it.  If  my 
judgment  is  not  biased  by  the  flattering  expressions  and  senti- 
ments toward  me,  which  it  contains,  I  think  it  will  be  found  to 
be  extremely  well  adapted  to  the  popular  use  for  which  it  was 
intended. 

Accept,  my  dear  sir,  my  grateful  acknowledgments  for  your 
friendly  views  and  intentions  toward  me  ;  and  assurances  of  my 
esteem  and  regard. 


AMOS  P.  GRANGER  AND  OTHERS  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

SYRACUSE,  ONONDAOA  COUNTY,  NEW  YORK, 
September  10,  1842. 

DEAR  SIR, — It  having  recently  become  known  among  your 
friends  in  this  town,  that  one  of  our  citizens  had  received  a 
request  from  you,  to  purchase  and  forward  to  you  a  quantity  of 
Onondaga  salt  for  use  upon  your  farm  at  Ashland,  a  large  meet- 
ing was  immediately  assembled  at  which  it  was  resolved  to  ask 
your  acceptance  free  of  charge  of  a  small  invoice  containing 
specimens  of  the  various  kinds  of  salt  manufactured  from  our 
saline  waters. 

The  undersigned  were  appointed  a  Committee  to  advise  you 
of  the  shipment  and  to  express  to  you  in  behalf  of  the  meeting, 
the  high  estimation  in  which  your  character  and  public  services 
are  held. 

We  now  take  great  pleasure  in  advising  you  of  the  shipment 
of  twenty-three  barrels  to  the  care  of  January  &  Son,  Maysville, 
Kentucky,  with  instructions  to  deliver  to  you  free  of  charge. 
You  will  find  specimens  of  common  and  solar  salt,  ground  and 
refined  dairy  salt,  which  we  venture  to  say  will  prove  equal  to 
the  best  quality  of  the  imported  article. 

A  very  large  number  of  your  friends,  as  will  be  seen  by  the 
inclosed  list  of  names,  accompanying  the  invoice,  have  shared 
in  the  gratification  of  exhibiting  this  small,  but  sincere  manifest- 
ation of  the  grateful  sense  which  they  entertain  of  your  un- 
wavering devotion  to  the  great  interests  of  American  industry  in 
all  its  branches. 

Indeed,  sir,  those  whose  sentiments  we  are  instructed  to  com- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  469 

municate,  feel  that  your  public  services  have  laid  them  under  a 
mightier  debt  of  gratitude  than  they  can  express  by  this  imper- 
fect mark  of  their  respect  and  esteem. 

Connected  as  they  are  immediately  or  remotely  with  this  im- 
portant branch  of  domestic  industry,  they  know  that  their  own 
prosperity  and  happiness  vitally  depend  upon  the  maintenance 
of  the  principles  which  have  guided  your  public  life — they  grate- 
fully remember  that  in  the  councils  of  the  nation  you  have 
ever  been  the  consistent  friend  and  the  eloquent  advocate  of 
American  Labor.  While  others  have  sought  the  prostration  of 
this  and  other  great  interests,  now  grown  into  national  import- 
ance, you  have  always  been  found  in  opposition  to  the  attempt. 
Your  voice  has  ever  been  on  the  side  of  protection  to  the  indus- 
try of  your  own  country,  against  the  blighting  competition  of 
foreign  labor,  controlled  by  foreign  capital. 

The  Saline  waters  of  Onondaga  are  believed  to  be  inexhaust- 
ible, and  sufficient  capital  has  already  been  invested  in  the  man- 
ufacture of  salt  from  them  to  furnish  half  the  quantity  consumed 
in  the  United  States.  Under  a  system  of  just  protection  that 
capital  was  profitably  employed,  and  thousands  of  laborers  in  this 
and  other  dependent  branches  of  industry,  received  a  comforta- 
ble subsistence.  But  under  the  late  existing  laws  this  import- 
ant interest  has  just  reached  the  lowest  point  of  depression. 
Capital  is  without  its  return,  and  labor  without  its  reward. 

For  the  future,  we  hope  much  from  the  recent  legislation  of 
Congress  in  establishing  a  Tariff  of  duties  upon  foreign  pro- 
ducts, affording,  as  is  believed,  a  fair  measure  of  protection  to  do- 
mestic industry.  But  we  can  not  forget  that  the  war-cry  of 
repeal  has  already  been  sounded. 

At  such  a  crisis,  when  that  great  system,  of  which  the  honor 
of  being  the  founder,  belongs  to  you,  and  which  it  was  your 
glorious  ambition  to  establish  upon  a  sound  and  permanent  basis, 
had  been  suddenly  prostrated,  and  when  dangers  are  again  thick- 
ening around  it,  your  eminent  services  in  the  public  councils  in 
behalf  of  that  beneficent  system  can  not  but  be  justly  appreci- 
ated. The  eyes  of  the  nation  again  turn  to  you. 

In  conclusion,  sir,  we  beg  leave  to  express  the  hope  that  your 
life  may  be  long  spared  to  your  country. 

We  are  your  friends  and  obedient  servants. 


470  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


A.  M.  JANUARY  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

MAYSVILLE,  September  22,  1842. 

DEAR  SIR, — We  received  for  you  this  morning  from  Syracuse, 
New  York,  twenty-three  barrels  salt,  and  one  small  box,  eighteen 
barrels  of  which,  and  the  box,  we  have  forwarded  to-day  in 
Jno.  Nudegate's  wagon,  to  be  delivered  at  Ashland  free  of  any 
charge.  The  carriage  we  pay  here  on  return  of  the  wagoner 
with  a  receipt  of  the  delivery,  the  remaining  five  barrels  we  will 
forward  by  the  first  opportunity  in  same  way. 

Very  respectfully  your  friends,  etc. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  NICHOLAS  O.  BRITTON. 

ASHLAND,  September  23,  1842. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  letter,  and  candidly 
thank  you  for  the  sentiments  of  regard  and  friendship  toward 
me  which  it  communicates ;  and  I  am  extremely  happy  to  re- 
ceive from  you  such  strong  expressions  of  confidence  in  the 
Whig  character  of  your  State.  The  apathy  which  you  never- 
theless describe  as  the  cause  of  the  loss  of  your  Legislature  is 
greatly  to  be  deplored.  Besides  depriving  the  country  of  the 
services  of  an  able  and  upright  Senator,  it  inspires  our  adver- 
saries with  fresh  hopes,  and  will  stimulate  them  to  make  in- 
vigorated exertions.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  force  of  the 
truth,  that  the  price  of  liberty  is  eternal  vigilance,  is  not  more 
generally  felt. 

With  respect  to  my  becoming  a  candidate  for  the  high  oflice 
to  which  you  refer,  I  can  add  nothing  to  what  I  said  in  a  public 
speech  delivered  at  a  Barbecue  near  this  place,  in  June  last.  I 
have  no  wish  to  be  forced  upon  the  people  ;  no  desire  that  my 
name  shall  be  used,  unless  I  am  fully  persuaded  that  it  is  wanted 
by  a  majority  of  my  countrymen.  The  prevalence  of  the 
apathy  noticed  by  you  makes  it  difficult  to  comprehend  their 
real  wishes  ;  and  there  is  certainly  some  danger  that  the  road  to 
victory  may  be  lost  by  the  Whigs  from  the  defeats  which  they 
suffer.  There  is,  however,  ample  time  yet  to  form  some  satis- 
factory opinion  as  to  the  probable  views  of  the  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  If  we  have  our  troubles,  our  ad- 
versaries are  not  free  from  theirs. 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  471 

The  course  of  Mr.  Tyler  has  been  such  as  to  produce  disgust 
and  dissatisfaction.  But  if  he  has  been  faithless,  our  friends  in 
Congress  have  been  true  and  faithful.  Should  they  be  abandoned 
because  of  his  perfidy  ?  Why,  when  their  defeat  is  precisely  what 
he  desires  ?  For  there  can  be  no  longer  a  doubt  that  he  is  wield- 
ing all  the  power  and  influence  of  his  office  for  the  benefit  of 
those  who  opposed  his  election,  against  those  whose  exertions  and 
suffrages  secured  it. 

I  wish  I  could  see  any  near  prospect  of  the  restoration  of  a 
sound  currency.  If  Mr.  Tyler  adheres  to  the  opinions  on  which 
he  has  acted,  there  is  none.  As  to  his  Exchequer,  it  would  make 
such  a  fearful  addition  to  the  already  enormous  power  of  the 
Executive,  that  I  have  never  for  a  moment  thought  it  ought  to 
be  adopted. 

I  suppose  that  the  only  alternative  left  to  the  country  is  to 
hobble  on  as  well  as  it  can  with  the  State  Banks,  incompetent 
as  I  am  obliged  to  regard  them  to  supply  a  general  currency  of 
uniform  value. 

I  am  unable  to  say  when  I  shall  have  the  gratification  of  visit- 
ing your  State  (Virginia).  I  shall  seize  with  eagerness  the  first 
occasion  I  can  to  enjoy  it. 

With  great  regard  I  am  your  friend  and  obedient  servant. 


LORD  MORPETH  TO  HENRY  CLAY. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  October  16, 1842. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  CLAY, — I  propose  at  present  to  ascend  the  Missis- 
sippi by  the  "  Henry  Clay,"  which  will  probably  deposit  me  at 
Louisville  by  the  end  of  this  month.  I  am  not  aware  whether 
you  will  have  reached  your  own  shades  by  that  period,  or  wheth- 
er you  would  wish  the  retirement  to  which  you  have  consigned 
yourself  to  be  so  soon  broken  in  upon ;  but  if  it  suited  you  to 
give  me  shelter  for  a  day,  I  could  not  resist  the  temptation  of 
diverging  to  Lexington,  and  in  that  case  perhaps  you  will  be 
good  enough  to  address  a  line  to  me  at  Post-office,  Louisville. 

Whether  it  is  my  good  fortune  to  meet  you  again  or  not,  al- 
low me  to  send  you  every  good  wish.  Indeed,  if  I  may  say  so 
without  any  inconvenient  responsibility,  I  should  be  quite  ready 
already  to  tender  you  my  vote,  if  I  only  had  one,  for  the  next 
Presidential  election. 

Believe  me,  my  dear  sir,  very  faithfully  yours,  etc. 


472  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


AMBROSE  SPENCER  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

LYONS,  X.  Y.,  October  28,  1342. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  read  with  deep  mortification  a  letter 
addressed  by  my  son,  John  C.  Spencer,  to  certain  persons  in 
Rochester.  Among  the  first  ideas  suggested  by  this  letter,  was 
this :  Whether  you  would  not  naturally  infer  a  coincidence  on 
my  part  in  the  general  sentiments  of  the  letter  ?  I  feel  impelled 
by  self-respect,  and  the  sincere  regard  I  have  for  you  personally, 
as  well  by  my  admiration  of  your  brilliant  and  patriotic  career 
through  your  lifetime,  to  remove  from  your  mind  any  erroneous 
opinions  on  points  affecting  my  own  consistency  and  honor.  I 
then  assure  you  that  my  son  has  not  spoken  my  opinions,  in 
several,  and,  indeed,  in  the  main  points  of  his  letter.  I  have 
held  no  counsel  with  him,  nor  even  attempted  to  control  him, 
but  have  left  him  free  to  act  without  any  advice  of  mine.  I 
heartily  concur  with  my  Whig  brethren  throughout  the  nation, 
that  Mr.  Tyler  has  acted  most  perfidiously  toward  those  who 
have  elevated  him  to  power,  and  I  feel  for  him  that  contempt 
which  his  duplicity  and  perfidy  ought  to  inspire  in  honorable 
bosoms.  Although  I  can  not  think  my  son  would  knowingly 
mistate  facts,  yet  the  advice  he  imputes  to  Mr.  Tyler's  first  Cab- 
inet is  so  extraordinary  that  it  seems  to  me  improbable,  if  not 
impossible. 

When  I  last  saw  you  ifc  Washington,  it  was  my  wish  to  have 
a  full  conversation  with  you,  but  it  was  a  period  which  forbade 
that  gratification. 

I  have  now  disburdened  my  mind  from  what  would  have 
weighed  upon  it,  and  although  I  should  object  to  any  publicity 
being  given  to  this  letter  through  the  press,  I  have  no  objec- 
tion to  your  communicating  its  contents  to  discreet  friends. 

What  will  be  the  issue  of  our  election,  is  impossible,  in  this 
great  State,  to  be  foretold  with  any  certainty.  Every  thing  de- 
pends on  a  full  poll.  If  it  be  a  full  one,  I  think  we  shall  suc- 
ceed. I  do  not  believe  that  Webster's  speech,  or  Cushing's,  or 
the  letter,  will  have  any  materia"  effect. 


OF   HENRY   CLAY.  473 


MR.   CLAY  TO  JOHN  S.  LITTELL. 

ASHLAND,  November  11,  1842. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  28th  ultimo,  with 
the  small  volume  accompanying  it,  containing  your  Biographical 
Notice  of  me.  Amid  preparations  for  my  departure  for  Louis- 
iana, where  I  propose  passing  at  New  Orleans  a  portion  of  the 
ensuing  winter,  I  have  not  yet  given  it  the  deliberate  perusal  to 
which,  I  have  no  doubt,  its  merits  entitle  it,  although  I  have 
looked  a  little  into  it  with  much  satisfaction.  But  I  can  not  de- 
lay conveying  an  expression  of  my  grateful  thanks  for  the  inter- 
est which  you  take  in  me,  and  of  which  I  have  received  many 
strong  proofs.  I  appreciate  these,  the  higher,  because  I  am  quite 
sure  that  they  have  been  rendered  from  disinterested  and  patriotic 
motives.  I  pray  you  to  accept  my  cordial  acknowledgments  for 
them  all. 

I  am  now  in  the  hands  of  a  Philadelphia  artist,  Mr.  Neagle, 
who  has  advanced  so  far  in  his  portrait  of  me,  and  with  so  much 
success,  that  I  feel  authorized  to  say  that  I  think  he  will  make 
a  faithful  and  spirited  likeness  of  me. 

Do  me  the  favor  to  present  my  warm  regards  to  our  friend 
Mr.  Toland. 


kMR.  CLAY    TO    FRANCIS    BROOKE. 
ISTEW  ORLEANS,  December  30,  1842. 
Y  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  by  Mr.  Porter,  as  I  had 
received  your  previous  letter,  to  which  it  refers.     I  should  have 
before  written  to  you,  but  that  I  really  possessed  nothing  to 
communicate,  and  I  wish  now  only  to  assure  you  of  the  receipt 
of  your  favors,  and  of  my  constant  regard. 

My  voyage  has  been  distinguished  by  enthusiastic  demon- 
strations, wherever  I  have  been.  My  effort  has  been  rather  to 
repress  than  to  excite  them.  So  far  I  have  succeeded  in  avoid- 
ing my  tour  being  given  a  political  aspect.  I  expect  to  remain 
at  the  South  until  some  time  in  February,  I  feel  already  ben- 
efited by  the  climate,  although  my  health  was  not  bad  when  I 
left  home. 

Your  sources  of  political  information  are  so  much  better  than 
mine  that  I  can  add  nothing  to  the  stock  which  you  possess. 
Every  where  I  find  great  confidence  prevailing  among  the  Whigs 


474  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

of  their  success  in  1844.  All  the  elections  of  the  past  fall 
which  have  been  lost  by  them,  have  been  lost  not  by  the  in- 
creased strength  of  their  opponents,  but  by  voters  remaining  ab- 
sent from  feelings  of  mortification  and  disgust,  created  by  the 
acting  President.  Such  is  the  view  which  I  find  every  where 
taken.  The  problem  to  be  solved  is,  whether  the  Whigs  can 
be  rallied  in  1844.  I  hope  and  believe  they  will  be. 

I  have  seen  a  Mr.  Carter  and  his  lady  here,  near  relations  of 
Mrs.  Brooke,  and  promised  them  to  say  so.  They  were  well, 
and  I  believe  doing  well. 

Present  my  best  regards  to  Mrs.  Brooke  and  your  daughter. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    DANIEL   TILLMAN. 

ASHLAND,  April  13,  1843. 

MY  DEAR  SIR — I  received  your  favor,  transmitting  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Gamage,  which  satisfactorily  explains  his  motives  in 
accepting  a  foreign  appointment. 

I  saw  that  "you  had  been  pronouncing  a  discourse  upon  my 
poor  life  and  poor  services.  I  wish  that  you  had  had  a  better 
subject,  but  I  have  no  doubt  that  you  made  the  most  of  that 
which  you  selected.  I  presume  I  shall  see  the  discourse,  when 
published. 

I  lately  addressed  the  people  at  home,  and  declared  the  prin- 
ciples which,  in  my  opinion,  ought  to  regulate  the  administra- 
tion of  the  patronage  of  the  general  Government.  I  invite  your 
attention  to  them,  as  published. 


MR.    BODISCO   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

GEORGETOWN,  Juno  27,  1843. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  CLAY, — You  were  among  the  first  who  treated 
me  with  great  kindness  at  my  arrival  at  Washington.  Since 
that  time,  our  social  intercourse  has  been  a  source  of  great 
gratification  to  me,  and  I  would  not  pardon  myself,  if  I  were 
to  leave  this  country  without  expressing  to  you  all  my  friendly 
feelings.  Mrs.  Clay  must  not  be  so  jealous,  if  I  add  how  much 
Mrs.  Bodisco  is  fond  of  you,  and  how  well  we  agree  in  our  at- 
tachment to  you.  Our  departure  for  Europe  has  been  delayed  by 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  475 

the  nomination  of  a  first  secretary  coming  from  Persia,  and 
whom  I  am  to  present  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  as  Charge  d' Af- 
faires, during  my  temporary  absence.  I  expect  Count  Zabello 
by  the  next  steamer,  and  intend  to  start  immediately  after  his 
arrival,  leaving  here,  as  a  pledge  of  our  return,  two  fine  boys, 
and  two  nephews,  under  the  care  of  Mrs.  B.'s  parents.  We  hope 
that  all  will  turn  out  well,  and  in  accordance  with  our  wishes. 

The  diplomatic  corps  has  been  rather  amused  by  all  the  great 
discoveries  lately  made  about  Tariff  treaties,  and  by  the  attempt 
to  make  out  of  Mr.  Rumford  a  very  smart  man.  The  best 
treaty  he  ever  negotiated,  was  his  marriage  with  one  of  Astor's 
daughters.  Bremen  is  one  of  the  two  great  outlets  of  your  im- 
portant and  growing  trade  with  the  German  league.  To  dis- 
turb that  trade  for  the  sake  of  the  few  ships  she  employs,  would 
be  a  hazardous  experiment.  If  your  Government  could  succeed 
by  reciprocity  stipulations,  to  have  your  grain  and  provisions  ad- 
mitted in  England,  we  in  Europe  would  soon  enough  outbid  you 
in  cheapness,  and  furnish  all  that  would  be  required,  com  not 
excepted,  at  forty-eight  hours'  notice.  I  have  read  with  great 
attention,  Mr.  Clayton's  able  article  in  "  The  Philadelphia  In- 
quirer." It  put  me  in  mind  of  the  opinion  on  this  subject,  by 
one  of  the  great  men  of  my  country.  He  used  to  say  that  the 
best  commercial  treaty  is  not  worth  a  system  of  permanent  and 
moderate  protective  duties  at  home,  and  full  liberty  for  the 
trading  community  to  provide  herself  with  the  cheapest  markets. 

Flattering  myself  to  leave  here  some  good  friends,  and  having 
a  real  interest  in  the  prosperity  of  the  young  Giant,  I  '11  follow 
with  undiminished  solicitude,  the  coming  events,  with  the  hope 
that  the  contest  will  be  settled  according  to  our  wishes. 

Pray  remember  me  to  all  my  Kentucky  friends,  with  Critten- 
den  at  their  head,  and  be  persuaded  of  Mrs.  Bodisco's  and  my 
best  wishes,  for  you  and  Mrs.  Clay's  happiness. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  HENRY  T.  LLOYD. 

ASHLAND,  August  29,  1843. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  have  duly  received  your  friendly  letter,  and  the 
box  to  which  it  refers,  containing  half  a  dozen  bottles  of  Ameri- 
can Cologne  water,  all  in  good  order,  and  I  tender  you  my  warm 
thanks  for  the  acceptable  present,  and  the  friendly  sentiments 


476  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

toward  me,  which  induced  you  to  offer  it.  Mrs.  Clay,  who  is  a 
better  judge  of  its  quality  than  I  am,  pronounces  it  equal  to  the 
best  German  or  French  Cologne  Water,  and  my  opinion  coincides 
with  her's. 

It  was  long  ago  remarked  that  any  man  who  made  a  blade 
of  grass  grow,  where  one  did  not  before,  was  a  public  benefac- 
tor. That  citizen  is  an  equal  benefactor,  by  whose  skill  and 
industry  an  article  of  consumption  is  produced  at  home,  and  the 
necessity  of  sending  abroad  the  money  to  purchase  it,  is  avoided. 
To  ensure  the  prosperity  of  our  country,  and  to  escape  those  af- 
flicting revulsions,  which  are  so  ruinous,  we  must  learn  and 
practice  the  invaluable  truth,  to  sell  as  much,  and  buy  as  little 
as  possible,  abroad.  Every  prudent  planter  and  farmer  acts  on 
that  principle,  and  what  is  wise  in  individuals,  is  wise  in  nations. 
I  congratulate  you  on  the  perfection  to  which  you  have  brought 
the  manufacture  of  a  very  agreeable  article,  in  extensive  use, 
and  tender  you  cordial  wishes  for  your  success,  prosperity,  and 
happiness. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    CALVIN    COLTON. 

ASHLAND,  September  2,  1843. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Allow  me  to  suggest  a  subject  for  one  of  your 
Tracts  which,  treated  in  your  popular  and  condensed  way,  I  think 
would  be  attended  with  great  and  good  effect,  I  mean  Abolition. 

It  is  manifest  that  the  ultras  of  that  party  are  extremely  mis- 
chievous, and  are  hurrying  on  the  country  to  fearful  consequen- 
ces. They  are  not  to  be  conciliated  by  the  Whigs.  Engrossed 
with  a  single  idea,  they  care  for  nothing  else.  They  would  see 
the  administration  of  the  Government  precipitate  the  nation  into 
absolute  ruin  before  they  would  lend  a  helping  hand  to  arrest  its 
career.  They  treat  worse  and  denounce  most  those  who  treat 
them  best,  who  so  far  agree  with  them  as  to  admit  slavery  to  be 
an  evil.  Witness  their  conduct  toward  Mr.  Briggs  and  Mr. 
Adams,  in  Massachusetts,  and  toward  me. 

I  will  give  you  an  outline  of  the  manner  in  which  I  would 
handle  it.  Show  the  origin  of  slavery.  Trace  its  introduction 
to  the  British  Government.  Show  how  it  is  disposed  of  by  the 
Federal  Constitution.  That  it  is  left  exclusively  to  the  States, 
except  in  regard  to  fugitives,  direct  taxes  and  representation. 
Show  that  the  agitation  of  the  question  in  the  free  States,  will 


OF  HEXEY   CLAY.  477 

first  destroy  all  harmony,  and  finally  lead  to  disunion.  That 
the  consequences  of  disunion — perpetual  war — the  extinction  of 
the  African  race — ultimate  military  despotism. 

But  the  great  aim  and  object  of  your  Tract  should  be  to  arouse 
the  laboring  classes  in  the  free  States  against  Abolition.  Depict 
the  consequences  to  them  of  immediate  abolition.  The  slaves 
being  free,  would  be  dispersed  throughout  the  Union  ;  they 
would  enter  into  competition  with  the  free  laborer ;  with  the 
American,  the  Irish,  the  German ;  reduce  his  wages  ;  be  con- 
founded with  him,  and  affect  his  moral  and  social  standing. 
And  as  the  ultras  go  for  both  abolition  and  amalgamation,  show 
that  their  object  is  to  unite,  in  marriage,  the  laboring  white 
man,  and  the  laboring  black  man,  and  to  reduce  the  white  la- 
boring man  to  the  despised  and  degraded  condition  of  the  black 
man. 

I  would  show  their  opposition  to  colonization.  Show  its 
humane,  religious  and  patriotic  aim.  That  they  are  to  separate 
those  whom  God  has  separated.  Why  do  the  Abolitionists  op- 
pose colonization  ?  To  keep  and  amalgamate  together  the  two 
races,  in  violation  of  God's  will,  and  to  keep  the  blacks  here, 
that  they  may  interfere  with,  degrade,  and  debase  the  laboring 
whites.  Show  that  the  British  nation  is  co-operating  with  the 
Abolitionists,  for  the  purpose  of  dissolving  the  Union,  the 
World's  Convention,  etc. 

You  can  make  a  powerful  article  that  will  be  felt  in  every 
extremity  of  the  Union. 

I  am  perfectly  satisfied  it  will  do  great  good. 

Let  me  hear  from  you  on  this  subject. 


GENERAL  BERTRAND  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

A  LEXINGTON,  le  6  Octobre,  au  soir,  1843. 

MON  CHER  MONSIEUR, — Etant  venu  a  Lexington  dans  le  but 
special  de  vous  rendre  mes  devoirs,  j'accepte  avec  empressement 
rinvitation  que  vous  m'avez  fait  Phonneur  de  m'addresser  pour 
demain,  vous  priant  d'agreer  mes  remercimens  et  les  sentiment 
de  ma  haute  consideration. 


478  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


PETER  B.  PORTER  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  October  11, 1843. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received,  yesterday,  your  favor  of  the  3d 
instant,  and  find  it  to  be  precisely  what  I  knew  it  ought  to  be, 
and  was  sure  it  would  be. 

The  following  facts,  which  have  been  confidentially  commu- 
nicated to  me  by  his  confidential  friend,\may  be  relied  on,  viz  : 

That  Mr.  Webster,  on  leaving  here  two  days  ago,  assured  this 
friend,  that  he  should  return  to  Massachusetts  with  a  determina- 
tion to  re-unite  himself  to  the  Whig  party,  and  give  it  his  best 
support.  That,  although  there  were  some  things  in  your  course 
which  he  did  not  entirely  approve,  yet  that  he  had  a  high  respect 
for  you,  and  should  give  you  his  vote  and  support  for  the  Presi- 
dency. That,  some  few  weeks  since  (probably  when  on  his  way 
to  Rochester),  he  wrote  a  long  letter  to  President  Tyler,  expos- 
tulating with  him  in  the  freest  and  most  severe  terms,  upon  the 
wickedness  and  folly  of  his  late  official  course,  and  advising  him 

to  stop  at  once  his  wild  career,  or  he  would  d n  himself  and 

ruin  his  country  ;  asking  no  reply  to  his  letter,  but  requesting 
that  it  might  be  carefully  put  on  file,  as  a  subject  of  future  refer- 
ence and  reflection.  That,  in  his  recent  visit  to  Washington,  he 
dined  twice  with  the  President — once  alone  and  in  private  when 
their  whole  political  creed  was  canvassed  and  reviewed — and 
once  in  company  with  the  whole  Cabinet,  when  not  a  word  was 
said  on  politics — and  that  Webster  had  a  confidential  interview 
with  Mr.  Upshur,  Secretary  of  State,  in  which  their  political 
views  in  regard  both  to  the  present  and  the  future,  were  found 
on  comparison  to  be  perfectly  harmonious,  and  moreover,  that 
they  were  thoroughly  Whig.  *  *  * 

On  the  whole  our  political  prospects  are  uncommonly  bright 
and  promising.  The  cheering  and  unexpected  result  of  the 
elections  in  Maryland  and  Georgia,  seems  to  have  inspired  our 
friends  with  new  ardor  and  energy  j  and  we  anticipate  with  a 
confidence,  that  we  have  never  before  felt,  on  your  triumphant 
election  a  year  from  this  time. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  479 

PETER   B.    PORTER   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  October  13,  1843. 

DEAR  SIR, — As  it  seems  to  have  been  generally  known  among 
Mr.  Webster's  friends  here,  that  I  had,  at  the  pressing  solicitation 
of  one  of  them,  although  under  the  declared  conviction  that  it 
could  produce  no  useful  result,  written  to  you  on  the  subject  of 
a  reconciliation,  and  future  concert  of  action  with  the  Webster 
party,  they  were  extremely  anxious  to  know  what  would  be 
your  reply ;  and,  having  thus  committed  myself  by  writing  at 
all,  it  became  necessary  that  I  should  advise  them  of  your  answer, 
which  I  have  accordingly  done,  by  reading  to  two  or  three  of 
them,  as  also  to  Messrs.  Lawrence,  Webb,  and  one  or  two  other 
Whig  friends,  confidentially,  the  following  paragraphs  from  your 
letter,  as  comprising  the  whole  it  contained  on  that  subject : 

"  I  approve  in  the  main  of  the  answer  you  gave  to  Mr.  Web- 
ster's friend.  I  have  done  him  (Mr.  W.)  no  wrong,  and  have 
therefore  no  reconciliation  to  seek.  His  course  since  Mr.  Tyler's 
accession,  but  especially  since  the  extra  session,  has  deeply  sur- 
prised me.  I  told  him  the  last  day  of  that  session,  '  If  you  mean 
to  remain  in  Mr.  Tyler's  Cabinet,  to  finish  some  business  not  yet 
completed  (alluding  to  the  M'Leod  affair),  the  public  will  justify 
you  ;  but  if  you  mean  to  remain  there  permanently,  it  will  con- 
demn you.' 

"  I  defended  him  when  his  nomination  for  Secretary  of  State 
was  before  the  Senate,  and  was  very  nigh  getting  into  a  personal 
affair  with  Mr.  Cuthbert  about  it. 

"  Should  I  be  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  I  shall  be  glad 
to  receive  his  support,  or  that  of  any  other  American  citizen  ; 
but  I  can  enter  into  no  arrangements,  make  no  promises,  offer  no 
pledges  to  obtain  it.  It  is  impossible  that  I  can  be  a  party  to 
any  arrangement  by  which  Mr.  Webster,  or  any  body  else,  is  to 
be  run  as  the  candidate  for  Vice-President  with  me.  I  have 
declined  all  interference  in  behalf  of  Davis,  Sergeant,  or  Clayton, 
or  any  body  else,  and  must  continue  to  do  so.  My  duty  is  to 
remain  perfectly  passive  until  the  nomination  is  made,  and  after 
that,  to  give  to  the  nomination,  of  whoever  may  be  proposed,  such 
support  as  I  can  consistently  with  honor,  delicacy,  and  propriety." 

Our  friends  were  delighted  with  this  reply,  and  even  the 
Webster  men  were  obliged  to  acknowledge  that  it  was  perfectly 
correct  and  proper. 


480  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


JOHN    DAVIS    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

WORCESTER,  MASS.,  October  14,  1813. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  congratulate  you  upon  the  reviving  sense 
and  spirit  of  the  country.  How  deeply  must  Mr.  Calhoun  feel 
the  results  of  the  late  elections  in  Tennessee,  North  Carolina, 
and  Georgia  ?  How  much  astonished  must  he  be  to  see  the< 
doctrines  of  a  protective  Tariff  and  distribution  of  the  proceeds 
of  the  public  lands  prevail  against  his  theory  of  politics  and  his 
scheme  of  nullification  ? 

The  public  mind  has  evidently  been  gaining  strength  and 
courage  for  some  months,  and  the  fact  that  it  has  settled  down 
upon  its  candidate  for  the  Presidency  has  aided  in  this  desirable 
event.  There  seems  here,  in  the  real  Whig  party,  to  be  but  one 
sentiment  on  that  head,  and  it  looks  to  your  name  as  the  rallying 
word.  We  have  difficulties  and  embarrassments  to  contend  with. 
The  Abolitionists,  who  appear  to  be  disinclined  to  all  connection 
with  the  Whigs,  have  strength  enough,  which  they  take  from  us, 
to  put  us"  in  some  peril.  We  can,  however,  do  nothing  with 
them,  except  to  let  them  alone,  which  is  the  wisest  course.  You 
are,  however,  the  object  at  which  they  aim  most  of  their  shafts, 
and  whom  the  leading  members  of  the  party  are  most  desirous 
of  defeating.  We  take  pains  to  circulate  your  life  and  speeches, 
published  by  Greeley,  as  the  best  method  of  placing  your  char- 
acter fairly  before  the  public,  and  of  refuting  the  calumnies  to 
which  the  press  gives  birth.  Many  Abolitionists,  though  by  no 
means  all,  are  conscientious  men,  who  view  slavery  as  a  sin.  and 
reason  to  the  consequences  which  follow.  With  them  it  con- 
stitutes the  Alpha  and  Omega  of  politics  and  morals,  and  it  is  in 
vain  to  discuss  the  topic  with  such.  * 

Corruption  and  Tyler,  and  Tyler  and  corruption,  will  stick 
together  as  long  as  Catiline  and  treason.  The  name  of  Tyler 
will  stink  in  the  nostrils  of  the  people ;  for  the  history  of  our 
Government  affords  no  such  palpable  example  of  the  prostitution 
of  executive  patronage  to  the  wicked  purposes  of  bribery.  The 
Locos  of  this  State  are  equally  criminal,  and  it  will  be  hard  for 
them  to  wipe  off  the  stain. 

Colonel  Johnson  has  been  here,  and  called  to  see  me.  What 
he  hopes  for,  or  what  he  anticipates,  is  difficult  to  say,  though 
he  seems  in  good  spirits.  He  wears  his  red  jacket,  and  the  papers 
say,  and  the  people  think,  cares  nothing  about  dress. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  481 

Without  detaining  you  with  a  long,  unprofitable  letter,  I  can 
net  close  without  saying  that  the  Whigs  here  have  a  strong  feel- 
ing that  you  will  succeed  in  1844.  This  of  itself  will  do  much 
to  accomplish  so  desirable  a  result.  I  should  be  much  gratified  to 
hear  from  you.  I  send  without  paying  postage,  as  I  see  you  use 
your  frank. 


J.   Q.  ADAMS  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

QUIXCY,  MASSACHUSETTS,  October  17,  1843. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — T  have  received  your  very  kind  and  friendly 
invitation,  for  which  and  for  the  concurring  invitation  of  your 
lady  to  Mrs.  Adams  and  to  me,  in  her  name  and  my  own,  I  can 
not  tender  to  you  our  sense  of  obligation  in  words  adequate  to 
the  feelings  by  which  they  are  inspired.  Nothing  could  give 
us  mere  pleasure  than  to  accept  your  offered  hospitality  and  to 
visit  you  at  your  residence  at  Ashland. 

But  the  state  of  Mrs.  Adam's  health  will. not  admit  of  her  ac- 
companying me  on  this  expedition;  and  my  own  age  and  in- 
firmities have  admonished  me  that  the  engagement  which  I  have 
contracted,  is  at  least,  as  much  as  I  can  expect  to  perform  with 
impunity.  I  have  found  it  necessary,  therefore,  to  limit  the 
bounds  of  my  journey  within  the  State  of  Ohio,  and  to  restrain 
all  my  wishes  and  temptations  to  extend  my  journey  further. 
The  visit  to  Kentucky,  and  particularly  to  yourself,  will  remain 
as  a  hope  that  I  may  indulge  hereafter,  while  the  kindness  of 
your  invitation  will  remain  upon  my  memory  with  the  most  fer- 
vent good  wishes  for  your  health  and  happiness. 


MR.  CLAY   TO    CALVIN   COLTON. 

ASELAKD,  November  9,  1843. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Do  not  imagine  that  I  am  forgetful  of  you,  or 
insensible  to  your  exertions  for  the  public,  and  for  me.  I  have 
been  absent  from  home,  my  correspondence  is  excessively  op- 
pressive, and  not  until  this  afternoon  have  I  been  able  to  read 
your  life  of  me.*  In  the  main,  its  facts  arc  correct.  It  is  a 
good  outline,  well-adapted  to  its  purpose.  There  are  a  few  in- 

*  One  of  the  Junius  Tracts. 
31 


482  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE   OF  HENRY  CLAY. 

accuracies,  and  too  much  commendation  and  panegyric.  I  do 
not  know  that  it  is  worth  while  to  point  out  the  errors.  I  would 
do  it  if  I  could  write  on  the  margin. 

You  are  unjust  toward  the  Compromise  Act.  It  saved  our 
manufactures,  gave  them  stability,  and  they  did  well,  until  the 
disorders  in  the  currency,  and  consequent  revulsions,  affected 
them,  and  every  thing,  and  every  body  else.  Up  to  1840,  it 
worked  well,  and  afforded  a  sufficient  measure  of  protection. 
It  was  the  duty  of  a  Van  Buren  Congress  to  provide  for  the  pe- 
riod beyond  that,  but  it  would  not  perform  its  duty. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  JOHN  S.  LITTELL. 

ASHLAND,  November  13,  1843. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  favor  with  its  several 
inclosures,  and  thank  you  for  the  address,  etc.,  of  the  Clay  Club 
of  Germantown.  It  is  a  fair  and  very  able  exposition  of  Whig 
principles;  and  I  tender  you  cordial  congratulations  on  the  en- 
couraging prospect  of  their  establishment.  And  I  beg  you  to 
accept  my  cordial  thanks  for  the  songs,  which  appear  to  be  well . 
calculated  to  excite  and  stimulate  that  spirit,  which  is  all  that  is 
needed  to  insure  a  great  and  glorious  triumph.  To  the  princi- 
ples announced  in  the  declaration  and  resolutions,  every  Whig 
can  subscribe.  v 

I  congratulate  you  on  the  auspicious  prospects  of  our  good 
cause. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

CORRESPONDENCE    OF  1844,  '45,  '46   AND  '47. 

MR.    CLAY    TO    HIS    SON    JAMES. 

XEW  ORLEANS,  January  22,.  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  your  two  letters  of  the  4th  and 
9th  inst.j  but  I  have  received  none  from  Thomas.  Henry  will 
write  you  about  his  horse.  I  should  be  glad  if  you  could  make 
some  equitable  arrangement  with  Bradley,  to  take  the  Wood- 
pecker filly. 

I  send  you  inclosed  a  power  of  attorney  from  Henry,  to  sign 
one,  and  indorse  another  note  for  $5,000,  which  I  left  with  you 
to  be  discounted  at  the  Northern  Bank,  along  with  two  others 
that  I  also  left.  I  wish  you  to  attend  to  that  business  particu- 
larly ;  I  think  the  20th  February  is  the  time.  I  also  inclose  the 
first  number  of  a  draft,  for  the  sum  of  $ ,  to  pay  the  dis- 
count on  the  four  notes.  The  second  I  will  send  via  Washing- 
ton city. 

It  will  be  time,  on  my  return  home,  to  decide  on  your  propo- 
sal about  water  rotting  hemp.  In  the  mean  time,  I  expect  Mr. 
Florea  to  put  in  hemp  all  the  hemp  ground  I  have,  including 
the  new  ground  and  piece  at  Mansfield. 

Tell  Thomas  that  I  think  he  had  better  make  a  contract  with 

Mr. (I  forget  his  name),  of  Clarke,  for  his  crops  of  hemp 

offered  us,  at  the  market  price  between  the  time  of  delivery  and 
the  1st  of  September,  paying  interest  upon  every  ten  tons,  from 
time  to  time,  as  delivered.  I  think  the  probability  is  that  hemp 
will  fall  below  rather  than  rise  above  the  price  of  $4,  at  which 
you  state  it  now  to  be. 

My  health  has  been  generally  good,  but  I  am  suffering  just 
now  with  cold  and  its  effects.  I  shall  leave  here  about  the  20th 
of  next  month.  Any  letters  for  me  after  the  10th,  had  better 


4.84:  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

be  addressed  to  me  at  Augusta,  Georgia,  via  Washington,  until 
the  10th  March  ;  after  that  to  Charleston,  until  the  25th  March  ; 
after  that  to  Raleigh,  until  the  10th  April  ;  and  after  that  to 
Washington. 

Poor  Judge  Porter  is  dead,  and  I  regret  that  uncertainty  should 
exist  about  his  successor.  A  rumor  has  got  into  circulation,  I 
believe  without  foundation,  that  he  has  left  me  a  legacy. 

My  love  to  your  mamma,  Susan,  John,  and  Henry. 


MB.    CLAY    TO    HENRY    WHITE. 

MACO*,  March  17,  1844. 

MY -DEAR  SIR, — Lreceived,  at  this  place,  your  obliging  letter 
of  the  24th  ultimo,  and  the  one  inclosed  from  the  National  Clay 
Club,  to  which  I  now  transmit  herein  an  answer.  I  am  greatly 
mortified  that  an  answer  was  not  received  from  me  to  the  com- 
munication from  Mr.  Gibbons,  duriwg  last  autumn.  I  am  under 
a  strong  impression  that  I  did  transmit  a  reply  to  it.  I  hope 
he  and  the  Club  will  be  perfectly  assured  that  I  intended  neither 
any  disrespect  or  neglect. 

I  know,  my  dear  sir,  full  well,  the  disinterested  motives  which 
prompt  you  and  your  associates  in  the  great  contest  now  in  pro- 
gress. The  country  ought  to  be  grateful  for  your  services,  and 
it  is  with  unfeigned  pleasure  that  I  express  my  personal  grati- 
tude. Allow  me  to  suggest,  that  while  1  have  no  objection  that 
the  inclosed  letter  should  be  read  at  the  Club,  I  do  not  perceive 
any  necessity  for  its  publication. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  HENRY  WHITE  AND  OTHERS. 

MACON,  March  17,  1844. 

GENTLEMEN, — I  have  received,  at  this  place,  the  letter  which 
you  addressed  to  me  upon  the  24th  ultimo,  and  I  perused  it  at- 
tentively, with  some  feelings  of  concern  and  regret. 

I  received  the  letter  which  was  addressed  to  me  last  autumn 
by  the  National  Clay  Club,  and  I  have  a  strong  conviction,  al- 
though I  would  not  assert  positively,  that  I  replied  to  it,  prior  to 
my  departure  from  home.  I  know  it  was  my  intention  to  an- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  485 

swer  it,  and  to  answer  every  communication  which  I  received. 
If  I  did  not  do  so,  it  was  an  unintentional  omission.  1  must, 
nevertheless,  say,  that  I  have  need  of  all  the  indulgence  of  my 
friends  and  correspondents.  My  correspondence  is  very  exten- 
sive, and  is  becoming  more  and  more  so.  It  occupies,  when  I 
am  at  home,  my  time  constantly.  Many  of  the  Clubs  which 
have  done  me  the  honor  to  assume  my  name,  have  put  them- 
selves in  correspondence  with  me,  and  some  of  them  have  even 
complimented  me  by  making  me  an  honorary  member  of  their 
associations.  You  can  judge  from  this  how  numerous  the  let- 
ters must  be  that  I  have  to  transmit. 

I  hope  your  failure  to  receive  my  reply  to  your  letter,  last 
autumn,  was  unattended  with  any  disadvantage.  On  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Tariff,  of  which  your  communication  treated,  I  have 
so  frequently,  so  fully,  and  so  clearly  expressed  myself,  that  I 
am  sure  1  could  not  add  another  new  word  or  new  idea. 

I  assure  you  that  I  entertain  a  very  high  opinion  of  the  mo- 
tives, objects,  and  services  of  the  National  Clay  Club.  Many  of 
the  members  are  my  personal,  and  all  of  them  my  political  friends. 
It  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  regard  them  with  any  other 
feelings  than  those  of  gratitude.  It  is  quite  possible  that  I  may 
have  received  information  that  some  of  the  operations  of  the 
Club  were  not  as  useful  and  beneficial  as  could  be  wished,  al- 
though I  have  rfo  distinct  recollection  of  the  tenor  of  such  in- 
formation. If  I  ever  did  receive  any  such,  it  made  no  unfavora- 
ble impression,  and  created  no  prejudice  on  my  mind  against  the 
Club.  I  know,  in  the  zeal  and  ardor  of  friends,  that  they  some- 
times erroneously  estimate  the  value  and  importance  of  their 
respective  services,  and  I  am  always  ready  to  make  allowances 
accordingly.  But  I  deeply  regret  the  existence  of  the  jealousies 
and  misconceptions  among  those  between  whom  nothing  but 
harmony  and  cordial  co-operation  should  prevail.  And  if,  as  is 
to  be  inferred  from  your  letter,  there  are  any  differences  among 
my  Philadelphia  friends,  I  conjure  you  all  to  hasten  to  accom- 
modate them,  and  to  unite,  in  a  spirit  of  mutual  concession  and 
conciliation,  as  a  band  of  brothers  in  the  great  struggle  which 
is  before  us.  Most  happily,  concord,  harmony,  and  union,  char- 
acterize the  votaries  of  our  cause,  generally,  throughout  the 
Union,  and  I  should  be  greatly  disappointed  and  mortified  if 
Philadelphia  formed  an  exception. 

I  am  happy  to  inform  you  that  the  information  which  I  have 


486  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

received,  during  the  progress  of  my  journey,  is  of  the  most 
cheering  and  satisfactory  kind,  every  where.  Even  in  Alaba- 
ma, of  which  I  had  entertained  no  hopes  when  I  left  home,  our 
friends  will  make  a  great  effort,  and  they  confidently  anticipate 
a  victory. 


MR.   CLAY   TO    HIS    SON    JAMES. 

RALEIGH,  April  14, 1844. 

DEAR  JAMES, — I  arrived  here  on  the  12th,  very  much  fatigued, 
but  my  general  health  is  pretty  good. 

I  have  a  note  in  the  Branch  Bank  for  fifteen  hundred  dollars, 
due  about  the  1st  of  next  month.  Inclosed  I  send  you  a  check 
for  eighteen  hundred  dollars,  fifteen  hundred  of  which  I  wish 
applied  to  the  payment  of  that  note,  and  the  balance  to  the  pay- 
ment of  my  interest  due  to  the  University. 

I  expect  to  reach  Washington  toward  the  last  of  this  month, 
and  to  remain  there  until  the  4th  or  5th  of  May,  and  shall  be 
glad  to  hear  from  you  at  that  place. 

Tell  Thomas  that  there  is  a  fair  prospect  of  selling  the  bag- 
ging and  rope  at  Savannah  and  Charleston,  and  that  I  adhere  to 
the  opinion  that  it  is  best  to  send  them  there  after  I  get  home. 

Give  my  love  to  your  mamma,  and  tell  her  I  will  write  her 
before  I  leave  this  place.  Remember  me  also  to  Susan. 


J.   SLOANE    TO    MR.   CLAY. 

COLUMBUS,  May  9,  1844. 

DEAR  SIR, — Permit  me  to  congratulate  you  on  the  happy  ter- 
mination of  the  meeting  at  Baltimore,  as  well  as  the  wholesome 
condition  of  our  affairs  in  all  parts  of  the  Union.  I  have  for 
some  time  been  looking  for  our  opponents  to  fall  back  on  the 
slander  of  bargain  and  sale,  etc.  Foiled,  as  they  arc.  in  every 
thing  in  the  way  of  principles  and  measures,  it  was  natural  that 
they  should  place  their  reliance  on  that  which  required  nothing 
but  assertion. 

Stale  and  discredited  as  that  story  is,  I  had  rather  hoped  that 
our  friends  would  have  let  them  have  the  entire  field  to  them- 
selves, and  in  no  case  agree  to  assume  the  defensive.  But  the 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  487 

course  of  some  of  the  Whigs  in  Congress  has,  perhaps,  made  it 
necessary  to  meet  the  enemy  again  on  the  same  old  field. 

In  Ohio,  I  think  this  will  be  their  only  reliance,  but  I  can  see 
nothing  indicating  the  least  success  from  its  use. 

Were  I  referred  to,  by  some  one  else,  I  could  give  information 
in  the  case  perhaps  more  direct  than  any  other  person.  It  is 
this  :  About  the  time  mentioned  by  Buchanan,  or,  perhaps,  some 
earlier,  I  met  with  General  Houston  at  Mr.  Fletcher's  boarding- 
house,  and  was  accosted  by  him  on  the  subject  of  the  vote  of 
Ohio.  I  told  him  there  had  been  no  general  consultation  among 
the  members.  He  then  observed,  "  What  a  most  splendid 
Administration  it  would  make,  with  »'  Old  Hickory'  for  Pres- 
ident, and  Mr.  Clay  Secretary  of  State."  To  this  I  assented. 
He  then  went  on  to  address  himself  more  earnestly  to  me,  and 
said  :  "  I  -feel  a  strong  hope  you  will  all  vote  for  Hickory,  and 
in  that  event,  you  know  your  man  can  get  any  thing  he  may 
want."  To  all  this  I  replied,  in  substance,  that  the  vote  of  the 
Ohio  delegation,  when  given,  I  had  no  doubt  would  be  satisfac- 
tory to  the  citizens  of  the  State. 

This  conversation  was  in  my  full  recollection  at  the  time  I 
made  my  statement,  which  was  appended  to  your  address,  and 
an  allusion  of  a  general  nature  was  made  to  it.  Why  I  did  not 
specify  the  facts  as  they  took  place,  was,  my  knowledge  of  the 
relation  which  existed  between  Jackson  and  Houston,  and  the 
great  probability  that  the  latter  would  not  dare  to  do  other  than 
deny  the  whole.  This,  in  the  then  temper  of  the  public  mind, 
I  thought  might  do  more  harm  than  good.  What  I  may  ulti- 
mately do  in  that  behalf,  will  depend  on  after  developments. 


THEODORE  .  FRELINGHUYSEN  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  May  11,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  been  rather  impatiently  waiting  for 
my  lame  arm  to  write  a  few  lines  to  my  honored  friend,  that  I 
might  express  to  you  the  heartfelt  gratification  that  I  feel  at  the 
recent  association  of  my  humble  name  with  yours,  a  distinction 
as  honorable  as  it  has  been  to  me  surprising.  And  should  the 
results  of  the  fall  elections  confirm  the  nomination,  of  which 
there  now  seems  very  strong  indications,  it  will,  I'  assure  you, 


488  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

be  among  my  richest  political  privileges  to  contribute  any  mite 
of  influence  in  my  power  to  render  prosperous  and  lasting  in 
benefits  the  Administration  of  a  patriot,  whose  elevation  I  have 
long  desired.  Our  names  have  been  brought  together,  here,  by 
the  voice  of  our  fellow  men.  My  prayer  for  you  and  my  own 
soul  shall  lie  fervent,  that,  through  the  rich  grace  of  our  Saviour, 
they  may  be  found  written  in  the  Book  of  Life  of  the  Lamb  that 
was  slain  for  our  sins. 

My  good  wife,  who  has  never  ceased  to  cherish  the  hope  of 
your  eventual  elevation  to  the  Chief  Magistracy,  unites  with  me 
in  kindest  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay  and  yourself. 

P.  S. — My  hand  is  still  lame,  and  I  can  write  only  in  irregu- 
lar characters. 


J.    SLOANE    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

.     WOOSTEB,  June  20,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  of  the  14th  instant,  directed  to  me 
at  Columbus,  reached  me  at  this  place  yesterday.  Your  first  on 
,the  same  subject  was  also  duly  received  here.  On  the  first 
Monday  of  next  month  it  is  my  purpose  to  be  at  Cincinnati ;  and 
I  had  thought  of  delaying  my  statement  until  then,  but  since  the 
receipt  of  your  last,  I  have  determined  to  make  it  to-morrow.  I 
see  by  the  newspapers  from  various  parts  that  the  subject  is 
being  agitated ;  and,  in  Ohio,  the  Locofoco  candidate  for  Gover- 
nor is  hurling  it  from  the  stump.  Why  Governor  Letcher  should 
feel  any  delicacy  about  making  a  statement,  out  of  any  amity 
between  him  and  Buchanan,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  imagine.  Mr. 
Buchanan,  by  his  equivocation  and  want,  of  directness  in  his 
answer  to  Jackson's  appeal,  put  himself .  beyond  all  claim  upon 
the  forbearance  of  any  one.  The  manner  in  which  he  dragged 
Mr.  Markley  into  the  affair,  and  the  cautious  manner  in  which  he 
spoke  of  Jackson,  left  it  beyond  dispute  that  it  was  his  object 
that  hns  statement  should  not  be  so  understood  as  to  do  justice 
between  the  parties. 

When  my  statement  reaches  you,  and  you  have  that  of  Gov- 
ernor Letcher,  you  can  determine  how  you  will  dispose  of  them. 
I  always  intended  to  make  the  facts  known  to  you,  if  for  no 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  489 

other  purpose  than  that  it  might  go  into  the  history  of  the  case 
after  we  have  gone  hence. 

My  opinion  of  the  necessity  of  the  publication  I  will  transmit 
to  you  from  Cincinnati. 

MR.  SLOANE'S   STATEMENT. 

WOOSTER,  June  20,  1 844. 

In  December,  1824,  about  the  time  that  the  choice  of  President 
by  the  House  of  Representatives  was  beginning  to  attract  atten- 
tion at  Washington,  I  happened  in  company  with  General  Hous- 
ton, then  a  member  of  Congress  from  Tennessee,  when  the 
subject  of  that  election  was  introduced  by  him.  Although  the 
subject  of  the  Presidential  election,  from  the  time  of  the  com- 
mencement of  the  canvass  before  the  people,  had  been  fully  dis- 
cussed between  us,  this  was  the  first  time,  after  the  people  had 
failed  to  elect,  that  we  had  conversed  in  relation  to  it.  General 
Houston  commenced  by  suggesting  that  he  supposed  the  Ohio 
delegation  were  all  going  to  vote  for  General  Jackson.  To  this 
I  answered  that  I  could  not  undertake  to  speak  for  them  ;  for,  so 
far  as  I  knew,  no  meeting  or  consultation  had  taken  place  among 
them.  Tlfe  manner  of  General  Houston  was  anxious,  and 
evinced  much  solicitude  ;  and  at  this  point  of  the  conversation 
he  exclaimed,  "  What  a  splendid  Administration  it  would  make, 
with  Old  Hickory  President,  and  Mr.  Clay  Secretary  of  State?' 
Having  often  before  expressed  to  General  Houston  my  opinion 
'of  the  several  candidates,  I  did  not,  at  that  time,  think  proper  to 
repeat  it :  contenting  myself  with  an  implied  acquiescence  in  the 
correctness  of  his  declaration. 

The  conversation  was  continued  for  a  considerable  time,  and 
for  the  most  part  had  relation  to  Western  interests  as  connected 
with  the  Presidency,  and  was  concluded  by  General  Houston 
observing,  "  Well,  I  hope  you  from  Ohio  will  aid  us  in  electing 
General  Jackson,  and  then  your  man  (meaning  Mr.  Clay)  can 
have  any  thing  he  pleases." 

These  expressions  of  General  Houston  made  a  strong  impres- 
sion on  my  mind  at  the  time,  and  from  the  relations  known  to 
subsist  between  him  and  General  Jackson,  I  had  not  then,  nor 
at  any  time  since,  a  doubt  but  that  they  embodied  the  feelings 
of  that  personage  ;  and  that  it  was  the  object  of  both  that  Mr. 
Clay  and  his  friends  should  so  understand  it.  And  I  have  ever 
I  thought  that  the  slanderous  charge  of  "  bargain,  corruption,  and 


490  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

intrigue,"  subsequently  preferred  by  General  Jackson  against  Mr. 
Clay  and  his  friends,  had  its  origin  in  the  utter  neglect  with 
which  every  advance  made  to  them  by  the  friends  of  General 
Jackson  was  treated. 

In  a  letter  written  by  me,  dated  at  Wooster,  May  9th,  1827, 
and  appended  to  Mr.  Clay's  address  to  the  public  of  that  year, 
I  referred  to  "  the  importunity  of  some  of  General  Jackson's 
friends,"  as  indicative  of  a  disposition  to  enter  into  a  bargain. 
In  that  remark  I  had  in  my  mind,  among  other  things,  those 
observations  of  General  Houston.  Should  it  now  be  asked  why 
I  did  not  then  divulge  the  whole,  my  answer  is,  that  although  I 
held  myself  at  all  times  ready  to  do  so,  if  called  upon,  I  did  not 
then  consider  it  necessary.  The  only  question,  then,  before  the 
public,  was  the  charge  that  Mr.  Clay's  friends  had  made  proposi- 
tions to  Jackson  for  a  bargain.  It  was  to  repel  that  charge  that 
my  letter  above-mentioned  was  written  ;  and  I  chose  to  confine 
my  statements  to  the  nature  of  the  issue.  In  attempting  to  sus- 
tain that  issue,  General  Jackson  most  signally  failed,  being  flatly 
contradicted  by  his  only  witness. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  STEPHEN  H.  MILLER. 

ASHLAND,  July  1,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  and  thank  you  for  your  friendly 
letter,  and  the  copy  of  "  The  Monitor."  You  have  justly  con- 
ceived my  meaning,  when  I  referred,  in  my  Texas  letter,  to  a 
considerable  and  respectable  portion  of  the  Confederacy.  And 
you  might  have  strengthened  your  construction  of  the  paragraph 
by  reference  to  the  fact  that,  at  the  date  of  my  letter,  the  States 
of  Ohio,  Vermont  and  Massachusetts  had,  almost  unanimously, 
declared  against  annexation  ;  the  Legislature  of  Georgia  had  de- 
clined to  recommend  it,  and  other  States  were  believed  to  be  ad- 
verse to  the  measure.  As  to  the  idea  of  my  courting  the  Abo- 
litionists it  is  perfectly  absurd.  No  man  in  the  United  States  has 
been  half  so  much  abused  by  them  as  I  have  been. 

I  consider  the  Union  a  great  political  partnership ;  and  that 
new  members  ought  not  to  be  admitted  into  the  concern  at  the 
imminent  hazard  of  its  dissolution.  Personally  I  could  have  no 
objection  to  the  annexation  of  Texas  j  but  I  certainly  would  be 
unwilling  to  see  the  existing  Union  dissolved  or  seriously  jeop- 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  491 

aided  for  the  sake  of  acquiring  Texas.  If  any  one  desires  to 
know  the  leading  and  paramount  object  of  my  public  life,  the 
preservation  of  this  Union  will  furnish  him  the  key. 

From  developments  now  being  made  in  South  Carolina,  it  is 
perfectly  manifest  that  a  party  exists  in  that  State  seeking  a  dis- 
solution of  the  Union,  and  for  that  purpose  employing  the  pre- 
text of  the  rejection  of  Mr.  Tyler's  abominable  treaty.  South 
Carolina  being  surrounded  by  slave  States,  would,  in  the  event 
of  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  suffer  only  comparative  evils,  but 
it  is  otherwise  with  Kentucky  ;  she  has  the  boundary  of  the 
Ohio  extending  four  hundred  miles  on  three  free  States.  What 
would  her  condition  be  in  the  event  of  the  greatest  calamity  that 
could  befall  this  nation  ? 

In  Kentucky  the  Texas  question  will  do  the  Whig  cause  no 
prejudice.  I  am  glad  to  perceive,  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Clay 
Club  at  Tuscaloosa,  a  similar  belief  expressed  as  to  Alabama. 
It  was  a  bubble  blown  up  by  Mr.  Tyler  in  the  most  exception- 
able manner,  for  sinister  purposes,  and  its  bursting  has  injured 
no  body  but  Mr.  Van  Buren. 

Retaining  an  agreeable  recollection  of  the  pleasure  which  I 
derived  from  forming  your  acquaintance  last  Spring,  I  remain 
your  friend  and  obedient  servant. 


B.    P.    LETCHER   TO    MB.  CLAY. 

FBANKFOKT,  July  6,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  send  you,  inclosed,  a  short  love-letter,  which 
I  received  a  day  or  two  ago  from  my  old  friend  Buck.  He^ 
writes  like  a  man,  as  you  will  see,  who  feels  the  force  of  his  sub- 
ject. You  can  retain  it  until  I  see  you. 

The  more  I  have  thought  about  your  making  a  publication  in 
regard  to  that  miserable  old  calumny,  the  less  inclined  I  am  to 
think  favorably  of  it.  Every  thing  appears  to  be  progressing  so 
smoothly  for  the  Whig  cause,  "  better  let  it  be." 


MR.  BUCHANAN  TO  R.  P.   LETCHER. 

LAXCASTEB,  June  27,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  this  moment  received  your  very  kind 
letter  and  hasten  to  give  it  an  answer.     I  can  not  perceive  what 


492  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

good  purpose  it  would  subserve  Mr.  Clay  to  publish  the  private 
and  unreserved  conversation  to  which  you  refer.  I  was -then 
his  ardent  friend  and  admirer;  and  much  of  this  ancient  feeling 
still  survives,  notwithstanding  our  political  differences  since.  I 
did  him  ample  justice,  but  no  more  than  justice,  both  in  my 
speech  on  Chilton's  resolutions  and  in  my  letter  in  answer  to  Gen- 
eral Jackson. 

I  have  not  myself  any  very  distinct  recollection  of  what  trans- 
pired in  your  room  nearly  twenty  years  ago ;  but  doubtless  I 
expressed  a  strong  wish  to  himself,  as  I  had  done  a  hundred 
times  to  others,  that  he  might  vote  for  General  Jackson ;  and  if 
he  desired  it,  become  his  Secretary  of  State.  Had  he  voted  for 
the  General,  in  case  of  his  election,  I  should  most  certainly  have 
exercised  any  influence  I  might  have  possessed  to  accomplish 
this  result ;  and  this  I  should  have  done  from  the  most  disinter- 
ested, friendly  and  patriotic  motives. 

This  conversation  of  mine,  whatever  it  may  have  been,  can 
never  be  brought  home  to  General  Jackson.  I  never  had  but 
one  conversation  with  him  on  the  subject  of  the  then  pending 
election,  and  that  upon  the  street,  and  the  whole  of  it,  ver- 
batim ct  literatim^  when  comparatively  fresh  upon  my  mem- 
ory, was  given  to  the  public  in  my  letter  of  August,  1827.  The' 
publication,  then,  of  this  private  conversation  could  serve  no 
other  purpose  than  to  embarrass  me  and /force  me  prominently 
into  the  pending  contest — which  I  desire  to  avoid. 

You  are  certainly  correct  in  your  recollection.  "You  told  me 
explicitly  that  you  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  give  the  conversa- 
tion alluded  to,  and  would  not  do  so,  under  any  circumstances 
without  my  express  permission."  In  this  you  acted,  as  you  have 
ever  done,  like  a  man  of  honor  and  principle. 


J.  C.  WRIGHT  TO    MR.   CLAY. 

CINCINNATI,' September  5,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — On  the  other 'leaf  you  will  find  the  statement 
of  my  conversation  with  Louis  M'Lane,  which  I  promised  you. 
My  apology  for  not  preparing  it  sooner  is  that  my  engagements 
scarcely  leave  me  a  moment  of  leisure. 

I  have  your  letter  on  the  subject  of  the  Blue  Lick  lie,  and  you 
will  have  seen  in  "The  Gazette"  the  use  made  of  it.  I  should 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  493 

certainly  with  you  have  felt  no  little  mortification,  had  I  thought 
it  necessary  to  call  upon  you  to  refute  so  improbable  a  calumny. 
But  the  charge  was  reiterated  upon  the  face  of  my  denial,  and 
the  proof  in  writing  said  to  exist  under  these  circumstances, 
I  thought  it  proper  that  you  see  the  charge  and  have  an  opportu- 
nity to  say  if  any  circumstance  had  taken  place  out  of  which  to 
fabricate  the  story.  I  know  well,  sir,  that  even  the  father  of 
lies  himself  could  hardly  keep  pace  with  the  supporters  of  Polk, 
in  inventing  and  giving  circulation  to  lies,  and  I  do  not  often 
heed  them. 

Upon  the"  whole  our  prospects  are  as  favorable  as  when  I  had 
the  pleasure  of  meeting  you.  Our  opponents  are  very  active 
and  unscrupulous  in  the  use  of  the  means  they  employ.  The 
small  majority  in  Kentucky  has  been  rung  in  all  its  changes 
and  has  passed  away.  Your  late  letter  on  the  Texas  question 
has  given  the  rascals  a  new  impulse.  Liberty-men,  Locofocos, 
and  timid  Whigs,  use  the  letter  as  a  bug-a-boo  te  the  anti-annex- 
ation. We  defend  it,  as  in  accordance  with  what  you  before  said, 
and  I  think  it  will  leave  little  injurious  impression  upon  the  minds 
of  our  friends.  But  the  public  mind  is  excited — men  are  con- 
federated together  in  appeals  to  the  very  worst  passions  of  our 
ndture,  and  the  public  mind  is  feverish,  and  unstable.  This 
will  not  be  more  than  a  nine  day's  topic  of  vituperation.  With 
the  old  issues  we  are  safe,  depend  upon  it.  All  we  want  is  to 
bring  the  voters  out. 


J.    C.    WRIGHT    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

CINCINNATI,  September  5,  1844. 

)EAR  SIR, — According  to  my  promise,  I  give  below  a  state- 
ment of  the  conversation  between  Mr.  Louis  McLane  and  my- 
self, relative  to  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams  by  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives in  1825.  We  were  both  members  of  the  House, 
and  of  the  committee  to  report  rules  for  the  government  of  the 
House  in  conducting  the  election.  He  was  known  to  be  in  favor 
of  Mr.  Crawford,  and  I  was  in  favor  of  Mr.  Adarns.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  election,  he  and  I  walked  together  from  the  Commit- 
tee room  to  the  House,  and  were  conversing  about  the  prospects 
of  the  candidates.  At  the  door  we  stopped,  and  he  asked  if  we 
could  elect  Mr.  Adams  ?  I  answered  that  we  could  elect  him,  as 


494  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

I  thought,  on  the  first  ballot.  I  trust  in  God  you  will  succeed, 
said  he,  and  on  the  first  ballot,  and  save  the  country  from  the 
curse  of  Jacksonism.  You  know  I  must  vote  for  Crawford  on 
the  first  ballot,  as  my  State  voted  for  him,  but  we  all  know  he 
can  not  be  elected,  and  I  sincerely  hope  you  will  elect  Mr. 
Adams.  We  separated,  and  took  our  seats.  In  a  short  time  the 
vote  was  taken,  and  Mr.  Adams  got  the  votes  of  thirteen  States, 
and  was  declared  duly  elected. 

This  is  the  substance  of  the  conversation,  if  not  the  very 
words.  Mr.  McLane  spoke  openly,  with  energy,  and  I  thought, 
sincerely. 


MR.   CLAY  TO   HENRY    WHITE. 

ASHLAND,  September  19,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  Sm, — Many  thanks  for  your  obliging  letter  of  the 
llth  inst.,  and  for  its  interesting  contents.  It  demonstrates  very 
great  and  patriotic  activity  on  the  part  of  the  Commercial  Com- 
mittee, and  I  hope  that  the  success  of  its  labors  may  correspond 
with  its  good  intentions.  We  feel  the  greatest  anxiety  about  the 
issue  of  your  Governor's  election,  and  our  intelligence  concern- 
ing it  is  somewhat  conflicting. 

You  are  aware  that  there  is  a  Whig  Committee  at  Washing- 
ton, consisting  of  the  Hon.  Messrs.  Garrett  Davis  and  Willis 
Green,  the  object  of  which  is  to  distribute  documents,  of  which 
a  great  many  have  been  sent  to  Pennsylvania.  I  understand  the 
funds  of  the  Committee  are  getting  low,  and  if  you  should  have 
any  surplus  in  your  exchequer,  they  will  be  very  glad  to  receive 
some  assistance. 

I  should  be  very  happy  should  it  be  in  my  power  to  serve 
your  house  with  the  sugar  planters  of  Louisiana,  and  I  authorize 
you  at  any  time  to  refer  them  to  my  name. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    CALVIN    COLTON. 

ASHLAND,  October  26,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  favor  of  the  18th  instant, 
communicating  your  desire  to  prepare  and  compose  a  work,  to 
be  entitled,  "  The  Life  and  Times  of  Henry  Clay,"  and  you  in- 
vite an  expression  of  my  opinion  of  such  an  undertaking,  and 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  495 

the  contribution  of  any  materials  toward  it  in  my  possession. 
Such  a  work,  truly  and  faithfully  written,  might  be  made  very 
interesting.  But  every  thing  will  depend  upon  its  execution.  I 
believe  you  possess  sufficient  ability  to  perform  the  task,  if  you 
have  sufficient  time  and  sufficient  materials.  However,  this  is 
a -moment  of  too  great  interest  and  excitement  either  to  decide 
definitely  upon  the  propriety  of  such  a  work,  or  for  me  to  make 
now  any  contributions  toward  its  composition.  I  hope  we  shall 
both  live  some  years  yet,  and  have  many  opportunities  of  see- 
ing and  conferring  with 'each  other  upon  the  subject,  after 
which  we  can  come  to  a  satisfactory  conclusion. 

A  few  weeks  more  will  decide  the  arduous  contest  in  which 
we  have  been  engaged,  and  if  I  am  to  credit  the  confident  as- 
surances which  I  receive  from  all  quarters,  there  is  no  doubt  of 
a  triumphant  result. 

My  health  is  excellent,  although  I  write  by  the  hand  of  an 
amanuensis. 


THEODORE    FRELINGHUYSEN    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

NEW  YOEK,  November  9,  1844. 

[Y  DEAR  SIR, — I  address  you  this  morning  with  very  differ- 
'  ent  feelings  from  my  expectations  a  few  weeks  ago.  The  alli- 
ance of  the  foreign  vote,  and  that  most  impracticable  of  all 
organizations,  the  Abolitionists,  have  defeated  the  strongest  na- 
tional vote  ever  given  to  a  Presidential  candidate.  The  Whigs 
in  this  city  and  State  have  struggled  most  nobly.  All  classes 
of  American  citizens  have  ardently,  cordially,  and  with -the  freest 
sacrifices,  contended  for  your  just  claims  to  patriotic  confidence, 
and  could  you  this  morning  behold  the  depression  of  spirits 
and  sinking  of  hearts  that  pervade  the  community,  I  am  sure 
that  you  would  feel,  "  Well,  in  very  truth,  my  defeat  has  been 
the  occasion  of  a  more  precious  tribute  and  vindication  than  even 
the  majority  of  numbers." 

The  Abolitionists  were  inimicably  obstinate,  and  seemed  re- 
solved to  distinguish  their  importance,  right  or  wrong.  The 
combination  of  adverse  circumstances  has  often  struck  me  in  the 
progress  of  the  canvass.  At  the  South,  1  was  denounced  as  an 
Abolitionist,  rank  and  ^uncompromising.  Here,  the  Abolitionists 
have  been  rancorous  in  their  hostility.  A  short  time  since, 


496  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

William  Jay  (of  illustrious  name)  assailed  me  in  his  Anti-Sla- 
very prints,  by  a  harsh,  unchristian,  and  intolerant  article,  in  the 
form  of  a  letter  addressed  to  me,  but  sent  to  the  winds.  Its 
object  was,  no  doubt,  to  drive  the  party  together,  and  it  had,  1 
suppose,  some  influence  that  way,  although  it  was  too  bitter  and 
irrational  to  accomplish  much.  And  then  the  foreign  vote  was 
tremendous.  More  than  three  thousand,  it  is  confidently  said, 
have  been  naturalized  in  this  city,  alone,  since  the  first  of  Oc- 
tober. It  is  an  alarming  fact,  that  this  foreign  vote  has  deci- 
ded the  great  questions  of  American  policy,  and  counteracted  a 
nation's  gratitude. 

But,  my  dear  sir,  leaving  this  painful  subject,  let  us  look 
away  to  brighter  and  better  prospects,  and  surer  hopes,  in  the 
promises  and  consolations  of  the  Gospel  of  our  Saviour.  As  sin- 
ners who  have  rebelled  against  our  Maker,  we  need  a  Saviour 
or  we  must  perish,  and  this  Redeemer  has  been  provided 
for  us.  Prophecy  declared  him  from  the  earliest  period  of 
our  fall,  in  Paradise,  and  the  Gospel  makes  known  the  faith- 
ful fulfillment.  "  Come  unto  me,"  cries  this  exalted  Saviour, 
"come  unto  me,  all  ye  that  are  weary  and  heavy  laden, 
and  I  will  give  you  rest."  Let  us,  then,  repair  to  Him.  He 
will  never  fail  us  in  the  hour  of  peril  and  trial.  Vain  is  the 
help  of  man,  and  frail  and  fatal  all  trust  in  the  arm  of  flesh  ;  but 
he  that  trusteth  in  the  Lord  shall  be  as  Mount  Zion  itself,  that 
can  never  be  removed.  I  pray,  my  honored  friend,  that  your 
heart  may  seek  this  blessed  refuge,  stable  as  the  everlasting 
hills,  and  let  this  be  the  occasion  to  prompt  an  earnest,  prayer- 
ful, and  the  Lord  grant  it  may  be  a  joyful,  search  after  truth  as 
it  is  in  Jesus  Christ. 

With  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs.  Clay,  in  which  my  good 
wife,  sorely  tried,  heartily  unites,  I  remain  with  sincere  esteem 
and  best  wishes,  your  friend.* 

*  It  is  thought  proper  to  introduce  a  few  of  the  very  large  file  of  letters  to  Mr 
Clay  on  the  disappointment  at  his  defeat  as  candidate  for  the  Presidency  in  1844, 
of  which  the  above  from  Mr.  Frelinghuysen,  the  candidate  for  the  Yicc-Fresi 
dency,  on  the  ticket  with  Mr.  Clay,  is  one. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  497 

THOMAS    H.    BAIBD    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PITTSBURG,  November  30,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  result  of  the  late  elections,  although  dis- 
astrous to  the  country,  yet,  when  properly  examined,  furnishes  a 
proud  vindication  of  your  principles  and  fame.  No  man  ever 
before  received  so  glorious  a  testimonial.  I  believe,  in  fact,  you 
had  a  majority  of  the  legal  votes  throughout  the  Union.  One 
thing,  however,  is  certain.  You  had  nine  tenths  of  the  virtue, 
intelligence,  and  respectability  of  the  nation  on  your  side.  We 
failed  in  obtaining  your  election  through  the  fraud  and  false- 
hood of  our  opponents,  who  will  soon  feel  the  effects  of  their 
folly  and  crime.  The  defeat  is  nothing  to  you ;  it  is  the  people 
who  are  to  be  the  sufferers,  until  delusion  is  dispelled,  and  they 
rise  in  their  strength  to  cast  off  the  oppressors. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  the  principles  which  you  have  so  long 
and  so  ably  struggled  to  maintain,  will  at  last  be  triumphant. 
They  are  identified  with  your  person  and  character,  and  must 
be  vindicated. 


MILLARD   TILLMORE   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

BUFFALO,  November  11,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  thought  for  three  or  four  days  that  I 
would  write  you,  but  really  I  am  unmanned.  I  have  no  courage 
or  resolution.  All  is  gone.  The  last  hope,  which  hung  first 
upon  the  city  of  New  York  and  then  upon  Virginia,  is  finally 
dissipated,  and  I  see  nothing  but  despair  depicted  on  every  coun- 
tenance. 

For  myself  I  have  no  regrets.  I  was  nominated  much  against 
my  will,  and  though  not  insensible  to  the  pride  of  success,  yet  I 
feel  a  kind  of  relief  at  being  defeated.  But  not  so  for  you  or 
for  the  nation.  Every  consideration  of  justice,  every  feeling  of 
gratitude  conspired  in  the  minds  of  honest  men  to  insure  your 
election  ;  and  though  always  doubtful  of  my  own  success  T  could 
never  doubt  yours,  till  the  painful  conviction  was  forced  upon 
me. 

The  Abolitionists  and  foreign  Catholics  have  defeated  us  in 
this  State.  I  will  not  trust  myself  to  speak  of  the  vile  hypoc- 
32 


4:98  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

risy  of  the  leading  Abolitionists  now.  Doubtless  many  acted 
honestly  but  ignorantly  in  what  they  did.  But  it  is  clear  that 
Birney  and  his  associates  sold  themselves  to  Locofocoism,  and 
they  will  doubtless  receive  their  reward. 

Our  opponents,  by  pointing  to  the  Native  Americans  and  to 
Mr.  Frelinghuysen,  drove  the  foreign  Catholics  from  us  and  de- 
feated us  in  this  State. 

But  it  is  vain  to  look  at  the  causes  by  which  this  infamous  result 
has  been  produced.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  all  is  gone,  and  I 
must  confess  that  nothing  has  happened  to  shake  my  confidence  in 
our  ability  to  sustain  a  free  Government  so  much  as  this.  If  with 
such  issues  and  such  candidates  as  the  national  contest  presented, 
.we  can  be  beaten,  what  may  we  not  expect  ?  A  cloud  of  gloom 
hangs  over  the  future.  May  God  save  the  country ;  for  it  is  evi- 
dent the  people  will  not. 


J.    J.    CRITTENDEN   TO    MB.    CLAY. 

FRANKFORT,  November  13,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  intelligence  brought  to  us  this  morning 
has  terminated  all  our  hopes,  our  suspense,  and  our  anxieties,  in 
respect  to  the  Presidential  election.  We  now  know  the  worst. 
Polk  is  elected,  and  your  friends  have  sustained  the  heaviest 
blow  that  could  have  befallen  them.  You  will  feel,  I  trust,  no 
other  concern  about  it  than  that  which  naturally  arises  from  your 
sympathy  with  those  friends.  You  are,  perhaps,  the  only  man 
in  the  nation  that  can  lose  nothing  by  the  result.  Success  could 
have  added  nothing  to  your  name,  and  nothing,  I  believe,  to 
your  happiness.  You  occupy  now,  but  too  truly,  the  position 
described  as  presenting  the  noblest  of  human  spectacles — 

"  A  great  man  struggling  with  the  storms  of  fate, 
And  nobly  falling  -with  a  falling  state." 


C.    L.    L.    LEARY   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

BALTIMORE,  November  14,  1844. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  inexpressible  agony  which  the  result  of  the 
recent  contest  has  caused  me,  has  left  me  no  other  source  of 
relief  than  the  one  which  I  have  here  chosen.  1  beg  you,  sir, 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  499 

to  accept  this  as  a  sufficient  apology  for  this  intrusion.  I  am  too 
well  acquainted  with  your  character  to  suppose  that  this  result 
will  affect  you  as  it  has  affected  your  friends.  That  consciousness 
of  purity  of  motive  and  of  unbending  rectitude,  which  has  sus- 
tained you  on  former  occasions,  when  the  honor  and  prosperity 
of  your  country  were  the  objects  which  alone  you  aimed  at,  and 
when  your  designs  were  purposely  misconstrued  by  the  envy 
and  vindictive  malice  of  your  enemies,  will  still  support  you  in 
this  trying  crisis  ;  and  in  the  patriotic  efforts  and  ardent  personal 
devotion  of  your  friends,  you  will,  I  feel  assured,  realize  enjoy- 
ments which  all  the  honors  of  public  station  would  fail  to  bestow. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  impelling  considerations  in  the 
breasts  of  others,  I^am  free  to  confess  that  "Justice  to  Henry 
Clay,"  rather  than  the  behests  of  public  duty,  was  the  ruling 
motive  which  prompted  me  to  the  humble  part  I  acted  in  the 
late  conflict.  Amid  the  gloom  and  chagrin  of  defeat,  I  de- 
voutly thank  God  that  the  family  with  which  I  am  connected, 
including  a  father  and  four  sons,  native-born  American  citizens, 
and  competent  voters,  have  not  been  reckless  of  the  duty  they 
owed  to  you  and  to  their  country,  and  that  our  beloved  and 
venerated  old  Maryland,  with  a  devotion  that  has  never  faltered 
when  the  true  issue  has  been  presented  to  her  sons,  has  pro- 
claimed trumpet-tongued  to  the  world  her  confidence  in  your 
integrity,  and  her  stem  adherence  to  constitutional  principles.  I 
console  myself,  too,  (and  to  you  it  must  be  a  source  of  unfailing 
gratulation,),  that  I  find  myself  arrayed  in  this  contest  on  the 
same  side  with  the  enlightened  intelligence,  virtue,  and  patriot- 
ism of  the  Union,  with  the  line  of  discrimination  so  broadly  and 
vividly  drawn,  that  "  the  wayfaring  man,"  though  a  fool  in  other 
matters,  "need  not  err  therein."  Whatever  partial  triumphs  we 
have  won,  have  been  achieved  by  honest  American  hearts,  and 
with  unstained  American  hands  ;  no  levies  have  been  made  upon 
the  prisons  and  lazar-housesof  Europe  ;  no  Canadian  mercenaries 
or  Hessian  auxiliaries  have  been  either  pressed  or  purchased  into 
our  service  ;  you  are  the  only  choice  of  the  great  American  party, 
standing  upon  a  broad  American  platform,  supported  and  de- 
pendent upon  an  American  Constitution,  as  framed,  understood, 
and  construed  by  the  Patriot  Fathers  of  the  Republic.  We  are 
told  in  Holy  Writ  that  "  The  wicked  walk  on  every  side,  when 
the  vilest  men  are  exalted  ;"  and  in  this  humiliating  posture  we 
now  find  American  affairs.  The  very  fountain  of  our  political 


500  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

system,  from  whence  all  authority  and  power  flow,  is  revoltingly 
corrupt.  The  ballot-box  is  poisoned  by  gross  ignorance  and 
wanton  perjury.  The  ermine  of  justice  is  spotted,  and  the 
judicial  bench  disgraced  by  undisguised  partisan  conduct,  that  in 
the  better  days  of  the  Republic  would  have  condemned  the  actors 
to  merited  infamy.  To  what  source,  then,  are  we  to  look  for 
deliverance  ?  Alas,  sir,  I  only  speak  as  hundreds  of  American 
Whigs  this  moment  feel,  when  I  say  that  I  shudder  for  the  fate 
of  my  country.  I  know  that  numbers  of  your  fellow-citizens,  of 
the  class  to  which  I  belong,  have  opposed  your  elevation,  and  it 
is  because  I  keenly  feel  the  reproach  which  this  fact  awakens, 
that  I  have  thus  ventured  to  address  you.  But  be  assured,  sir, 
that  wherever  you  have  a  friend  you  will  find  friendship  worth 
possessing,  flowing  from  warm  hearts,  whose  every  affection  is 
yours,  and  wholly  yours.  You  may  never  again  permit  your- 
self to  be  called  upon  the  stage  of  public  life ;  but  whatever 
course  your  sense  of  duty  may  urge  you  to  take,  I  fervently 
trust  that  the  Common  Father  of  us  all  may  lavish  his  choicest 
blessings  upon  your  declining  years,  and  that,  amid  the  content- 
ment which  retirement  from  political  turmoil  brings,  you  will 
recognize  Maryland,  Kentucky,  and  their  sister  Whig  States,  as 
having  heartily  accorded  to  you  that  tribute  of  justice  and  gra- 
titude which  an  ungrateful  country  has  failed  to  bestow. 


P.    S.    GALPIN    AND    OTHERS    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

NEW  HAVEN,  CONN.,  November  16,  1844. 

SIR, — It  is  with  much  pleasure  that  we  execute  the  duty  as- 
signed to  us  by  the  Whigs  of  this  city,  of  transmitting  to  you 
the  inclosed  proceedings  of  a  meeting  held  by  them,  on  the  eve- 
ning of  the  14th  inst;  but  this  pleasure  is  mingled  with  the 
deepest  regret,  that  we  can  not  hail  you,  as  we  had  fondly  hoped, 
as  President  of  these  United  States.  The  deplorable  result  of 
the  late  election,  has  here,  as  every  where,  filled  the  hearts  of 
your  Whig  friends  with  pain  and  mortification,  and  this  feeling 
has  not  been  confined  to  the  voters  only,  but  has  extended  itself 
through  all  ages,  sexes,  and  conditions,  from  "  lisping  infancy  to 
hoary  age." 

We  were  not  aware,  until  we  saw  our  anticipations  of  your 


OF  HENEY  CLAY.  501 

success  blighted,  how  strong  a  hold  you  had  upon  our  affections, 
and  we  now  feel  that  you  are  President  in  the  hearts  of  a  vast 
majority  of  the  intelligent  and  patriotic  citizens  of  the  country, 
where  you  can  never  be  defeated,  and  where  the  poisonous  shafts 
of  calumny  can  never  reach  you.  Had  you  been  called  to  assume 
the  reponsibilities  of  the  office  of  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Union, 
we  feel  sure  that  the  most  eminent  success  in  the  discharge  of  its 
duties  could  not  have  increased  your  fame,  or  led  us  to  cherish 
any  warmer  feelings  than  we  now  entertain  for  your  character 
and  public  services. 

We  are  proud,  sir,  of  our  city,  for  the  vote  she  gave  you, 
which  was  larger  than  ever  given  before  to  any  candidate  in  a 
contested  election,  and  we  are  proud  of  our  State ;  that  amid  all 
the  deceptions  and  slanders  which  have  marked  the  course  of 
our  opponents  throughout  the  late  contest,  she  has  given  you  a 
majority  worthy  of  her  character,  and  of  the  intelligence  of  her 
citizens. 

May  your  valuable  life,  dear  sir,  be  spared  through  many  years 
to  bless  the  country  you  have  so  greatly  honored,  and  whose  in- 
terest in  times  of  danger  you  have  so  often  and  so  nobly  upheld. 


AMBROSE    SPENCER   TO    5m.   CLAY. 

ALBANY,  November  21,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  can  no  longer  resist  the  inclination  which 
impels  me  to  commune  with  you  on  the  disastrous  results  of  the 
efforts  of  the  Whig  party  to  do  justice  to  you  for  your  long  and 
signal  services  to  your  country,  by  placing  you  at  the  head  of 
the  nation. 

It  is  pretty  well  ascertained  that  had  New  York  given  you 
her  vote,  you  would  have  been  elected.  This  consideration  is 
very  mortifying  to  us  ;  and  yet,  I  venture  to  affirm,  that  in  no 
State  of  the  Union  had  you  warmer,  or  more  vigilant  and  vigor- 
ous supporters.  Every  thing  that  could  be  effected  by  human 
means  was  done.  I  know  many,  very  many  men,  who  laid 
aside  all  other  business,  and  devoted  themselves  night  and  day 
in  the  good  cause.  The  result  of  our  canvass  shows  what 
mighty  efforts  have  been  made.  You  received  232,411  votes; 
Polk  received  237,432;  Birney,  15,875.  What  a  monstrous 
poll.  You  received  6,594  more  votes  than  Harrison  did  in  1840, 


502  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

when  his  majority  exceeded  13,000.  You  will  perceive  that 
the  Abolition  vote  lost  you  the  election,  as  three  fourths  of  them 
were  firm  Whigs,  converted  into  Abolitionists.  The  foreign 
vote  also  destroyed  your  election,  and  there  was  yet  another  dis- 
tinct cause :  the  utter  mendacity,  frauds,  and  villainies  of  Loco- 
focoisrn.  This  untoward  event  has  produced  universal  gloom, 
and  has  shaken  public  confidence  to  an  unexpected  extent. 
Even  many  of  those  who  voted  for  Polk,  now  that  he  is  elected, 
deeply  regret  the  result.  God  only  knows  to  what  we  are  des- 
tined. One  sentiment  seems  to  prevail  universally,  that  the  nat- 
uralization laws  must  be  altered  ;  that  they  must  be  repealed, 
and  the  door  forever  shut  on  the  admission  of  foreigners  to  cit- 
izenship, or  that  they  undergo  a  long  probation.  I  am  for  the 
former. 

The  Germans  and  the  Irish  are  in  the  same  category  j  the  one 
who  know  not  our  language,  and  are  as  ignorant  as  the  lazaroni 
of  Italy,  can  never  uriderstandingly  exercise  the  franchise  ;  and 
the  other,  besides  their  ignorance,  are  naturally  inclined  to  go 
with  the  loafers  of  our  own  population. 

I  offer  you  not  any  condolence  at  this  sad  event ;  the  country, 
not  you,  are  the  sufferers.  Undoubtedly,  your  election  would 
have  been  deeply  gratifying  to  your  feelings,  as  the  award  of 
your  countrymen  on  your  long,  unwearied,  and  splendid  public 
services.  You  have  been  spared  the  toils  of  four  years  hard 
service,  which  could  not  have  raised  you  higher  in  the  affections 
and  confidence  of  your  friends  and  admirers.  Your  Adminis- 
tration would  have  put  at  rest  all  contention  on  the  duty  and  ne- 
cessity of  protecting  American  industry ;  on  the  distribution  of 
the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  and  on  many  other  vexed  ques- 
tions, which  are  now  set  afloat  and  put  in  jeopardy.  In  yielding 
iny  hearty  support  to  the  Whig  cause,  you  are  aware  that  I  had 
no  earthly  motive  but  the  public  good.  I  confess  that  in  doing 
all  I  could  to  promote  your  election,  there  was  an  additional 
motive  :  the  deep  respect  and  affection  I  felt  for  you  individually, 
founded  on  your  public  services,  and  on  those  personal  qualities 
which,  on  our  first  acquaintance,  took  a  lodgment  in  my  heart, 
never  to  be  effaced. 

That  you  may  live  long  to  enjoy,  in  any  situation  Providence 
may  place  you,  the  continued  love  and  confidence  of  your  coun- 
trymen, and  all  the  blessings  of  this  life,  is  my  fervent  prayer. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  505 

WILLIAM    C.    PRESTON*  TO    MR.   CLAY. 

COLUMBIA,  November  23,  1844. 

DEAR  SIR, — My  sense  of  the  public  calamity  has,  for  some 
days,  absorbed  all  emotions  and  affections  of  a  private  or  personal 
character.  I  have  been  astonished  with  the  result  of  the  elec- 
tions. The  ways  of  nations,  like  those  of  Providence,  are  some- 
times mysterious  and  inscrutable  ;  and  what  our  country  has  just 
done  is  of  this  sort.  With  the  deepest  interest  in  whatever  con- 
cerns you  personally,  I  have  been  solely  occupied  with  these 
gloomy  and  portentous  occurrences.  What  do  they  forebode  to 
the  country  ?  As  for  you,  they  affect  you  in  nowise  but  as 
depriving  you  of  the  means  of  further  patriotic  usefulness.  You 
have  long  since  passed  that  point  when  office  could  confer  ad- 
ditional celebrity,  or  add  an  inch  to  the  noble  pre-eminence 
which  history  will  assign  to  you.  Though  your  name  will  not 
appear  in  the  dull  chronology  of  official  succession,  the  times 
will  be  known  as  those  in  which  the  wisdom,  courage  and  elo- 
quence of  Clay  were  displayed  for  the  glory  of  his  country.  The 
time  will  come  when  all  will  be  ashamed  of  these  transactions. 
May  God  protect  us  from  occasion  to  mourn  over  them  in  sorrow 
and  bitterness  of  repentance.  It  would  be  vain  and  painful  to 
speculate  on  the  causes  which  have  led  to  this  result.  The  con- 
sequences of  if  will  soon  occupy  the  utmost  anxieties  of  the 
country.  For  the  present  the  Whig  party  of  the  South  is  dis- 
persed ;  and  we  can  not  know  our  position  until  the  heat  and 
smoke  of  the  conflict  have  passed  away.  In  the  mean  time  I 
content  myself  with  the  thought  that  I  have  (in  however  subor- 
dinate a  station)  fought  the  battle  of  the  country  under  your 
standard,  and  am  entitled  to  subscribe  myself,  etc. 


CHRISTOPHER  HUGHES  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

LONDON,  November  27,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  CLAY  ;  my  chief,  my  old  master,  my  venerated 
and  beloved  friend  ! 

In  an  hour  I  shall  be  in  the  steamer  for  Rotterdam  and  the 

*  After  the  brilliant  career  of  the  Hon.  Wm.  C.  Preston,  as  Senator  of  the  Unit- 
ed States,  and  at  the  Bar,  he  retired  to  the  honorable  and  dignified  Chair  of 
President  of  Columbia  College,  South  Carolina. 


504  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Hague.  I  am  literally  packing  my  trunk,  and  in  great  confusion  ! 
But  I  shall  be  too  late  to  write  from  Holland  by  the  steamer  of 
the  4th  December,  and  I  will  not  lose  a  moment  in  conveying 
to  you  the  heartfelt  emotion,  amazement,  and  grief  with  which 
I  have  received  the  news,  just  arrived,  of  the  result  of  the  Presi- 
dential election.  Great  God  !  is  it  possible  !  Have  our  people 
given  this  astonishing,  this  alarming  proof  of  the  madness  to 
which  party  frenzy  can  carry  them  !  England  is  astounded  ; 
on  all  hands  I  hear  amazement,  sorrow,  uneasiness  expressed  ; 
for  in  you  and  on  your  election  depends,  in  the  minds  of  this 
people  and  Government,  the  maintenance  of  harmony  and  peace- 
ful relations  between  the  two  nations.  The  hopes  of  the  wise 
and  of  the  worthy  of  the  New  and  of  the  Old  World,  rested 
(and  seem  to  rest — no,  now  no  more,  for  it  is  over)  upon  you. 
But  I  can  not,  if  I  would,  dwell  upon  this  matter.  My  heart  is 
sad  ;  and  my  time  is  up  for  embarking. 

Let  me,  my  beloved  old  friend,  approach  you  in  your  defeat, 
with  my  ancient,  my  true,  my  invariable  love,  confidence,  de- 
votion and  esteem;  ay!  let  me  add — and  my  admiration  and 
honor.  Since  our  first  acquaintance  in  1814,  when  we  left  our 
country  to  send  home  peace  to  our  people,  I  have  never — no, 
never — deserted  you,  in  thought,  in  heart,  or  in  deed  !  Never 
have  I  disguised  my  preference,  my  respect,  my  love  and  admi- 
ration for  you ;  and  I  have  prized,  as  the  greatest  success  and 
honor  of  my  life,  your  friendship  for  me,  and  the  cheerful,  ami- 
able, playful,  affectionate  familiarity  that  you  have  always  per- 
mitted and  tolerated  in  me,  your  pupil  and  your  friend.  I  know 
you  have  always  loved  me  and  trusted  me.  My  eyes  now  run 
over — before  God  they  do  ! — with  the  recollection  of  your  affec- 
tion and  fondness  for  me,  my  great  and  good  friend  !  I  am 
weeping — as  we  both  did,  when  comparatively  young  men — on 
the  2d  December,  1814,  the  day  we  signed  the  peace  of  Ghent 
— when  you  threw  your  arms  around  my  neck  in  bidding  me 
adieu,  seeing  how  sad  I  was;  and  exclaimed — "Hughes!  my 
friend,  what  is  the  matter  with  you  ?  I  see  that  you  are  un- 
happy." I  said  that  I  was  mortified  at  finding,  that  in  the  last 
"  dispatches"  to  the  Government  at  home  (which  I  myself  had 
copied,  and  was  to  bear  home  with  the  treaty),  there  was  no 
mention  of  my  name  by  my  ministers,  whom  I  had  served  with 
so  much  zeal,  fidelity,  and  honor — that  this  mortified  and  pained 
me.  You  told  me  there  had  been  such  a  sentence  at  the  close 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  505 

of  the  last  dispatch,  that  it  had  been  erased  as  not  properly  be- 
longing to  a  public  document,  and  was  repeated  in  all  your  pri- 
vate letters  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  to  Mr.  Madison,  that 
admirable  and  incomparable  man,  whom  I  knew  and  loved. 
This  did  not  appease  me,  and  I  said.  Good  God !  are  not  the 
character  and  conduct  of  public  servants,  when  they  are  honor- 
able, proper  in  the  public  and  published  archives  of  the  country  ? 
But  I  loved  you,  my  excellent  and  kind-hearted  friend,  for  the 
kindness  and  tenderness  of  your  conduct.  You  embraced  me — 
you  wept  like  a  child — your  heart  was  full  of  the  pride  and 
pleasure  and  comfort  of  having  achieved  peace  for  your  coun- 
try, and  you  did  more  at  that  Congress  than  any  other  of  its 
members,  by  your  tact,  your  discretion,  your  moderation,  your 
angelic  self-command,  and  your  incomparable  manner  ;  you  did 
more — and  I  say  it,  and  will  bear  this  witness  before  the  world 
— than  any  other,  to  bestow  this  most  blessed  of  boons,  this 
God-like  gift,  Peace  among  men ;  for,  like  the  harmony  of 
heaven,  it  passeth  all  understanding  !  You  wept  like  a  child  on 
taking  leave  of  me  ;  you  thought  of  your  country,  of  your  fam- 
ily, of  your  excellent  wife,  of  your  then — alas !  no  longer  so — 
numerous  family  of  young  children ;  of  me,  who  was  leaving 
you  in  Europe,  and  about  to  embark  in  the  dead  of  winter,  and 
in  a  schooner  (I  was  sixty  days  on  the  voyage),  for  our  awful 
and  dangerous  coast !  Your  heart — and  a  kinder  and  a  more 
affectionate  one  never  filled  the  bosom  of  mortal  man — your 
heart  was  full,  and  you  wept  like  a  child,  as  I  do  now,  my  dear 
Mr.  Clay,  in  recalling  this  scene !  We  were  alone,  in  the  cor- 
ridor of  old  Madame  Yan  Canegheu's  house  (for  you  had  fol- 
lowed me  out  of  the  room,  seeing  how  sad  I  was),  where  we 
had  dined  after  signing  the  Treaty  at  the  British  Minister's — you, 
my  chief,  had  signed  your  last  dispatch,  at  Mme.  Van  C.'s, 
which  I  was  to  bear ;  and  the  good  old  lady  thought  it  was  "  the 
Treaty,"  and  the  pen  you  used  is  in  a  glass  case  in  her  house, 
sacredly  preserved  to  this  day ;  for  Mme.  Van  C.  continued  to 
believe  that  the  peace  had  been  made  under  her  roof,  and 
boasted  of  it  till  her  death,  twenty-five  years  after  !  and  showed 
me  proudly  "  the  precious  pen  !"  But  I  must  stop.  May  God 
forever  bless  you !  May  he  preserve  you  long  for  your  country ! 
No  man  now — I  say,  no  man  knows  you  as  well  as  I  do  !  No, 
not  one !  and  I  ever  have  loved  and  esteemed  yon,  and  it  is  my 
pride  to  feel — so  have  you  me.  Why,  I  could  see  comfort  in 


506  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

your  heart  and  manner  whenever  I  have  been  with  you.  You 
seemed  to  feel  as  if  there  was  a  safety,  an  ease,  a  pleasing  secu- 
rity, when  I  was  with  you.  Again  and  again,  may  God  bless 
and  preserve  you.  I  write  incoherently  :  you  would  not  believe 
my  emotion.  My  head  is  confused. 

I  send  this  letter  open  to  my  beloved  Joseph  Ingersoll.  I  can 
not  write  to  him.  You  know  how  I  love  and  esteem  him.  You 
know  how  I  have  written  of  him  to  you.  He  will  read  and 
send  you  this  letter.  I  know  not,  and  never  have  known,  a  bet- 
ter man  than  J.  R.  Ingersoll.  I  have  not  written  to  you  twice 
in  two  years !  I  shall  do  so  now.  I  will  never  desert  you.  I 
will  love  you ;  honor  you  away,  and  cheer  you  when  at  home, 
as  I  suppose  I  shall  be  soon.  I  have  been  in  Ireland,  to  see  my 
good  brother-in-law,  Colonel  Moore.  His  health  is  better.  He 
returns  to  the  United  States  next  May.  He  was  heart  and  soul 
for  you  in  the  election.  My  silence  proceeded  from  low  spirits ; 
I  have  shaken  them  off,  and  my  health  and  my  heart  are  sound 
and  stout. 

I  passed  an  hour  with  Mr.  Goulburne  (Chancellor  of  Excheq- 
euer)  day  before  the  fatal  news.  He  asked  for  you,  and  sends 
respects  to  you.  He  received  me  most  affectionately.  I  never 
was  treated  with  more  kindness  than  now  in  England.  No  time 
to  read  this.  While  I  live  I  am  yours. 


P.  H.  SYLVESTER  AND  OTHERS    TO  MR.  CLAY. 

COSSACKIE,  November  27,  1844. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  write  to  you  in  behalf  of  the  Coxsackie  Clay 
Club.  The  man  who  said  "  that  he  stood  firm  and  erect,  un- 
bent, unbroken,  unsubdued,  unawed,  and  ready  to  denounce  the 
mischevious  measures  of  General  Jackson's  Administration," 
needs  no  sympathy  from  us. 

It  is  from  the  gushing  out  and  fullness  of  our  hearts  that  we 
say  to  you  that  you  have  been  our  political  idol,  and  that  we  es- 
teem you  as  highly,  and  love  you  as  dearly  as  we  ever  have 
done — in  defeat,  more  than  in  victory — we  can  not  say  more, 
how  can  we  say  less  ? 

When  we  were  convinced  that  we  were  defeated,  we  felt  as 
if  we  had  no  country,  and  that  all  that  we  considered  as  most 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  507 

sacred  and  most  cherished  by  us  in  it,  was  wrested  from  us  by 
the  insult  that  was  offered  to  our  own  great  and  honest  "  Harry 
of  the  West." 

There  is  one  consolation  to  us,  however,  and  that  is,  that  your 
name  will  live.  Yes,  it  must,  it  shall  live  forever,  in  undying, 
honorable  fame.  The  measure  of  your  glory  was  full  to"  over- 
flowing, and  if  success  had  crowned  our  exertions,  would  it  have 
woven  another  wreath  in  the  garland  of  fame  that  encircles  your 
brow  ?  Not  one. 

Your  nomination  was  but  the  spontaneous  and  unanimous  out- 
breaking of  the  feelings  of  a  great  majority  of  the  intelligent  and 
patriotic  freemen  of  the  land.  By  them  you  have  been  supported 
with  the  whole  heart  and  soul  and  strength,  with  an  intensity  of 
feeling  and  exertion  almost  unparalleled,  and  every  Whig  heart  is 
stricken  down,  and  mourns  that  the  Republic  has  exhibited  such 
an  instance  of  ingratitude. 

We  do  not  wish  to  burden  you  with  our  correspondence,  but 
permit  us  to  say  in  conclusion,  that  Henry  Clay  is  more  than 
ever  beloved  by  his  countrymen,  and  that  posterity  will  do  him 
justice.  Our  discomfiture  only  increases  our  respect  and  admi- 
ration for  your  character,  and  gratitude  for  your  services.  We 
point  with  unutterable  pride  to  the  fact  that  we  cast  our  votes 
for  the  man  "  who  would  rather  be  right,  than  be  President." 

In  bejialf  of  each  member  of  the  Association,  I  tender  you 
sentiments  of  affection,  respect,  and  undiminished  confidence 
and  esteem. 

Let  me  say  for  myself  individually,  may  Almighty  God  bless 
you,  may  he  lift  upon  you  the  light  of  his  reconciled  counte- 
nance, and  prepare  you  for  an  abundant  entrance  into  the  abodes 
of  more  than  mortal  freedom. 


PHILIP    HONE    TO    MR.   CLAY. 

NEW  YOUK,  November  28, 1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  hesitate  and  doubt  whether  I  ought  to  add  to 
the  annoyance  which  I  know  you  experience  at  this  time,  but  I 
can  not  deny  myself  the  privilege  of  writing  to  you,  not  to  con- 
dole with  you  on  your  recent  defeat,  I  know  you  feel  little  regret 
on  your  own  account,  but  to  give  vent  to  my  own  sorrow,  to  de- 
plfcre  the  infatuation  of  my  countrymen,  and  to  mingle  my  prayers 


508  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

with  yours,  that  the  evils  we  anticipate  from  the  unexpected  re- 
sult of  the  late  election  may  be  averted,  and  the  people  made 
happy  against  their  own  wayward  wills. 

Yon,  and  the  holy  cause  of  which  you  were  the  honored  repre- 
sentative, have  been  sacrificed  to  fraud,  corruption  and  misrepre- 
sentation, and  the  instruments  used  to  effect  the  object  were 
foreign  voters  made  to  order,  and  mischievous  sectarians,  who 
prefer  to  trust  the  success  of  their  theory  to  the  uncertain  meas- 
ures of  an  untried  Administration  than  to  one  pledged  to  support 
the  glorious  Constitution  and  to  maintain  its  guarantees. 

The  result  of  this  election  has  satisfied  me  that  no  such  man , 
as  Henry  Clay 'can  ever  be  President  of  the  United  States.  The 
party  leaders,  the  men  who  make  Presidents,  will  never  consent 
to  elevate  one  greatly  their  superior ;  they  suffer  too  much  by 
the  contrast,  their  aspirations  are  checked,  their  power  is  circum- 
scribed, the  clay  can  not  be  moulded  into  an  idol  suited  to  their 
worship.  Moreover,  a  statesman,  prominent  as  you  have  been 
for  so  long  a  time,  must  have  been  identified  with  all  the  lead- 
ing measures  affecting  the  interests  of  the  people,  and  those  in- 
terests are  frequently  different  in  the-  several  parts  of  our  widely 
extended  country.  What  is  meat  in  one  section  is  poison  in 
another.  Give  me,  therefore,  a  candidate  of  an  inferior  grade, 
one  whose  talents,  patriotism  and  public  services  have  never  been 
so  conspicuous  as  to  force  him  into  the  first  ranks.  He. will  get 
all  the  votes  which  the  best  and  wisest  man  could  secure,  and 
some,  which  for  the  reasons  I  have  stated,  he  could  not. 

But  the  especial  object  of  my  writing  is  to  remove  any  un- 
favorable impressions  (if  such  there  be)  from  your  mind  as  to  the 
miserable  result  here.  The  loss  of  New  York  was  fatal  to  the 
cause  of  the  Whigs,  but  I  pray  you,  dear  sir,  to  attribute  no  part 
of  this  misfortune  to  a  want  of  exertion  on  the  part  of  your 
friends  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Never  before  did  they  work 
so  faithfully,  and  never,  I  fear,  will  they  again ;  the  man  and  the 
cause  were  equally  dear  to  the  noble  Whigs,  and  every  honorable 
exertion  was  made,  every  personal  sacrifice  submitted  to,  every 
liberal  oblation  poured  upon  the  altar  of  patriotic  devotion  ;  nine- 
tenths  of  our  respectable  citizens  voted  for  Clay  and  Frelinghuy- 
sen,  the  merchants,  the  professional  men,  the  mechanics  and 
working  men,  all  such  as  live  by  their  skill  and  the  labor  of  their 
honest  hands,  who  have  wives  whom  they  cherish  and  children 
whom  they  strive  to  educate  and  make  good  citizens,  men  wfco 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  509 


go  to  church  on  Sundays,  respect  the  laws  and  love  their  coun- 
try, such  men  to  the  number  of  twenty-six  thousand  three  hun- 
dred and  eighty-five  redeemed  their  pledge  to  God  and  the 
country ;  but  alas !  the  numerical  strength  lies  not  in  those  classes. 
Foreigners  who  have  "  no  lot  or  inheritance"  in  the  matter,  have 
robbed  us  of  our  birth-right,  the  "  scepter  has  departed  from  Is- 
rael." Ireland  has  re-conquered  the  country  which  England 
lost,  but  never  suffer  yourself  to  believe  that  a  single  trace  of  the 
name  of  Henry  Clay  is  obliterated  from  the  swelling  hearts  of 
the  Whigs  of  New  York. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    REV.  J.  M.  PENDLETON. 

ASHLAND,  November  29,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — My  feelings  prompt  me  to  offer  you  my  cor- 
dial acknowledgments  for  your  friendly  letter  of  the  21st  instant. 
I  entertain  sentiments  of  the  liveliest  gratitude  for  the  kind  in- 
terest you  have  taken  and  continue  to  cherish  in  me.  And  I 
am  greatly  obliged  by  the'  desire  you  manifest  that  I  should 
seek,  in  the  resources  of  religion,  consolation  for  all  the  vexa- 
tions and  disappointments  of  life.  I  hope  you  will  continue 
your  prayers  for  me,  since  I  trust  I  am  not  altogether  unworthy 
of  them.  I  have  long  been  convinced  of  the  paramount  im- 
portance of  the  Christian  religion.  I  have,  for  many  years,  fer- 
vently sought  its  blessings.  I  shall  persevere  in  seeking  them, 
and  I  hope,  ultimately,  to  attain  a  firm  faith  and  confidence  in 
its  promises.  There  is  nothing  for  which  I  feel  so  anxious. 
May  God,  in  his  infinite  mercy,  grant  what  I  so  ardently  desire. 

Should  you  pass  this  way,  at  any  time,  I  shall  be  most  happy 
to  see  you.  Meanwhile,  accept  my  thanks  and  my  wishes  for 
your  happiness,  here  and  hereafter. 


JOHN  H.  WESTWOOD  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

BALTIMORE,  November  28,  1844. 

RESPECTED  SIR, — Now  that  the  Presidential  contest  is  over, 
and  the  disastrous  result  is  known,  I  can  address  you  without 
the  fear  of  selfishness,  or  a  desire  of  ingratiating  myself  to  your 
notice  for  personal  motives. 


510  PRIVATE  COEEESPONDENCE. 

I  was  one  of  your  early  and  fast  friends,  and  have  stood  by 
you  iu  all  the  phases  of  political  strife.  I  imbibed  those  predi- 
lections from  a  knowledge  of  your  history,  which  is  identified 
with  the  glory,  prosperity,  and  happiness 'of  our  country.  My 
venerated  father  who  was  a  Whig  of  the  Revolution,  and  who 
recently  died  at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety-four,  was  likewise 
your  constant  and  fast  friend — perhaps  it  is  owing  to  his  admi- 
ration of  you  that  mine  has  been  engendered.  I  well  recollect 
in  the  family  circle  while  a  boy,  sitting  around  the  domestic 
hearth,  hearing  my  father  recount  your  patriotic  deeds.  One 
sentence  from  a  speech  of  yours,  "  The  colors  that  float  from  the 
mast  head  should  be  the  credentials  of  our  seamen,"  was  indeli- 
bly fixed  on  my  mind.  Then  judge  my  deep  mortification  and- 
disappointment  to  find  the  sailors'  friend,  the  master-spirit  of  the 
late  war,  "the  noblest  Roman  of  them  all,"  rejected  by  the 
American  people,  and  such  a  man  as  James  K.  Polk  placed  in 
the  Presidential  chair.  Did  I  say  American  people  ?  I  recall 
that  expression,  for  two-thirds  of  the  native  freemen  of  the 
United  States  are  your  fast  friends.  Yes,  sir,  we  love  you  now 
better  than  ever ;  and  when  the  name  of  Jackson  and  others  of 
your  vile  traducers  shall  be  forgotten,  yours  shall  be  remembered 
and  live  in  the  affections  of  all  lovers  of  liberty. 

It  was  foreign  ^influence  aided  by  the  Irish  and  Dutch  vote 
that  caused  our  defeat.  As  a  proof,  in  my  native  city  alone,  in 
the  short  space  of  two  months  there  were  over  one  thousand 
naturalized.  Out  of  this  number  nine-tenths  voted  the  Locofoco 
ticket.  Thus  men  who  could  not  speak  our  language  were 
made  citizens  and  became  politicians  too,  who  at  the  polls  were 
the  noisy  revilers  of  your  fair  fame — thus  you  have  been  well 
rewarded  for  the  interest  you  ever  took  for  the  oppressed  of 
other  nations.  Notwithstanding  the  ingratitude  of  the  Irish  and 
German  voters,  if  the  Abolitionists  of  New  York  had  done  their 
duty,  all  would  have  been  well. 


WILLIAM    D.    LEWIS    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  November  30,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — After  the  dreadful  battle  is  over,  and,  as  I 
believe,  most  foully  won  by  our  opponents,  I  feel  as  if  it  would 
be  some  relief  to  my  mind  to  express  to  you  the  deep  grief  with 
which  the  result  has  penetrated  my  heart.  I  do  not  class  my- 


OF  HENKY  OLAY.  511 

self,  in  this  respect,  in  the  general  list  of  your  "  hosts  of  friends" 
throughout  the  country,  for  I  am  sure  that,  earnestly  and  truly 
as  I  know  you  to  be  admired  and  beloved  by  the  best  portion  of 
your  fellow-citizens,  there  are  but  a  very  small  number  who  can 
realize  as  much  sorrow  on  the  present  occasion  as  myself.  Not 
that  I  expected,  or  had  obtruded  myself,  while  success  seemed 
certain,  into  a  position  to  expect,  that  I  should  have  sought  any 
personal  benefit  from  that  victory  which  I  hoped  and  believed 
was  about  to  reward  your  long  and  faithful  services  to  your 
country  ;  but  that  the  kindnesses  I  had  received  from  you  in 
early  life  had  indelibly  stamped  your  image  on  my  heart,  and 
that  your  views  of  public  policy  so  entirely  accorded  with  the 
dictates  of  my  matured  judgment,  that  I  looked  to  your  elevation 
to  the  Presidency  as  a  great  personal  delight  to  myself,  and  the 
harbinger  of  long-continued  prosperity  to  the  nation. 

This  glorious  and  beneficial  result  has  been  prevented  through 
wicked  and  unprincipled  men,  by  frauds  upon  the  elective  fran- 
chise, as  monstrous  as  they  are  unprecedented  ;  by  fanaticism 
both  religious  and  political,  without  a  parallel  in  our  history  ; 
and  by  a  stolidity  on  the  part  of  large  masses  of  our  population, 
which  must  go  far  to  convince  the  most  skeptical  that  there  may 
be  truth  in  the  apothegm  of  monarchists,  that  the  people  are 
incapable  of  self-government. 

All  is  now  past.  Regrets  are  unavailing.  You  will  meet  the 
untoward  event  as  you  have  met  all  the  dark  hours  which  have 
preceded  it  in  your  eventful  life — with  manly  fortitude  and  resig- 
nation. And  viewing  it  in  a  philosophic  light,  you  have,  in 
fact,  lost  nothing.  The  honor  attained  would  have  brought  with 
it  an  accumulation  of  cares,  difficulties,  and  responsibiliiies  ;  the 
unreasonable  expectations  of  many  of  your  supporters  must  have 
been  disappointed,  and  perhaps  some  of  your  friendships  have 
been  thereby  embittered.  Your  reputation  as  a  statesman  and 
a  patriot  remains  untouched,  or  is  rendered  by  the  attrition  of 
your  slanderers  even  more  brilliant,  still  commanding,  as  it  has 
long  commanded,  the  admiration  of  the  world.  Whatever  pa- 
triotic achievements  you  might  have  accomplished  in  the  four 
years  to  come  could  have  added  comparatively  little  to  those  of 
the  forty  years  which  are  gone  by. 


512  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


A.  B.  ROMAN  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

PARISH  OF  ST.  JAMES,  December  2,  1844. 

DEAR  SIR, — At  the  very  moment  that  I  learned  the  disastrous 
result  of  the  Presidential  contest,  I  determined  to  write  to  you; 
but  I  soon  perceived  that  I  felt  too  strongly  to  express  myself 
with  any  thing  like  calmness,  and  on  that  account  I  have  delayed 
till  now  to  condole  with  you  on  our  unexpected  misfortune. 

To  you,  personally,  I  have  no  consolation  to  offer.  I  know 
that  you  need  none,  for  in  your  defeat  you  have  lost  nothing — 
nothing  more  than  I  and  every  other  American  citizen  has  lost. 
You  have,  by  your  want  of  success,  obtained  this  advantage, 
that  your  fellow-citizens  may  say  openly  what  they  think  of 
you,  without  being  suspected  of  interested  motives.  You  have 
done  enough  for  fame  ;  the  station  of  President  could  have  added 
nothing  to  yours.  The  country  alone  was  to  have  been  bene- 
fited by  your  election.  When  posterity  shall  wonder  that  you 
did  not  obtain  the  first  office  in  the  gift  of  your  countrymen,  the 
only  answer  that  can  be  given  must  raise  you  higher  than  the 
office  could  ever  have  done ;  it  is  'because  "  he  had  rather  be 
right  than  President." 

But  what  must  posterity  say  of  the  'people  of  the  Union  ? 
What  are  we  henceforward  to  expect  from  a  people,  when  a 
constitutional  majority  has  been  found  to  reject  the  Whig  doc- 
trines, of  which  you  have  always  been  the  representative  and 
able  interpreter,  and  to  decide  in  favor  of  the  principles — or, 
rather,  the  want  of  principles — with  which  we  have  been  cursed 
for  more  than  fifteen  years  ?  That  the  majority  should  some- 
times be  deceived  in  the  effects  and  results  of  abstract  theories, 
is  nothing  more  than  can  be  expected  frcfrn  the  frailty  of  human 
nature  ;  but  that  they  should  not  form  a  correct  opinion  of  facts, 
that  the  distressful  experience  of  fifteen  years  of  demagogueism 
and  barefaced  corruption  should  not  open  their  eyes,  is  truly  de- 
grading to  our  national  character.  Are  the  hopes  which  the  fram- 
ers  of  our  Government  have  given  to  the  friends  of  liberty 
throughout  the  world  to  end  but  in  a  splendid  proof  of  the  inca- 
pacity of  men  for  self-government  ?  I  begin  to  fear  that  it  must' 
be  so,  unless  we  can  succeed  in  the  almost  hopeless  task  of  re- 
tracing some  of  the  destructive  steps  we  have  taken  ;  unless  we 
find  the  means  of  restoring  the  lost  sanctity  of  the  ballot-box. 


OF  HENEY  CLAY.       .  513 

DR.  MERCER  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  December  7,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  your  letter  a  few  days  ago,  and 
soon  after  our  arrival  in  town.  It  was  a  melancholy  pleasure  to 
hear  from  you. 

The  late  election  has  mortified  and  distressed  me  more  than 
I  will  attempt  to  express.  Your  friends  are  almost  without  hope, 
while  you  have  consolations  in  abundance  that  are  denied  them. 
No  one  can  deny,  that  without  office  or  power,  you  are  the  first 
man  in  our  country.  It  was  Lord  Ormonde,  I  think,  who  said 
he  preferred  his  dead  Ossary  to  the  living  son  of  any  man  in  Eu- 
rope. 

I  have  never  before  witnessed  such  disappointment,  distress, 
and  disgust.  The  feeling  seemed  to  pervade  all  classes.  I  have 
heard  men  of  the  opposite  faction  express  their  regret  at  the 
success  of  their  party.  A  gray-headed  man  assured  me  that  he 
could  not  restrain  his  tears.  My  own  child  wept  bitterly.  If, 
as  I  believe,  you  prefer  reputation  to  power,  and  the  approbation 
of  the  victorious  and  intelligent  to  the  dignity  of  office,  you 
have  rather  gained  than  lost  by  the  defeat  of  your  party.  I  can 
readily  understand  that  you  feel  more  for  your  country  and  your 
friends  than  for  yourself. 

Come  then  among  them,  my  dear  friend,  you  will  find  none 
elsewhere  truer  or  warmer  than  those  of  Mississippi  or  of  this 
place.  Among  the  rest,  it  will  afford  me  the  greatest  pleasure 
to  see  you  here,  for  in  this  respect  I  will  yield  to  none  of  them. 
Your  old  apartment  is  ready  for  you,  and  every  one  of  the  fam- 
ily would  feel  mortified  if  you  were  less  at  home  with  us  than 
at  your  own  Ashland. 

I  have  nothing  to  do,  and  can  foresee  no  engagement  that 
will  prevent  my  accompanying  you,  wheresoever  you  may  wish 
to  go — even  to  Cuba. 

My  daughter  charges  me  to  present  her  duty  and  her  love  to 
you.  The  ladies  send  their  most  affectionate  remembrances. 
May  I  ask  you  to  present  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Clay. 

33 


514  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.   CLAY  TO  JAMES  F.  BABCOCK  AND  OTHERS. 

ASHLAND,  December  17,  1844.      : 

GENTLEMEN, — I  duly  received  your  friendly  letter  transmitting 
the  proceedings  of  a  public  meeting  held  in  the  city  of  New 
Haven,  in  respect  to  the  late  Presidential  election.  The  patriotic 
spirit,  manifest  in  the  whole  of  them,  is  worthy  of  Connecticut, 
worthy  of  its  renowned  seat  of  learning,  and  worthy  of  the  Whig 
cause.  For  the  sentiments  of  attachment,  confidence  arid  friend- 
ship toward  myself,  which  they  exhibit,  and  which  you  so  kind- 
ly reiterate  in  your  letter,  I  offer  the  warm  acknowledgments  of 
a  grateful  heart.  My  obligations  to  Connecticut  and  my  friendly 
intercourse  with  many  of  her  eminent  sons,  during  a  long  period 
of  time,  will  be  faithfully  remembered  while  I  continue  to  live. 

I  share  with  you,  gentlemen,  in  regrets  on  account  of  the  un- 
expected issue  of  the  recent  election.  My  own  personal  concern 
in  it  is  entitled  to  very  little  consideration,  although  I  affect  no 
indifference  in  that  respect.  The  great  importance  of  the  event 
arises  out  of  the  respective  principles  in  contest  between  the  two 
parties,  the  consequences  to  which  it  may  lead  and  the  alleged 
means  by  which  it  was  brought  about,  of  which,  however,  I  do 
not  allow  myself  particularly  to  speak. 

The  policy  of  the  country  in  regard  to  the  protection  of  Ameri- 
can industry,  a  few  months  ago,  seemed  to  be  rapidly  acquiring 
a  permanent  and  fixed  character.  The  Southern  and  South- 
western portions  of  the  Union  had  been  reproached  at  the  North 
for  want  of  sufficient  interest  and  sympathy  in  its  welfare.  Yield- 
ing to  the  joint  influence  of  their  own  reflections  and  experience, 
the  Slave  States  were  fast  subscribing  to  the  justice  and  expe- 
diency of  a  Tariff  for  revenue,  with  discriminations  for  protec- 
tion. At  such  an  auspicious  moment,  instead  of  cordially  meet- 
ing the  Slave  States  and  placing  the  principle  of  protection  upon 
impregnable  and  desirable  ground,  a  sufficient  number  of  the  free 
States,  to  be  decisive  of  the  contest,  abandoned  what  was  be- 
lieved to  be  their  own  cherished  policy  and  have  aided,  if  not 
in  its  total  subversion,  in  exposing  it  to  imminent  hazard  and  un- 
certainty. Discouragement  has  taken  the  place  of  confidence  in 
the  business  of  the  country,  enterprise  is  checked,  and  no  one 
knows  to  what  employment  he  can  now  safely  direct  his  exer- 
tions. Instead  of  a  constantly  augmenting  home  market,  we 
are  in  danger  of  experiencing  its  decline  at  a  time  when  the 


OF  HENEY  CLAY.  515 

foreign  market  is  absolutely  glutted  with  Am'erican  productions, 
cotton  especially,  which  is  now  selling  at  a  lower  price  than  was 
ever  before  known.  It  is  probably  destined  to  fall  still  lower. 
The  final  and  not  distant,  icsult  will  be,  especially  if  large  im- 
portations shall  be  stimulated  by  low  duties,  a  drain  of  the  specie 
of  the  country,  with  all  its  train  of  terrible  consequences,  on 
which  I  have  neither  inclination  nor  time  to  dwell. 

If  the  cause  of  the  Whigs  had  triumphed,  the  distribution  of 
the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  the  public  lands  would  have  been 
secured,  and  that  great  national  inheritance  would  have  been 
preserved  for  the  benefit  of  the  present  and  future  generations. 
I  shall  be  most  agreeably  disappointed  if  it  be  not  wasted  in  a 
few  years  by  graduation  and  other  projects  of  alienation,  leaving 
no  traces  of  permanent  benefit  behind. 

I  could  not  touch  upon  other  great  measures  of  public  policy, 
which  it  was  the  purpose  of  the  Whigs  to  endeavor  to  establish, 
without  giving  to  this  letter  an  unsuitable  length.  They  may 
be  briefly  stated  tor  have  aimed  at  the  purity  of  the  Government, 
the  greater  prosperity  of  the  people,  and  additional  security  to 
their  liberties  and  to  the  Union,  and,  with  all,  the  preservation 
of  the  peace,  the  honor  and  the  good  faith  of  the  nation.  The 
Whigs  were  most  anxious  to  avoid  a  foreign  war,  for  the  sake  of 
acquiring  a  foreign  territory,  which,  under  the  circumstances  of 
the  acquisition,  could  not  fail  to  produce  domestic  discord,  and 
expose  the  character  of  the  country,  in  the  eyes  of  an  impartial 
world,  to  severe  animadversions. 

But  our  opponents  have  prevailed  in  the  late  contest,  and  the 
Whigs  afte,  for  the  present,  denied  the  satisfaction  of  carrying  out 
their  measures  of  national  policy.  Believing  that  they  are  in- 
dispensable to  the  welfare  of  the  country,  I  am  unwilling  to 
relinquish  the  fond  hope  that  they  may  be  finally  established, 
whether  I  live  to  witness  that  event  or  not.  In  the  mean  time, 
those  to  whose  hands  the  administration  of  public  affairs  is  con- 
fided ought  to  have  a  fair  trial.  Let  us  ever  indulge  an  anxious 
desire  that  the  evils  we  have  apprehended  may  not  be  realized, 
that  the  peace  of  our  country  may  be  undisturbed,  its  honor  re- 
main unsullied,  and  its  prosperity  continue  unimpeded. 

To  guard,  however,  against  adverse  results,  the  resolution  of 
the  Whigs  of  the  city  of  New  Haven  steadfastly  to  adhere  to  the 
Whig  cause  and  principles,  is  wise  and  patriotic. 

I  should  be  most  happy  to  visit  once  more  New  England,  and 


516  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

especially  New  Haven,  which  has  done  me  so  much  honor  by 
giving  me,  at  the  late  election,  the  largest  majority  ever  given 
by  that  city  in  a  contested  election.     I  shall  embrace,  with  great 
pleasure,  any  opportunity,  should  any  ever  offer,  to  accept 
obliging  invitation. 

I  tender  to  you,  gentlemen,  my  cordial  thanks  for  your  friendly 
wishes  and  kind  regards  for  me  and  mine,  and  I  hope  that  one 
and  all  of  you  may  long  live  in  health,  happiness,  and  prosperity. 


BENJAMIN  J.  LEEDOM  TO    MR.   CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  December  20,  1844. 

ESTEEMED  FRIEND, — Although  a  member  of  a  peaceable  So- 
ciety, who  do  not  profess  to  take  much  interest  in  the  political 
contests  of  the  day,  yet  as  a  man  endowed  with  the  common 
feelings  of  humanity,  and  a  strong  desire  for  the  promotion  of 
the  best  interests  of  my  fellow-man,  do  I  mourn  over  the  dark 
cloud  which  has  overshadowed  the  political  horizon  of  our  be- 
loved country ;  the  prostration  of  those  high  and  glorious  princi- 
ples, of  which  thou  hast  so  long  been  the  great  and  unwearied 
champion — that  prostration  brought  about  by  fraud  and  calumny, 
is  our  country's  loss,  for  I  am  fully  aware  that  had  the  victory 
been  ours,  it  could  not  have  added  one  leaf  to  the  wreath  which 
encircles  thy  brow, 

"  For  thou  art  freedom's  now,  and  fame's  ; 
One  of  the  few,  the  immortal  names 
That  are  not  born  to  die." 

It  is  for  my  country  that  I  mourn,  that  in  thy  retirement,  one 
of  the  strongest  advocates  for  those  high  and  glorious  principles 
is  removed,  and  I  had  fondly  hoped  that,  like  Cincinnatus,  thou 
too,  wouldst  have  left  the  scenes  of  domestic  life,  and  once 
more  have  been  heard  in  our  legislative  halls.  The  feeling  may 
be  a  selfish  one  in  me,  for  well  I  know  that  it  is  unreasonable  to 
wish  to  draw  thee  from  thy  peaceful  abode,  into  the  turbid 
waters  of  public  life  again,  after  so  many  years  of  laborious 
toil. 

Happy  is  he  who  carries  with  him  into  retirement  the  prayers 
of  the  patriotic  and  intelligent  of  his  country — these  thou  hast. 

My  venerated  grandsire  left  the  peaceful  society  of  which  I 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  517 

am  a  member,  to  stand  by  the  Father  of  his  country,  in  the 
dark  hour  which  tried  the  souls  of  men.  The  same  feelings, 
and  the  same  love  of  country  which  nerved  him  to  the  contest 
in  '76,  prompted  his  descendant  in  '44  to  deposit  his  vote  for 
Henry  Clay.  That  vote  shall  be  handed  down  as  an  heirloom 
to  my  children ;  although  defeated,  yet  that  name  will  be  the 
point  around  which  freemen  shall  rally,  until  victory  crowns  our 
efforts. 

With  a  sincere  prayer  that  thy  days  may  be  long  in  the  land, 
and  that  peace  and  happiness  may  be  thine,  I  remain,  etc. 


ADAM  BEATTT  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

PROSPECT  HILL,  December  24,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  result  of  the  late  Presidential  election  has 
produced  on  my  mind  the  deepest  regret  and  the  most  profound 
sorrow.  You  may'  well  imagine  that  your  failure  of  success  has 
had  no  small  share  in  exciting  these  emotions.  Bat  it  is  the 
deep  wound  inflicted  on  the  honor  and  best  interests  of  the  coun- 
try, by  which  I  have  been  most  sorely  afflicted.  Your  failure 
has  relieved  you  from  a  heavy  responsibility,  and,  I  doubt  not,  in 
your  retirement  at  Ashland,  you  will  enjoy  more  real  satisfaction 
than  all  the  honors  of  the  Presidential  office  could  afford.  It 
will  be  the  means  of  carrying  down  to  posterity  your  name  with 
greater  luster  than  if  you  had  been  elected  to  the  Presidency, 
and  I  humbly  hope  that  in  the  wise  dispensation  of  Providence 
your  defeat  may  redound  to  your  temporal  and  eternal  good. 

But  oh  !  what  a  wound  has  been  inflicted  upon  the  honor  and 
interests  of  our  country  ?  The  election  has  been  carried  in  fa- 
vor of  Mr.  Polk,  by  the  most  shameful  and  abominable  frauds 
practiced  to  an  extent  which,'  to  every  reflecting  mind,  must 
create  the  most  awful  apprehensions  as  to  the  future  destinies  of 
our  free  institutions,  and  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union. 

But  this  is  not  all.  The  foulest  and  most  unprincipled  means 
have  been  resorted  to,  and  with  great  success,  to  excite  the  bitter 
hatred  of  our  recently  naturalized  citizens,  Roman  Catholics  and 
Abolitionists,  against  Whig  principles,  by  the  grossest  and  foulest 
misrepresentations,  thus  setting  in  hostile  array  against  the  great 
conservative  principles  of  the  Whig  party  an  embittered  faction, 
whose  want  of  intelligence  has  been  played  upon  to  excite  to  the 


518  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

highest  degree  the  ungovernable  passions  of  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  our  population. 

Reflection  upon  these  circumstances  has  brought  strongly  to 
my  mind  the  remark  of  an  eminent  modern  historian,  "  That  the 
great  body  of  mankind  are  incapable  of  judging  correctly  on 
public  affairs."  "  That  the  opinion  of  most  men  on  the  great 
questions  which  divide  society,  rest  on  prejudices,  personal  ani- 
mosities, and  private  interests."  He  consoles  his  readers  by  the 
reflection  that  "  truth  is  in  the  end  triumphant,  but  it  becomes 
predominant  only  upon  the  decay  of  interests,  the  experience  of 
suffering,  or  the  extinction  of  passions." 

I  greatly  fear  our  country  is  destined  to  go  through  this  ordeal, 
great  suffering  she  will  have  to  endure,  but  I  pray  God  that  truth 
may  in  the  end  prevail,  and  that  our  Republican  institutions  may 
yet  be  saved. 

I  have  scarcely  been  able  to  summon  resolution  enough  to  say 
a  word  to  any  of  my  friends,  in  relation  to  the  arduous  contest 
through  which  the  country  has  recently  passed,  but  I  have 
thought  a  word  of  consolation,  if  I  were  able  to  afford  it,  due  to 
our  long  standing  friendship.  It  affords  me  some  satisfaction  at 
least,  under  the  adverse  state  of  things  which  exists,  to  assure 
you  of  my  abiding  and  cordial  esteem  and  friendship.  Permit 
me  to  add  a  request  that  you  will  present  my  kindest  regards  to 
Mrs.  Clay. 


E.  PETTIGREU  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

MAGNOLIA,  Tyrrell  County,  NORTH  CAROLINA, 
January  1,  1845. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  storm  is  over,  and  we  the  people  of  the 
United  States  are  shipwrecked,  and  I  fear  too  much  damaged 
ever  to  be  repaired. 

The  result  of  the  Presidential  election  was  to  me  perfectly 
astounding,  yet  for  weeks  before  it,  I  began  to  fear,  as  it  is  nat- 
ural for  me  to  look  on  the  dark  side  of  every  subject,  and  I  men- 
tioned confidentially  to  some  of  my  friends  that  I  had  apprehen- 
sions ;  consequently  endeavored  to  prepare  my  mind  for  the  evil 
day ;  that  day  which  in  my  opinion  is  the  beginning  of  the  end 
of  the  peace,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  this  rising  country,  if 
it  did  not  begin  in  the  year  1829,  with  the  reign  of  Hickory 
the  First. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  519 

My  dear  sir,  on  you  rested  my  only  hope,  to  stay  the  down- 
ward tendency  of  this  Government,  and  at  the  Court  House  of 
my  county,  in  a  few  remarks  I  made  to  the  people  on  the  day 
of  election,  I  entreated  them  to  do  their  utmost,  to  stay  that  de- 
cline, for  four  years,  and  it  might  be  that  affairs  would  be  put  in 
such  a  train,  that  misrule  would  not  get  the  ascendency  in  four 
years  more,  and  though  I  felt  every  thing  for  the  generations  to 
come,  yet  I  wished  of  all  things  to  be  gathered  to  my  fathers 
before  war,  pestilence,  and  famine  should  overwhelm  the  land. 
We  did  well  in  the  county  in  which  I  live,  and  I  feel  proud  to 
know  that  the  State  of  North  Carolina  is  numbered  among  the 
Law  and  Order  party,  though  differing  with  so  many  of  its  neigh- 
boring States. 

The  malcontents  of  these  United  States  have  given  the  great- 
est blow  to  elective  Government  that  ever  was  given.  It  has 
shown  to  the  best  friends  of  republican  Governments  that  dem- 
agogues, who  without  principle  and  without  honesty,  to  answer 
party  and  selfish  purposes  will  rake  the  pit  for  voters,  as  in  this 
case,  and  thereby  drive  from  office  those  who  could  save  the 
country  and  put  in  their  stead  a  third-rate  man.  Yea,  a  no-rate 
man.  Such  men  from  want  of  capacity  to  manage  the  affairs 
of  Government  must  submit  to  the  dictation  of  artful,  design- 
ing, dishonest,  and  irresponsible  men,  and  every  department  of 
the  Government  must  necessarily  run  into  anarchy  and  con- 
fusion. 

But  on  this  subject  I  need  say  no  more.  It  is  all  plain  to  you, 
and  my  remarks  are  only  to  show  how  much  I  deplore  the  fail- 
ure of  our  forefathers,  the  patriots  of  the  Revolution.  But  one 
word  on  the  subject  of  naturalization.  My  opinion  has  been  for 
forty  years  that  there  should  be  no  citizens  of  the  United  States 
except  those  born  within  its  limits.  Let  every  foreigner  be  sat- 
isfied to  enjoy  all  the  other  privileges  that  the  State  in  which 
they  chose  to  live  thought  proper  to  grant.  Had  that  been  the 
law,  we  should  not  now  be  like  men  in  a  thunder  squall  wait 
ing  with  trembling  anxiety  for  the  next  clap. 

My  dear  sir,  I  must  say  that  I  feel  very  much  for  your  disap- 
pointment in  being  prevented,  by  corruption,  after  more  than 
forty  years  of  devotion  to  your  country's  good,  from  doing  to  it 
the  greatest  service  that  could  fall  to  the  lot  of  any  man.  We 
all  need  deplore  the  circumstance  as  a  national  calamity ;  but 
from  you,  there  is  removed  a  great  weight  of  responsibility,  and 


520  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

you  now  rest  under  a  perfect  knowledge  that  you  retire  into 
private  life  with  the  highest  honors  that  can  fall  to  any  man 
now  living,  the  confidence,  esteem,  and  love  of  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  those  of  your  fellow-citfzens  who  know  you  best. 

N.  B.  I  omitted  to  mention,  that  in  1829,  I  was  unreserved  in 
saying  that  I  gave  this  United  States  Government  thirty  years 
to  continue  ;  which  has  been  my  unwavering  opinion  and  dec- 
laration up  to  this  time,  and  I  fear  my  time  will  be  found  too 
long,  and  I  further  fear  that  God  has  given  us  up  as  unworthy 
of  his  care  and  protection,  and  to  a  hard  heart  and  reprobate 
mind,  at  all  events  politically. 


JOHN    Q.UINCY    ADAMS    TO   MR.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  January  4,  1845. 

DEAR  SIR, — Commodore  Jesse  D.  Elliot  has  committed  to  my 
charge  to  be  transmitted  to  you  a  bronze  medal  which  he  has 
caused  to  be  struck  in  honor  of  Mr.  J.  Fenimore  Cooper,  as  a 
tribute  of  gratitude  for  Mr.  Cooper's  defense  and  vindication  of 
the  Commodore's  character  with  reference  to  certain  charges 
which  have  been  brought  before  the  Republic  against  him. 
Commodore  Elliot  proposes  to  distribute  a  limited  number  of 
these  medals  to  certain  distinguished  persons  and  to  some  of  his 
personal  friends,  and  then  to  have  the  die  broken.  I  take  pleas- 
ure in  executing  his  commission,  by  forwarding  herewith  the 
medal  to  you. 

I  have  yet  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  a  very  kind  and 
friendly  letter  from  you,  written  shortly  before  the  unexpected 
and  inauspicious  issue  of  the  recent  Presidential  election.  It 
has  been  on  many  accounts  painful  to  me  ;  but  on  none  more 
or  so  much  as  on  the  dark  shade  which  it  has  cast  upon  our 
prospects  of  futurity.  I  had  hoped  that  under  your  guidance 
the  country  would  have  recovered  from  the  downward  tendency 
into  which  it  has  been  sinking.  But  the  glaring  frauds  by 
which  the  election  was  consummated  afford  a  sad  presentiment 
of  what  must  be  expected  hereafter. 

We  must  hope  that  a  merciful  Providence  will  yet  preside 
over  the  destinies  of  our  country,  and  avert  the  calamities  with 
which  she  is  threatened. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  521 

That  your  personal  comforts  may  be  multiplied  in  proportion 
to  the  weight  of  cares  which  a  different  issue  would  have 
brought  upon  you  is  the  fervent  wish  of,  dear  sir,  your  friend 
and  faithful  servant. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    JOHN    CARR. 

ASHLA.ND,  January  11,  1845. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  friendly  letter,  and  thank  you  for 
the  kind  feelings  toward  me  which  it  expresses.  Your  sugges- 
tion that  I  would  prepare  a  journal  of  my  public  life,  embracing 
a  narrative  of  all  the  slanders  which  have  been  so  profusely  pro- 
pagated against  me,  is  received  in  the  same  friendly  spirit  .in  which 
it  was  made.  As  to  the  calumnies  circulated  against  me,  many 
of  them,  I  dare  say,  never  reached  me,  and  I  wish  to  forget  them 
and  their  vile  authors  as  soon  as  I  can.  I  hope  God  will  forgive 
them.  I  do  not  desire  to  soil  myself  by  any  contact  with  them. 
The  best  demonstration  of  their  falsehood  is  the  testimony  in 
my  favor,  borne  by  my  neighbors,  and  by  the  people  of  Ken- 
tucky, uniformly,  during  a  period  of  upward  of  forty  years. 

Wishing  you  health,  happiness,  and  prosperity,  I  am,  etc. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    CALVIN    COLTON. 

ASHLAND,  February  3,  1845. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  sorry  that  after  having  remained  in  Lex- 
ington, I  hope  agreeably,  for  two  months,  you  should  be  about 
to  leave  us  in  not  as  good  health  as  you  have  enjoyed  during 
your  sojourn. 

With  respect  to  the  composition  of  the  work  which  you  have 
so  much  at  heart,  and  which  brought  you  to  this  city,  I  think 
now,  as  I  stated  to  you  at  first,  that  every  thing  depends  upon 
the  execution,  that  most  important  word  in  language.  You  have 
shown  me  most,  if  not  all  you  have  written,  and,  as  I  formed  the 
subject  of  it,  perhaps  I  am  not  a  competent,  as  I  certainly  am  not 
an  impartial,  judge.  But,  unless  I  am  already  biased,  I  do  think 
that,  so  far,  you  have  made  good  progress,  and  may  ask  leave  to 
sit  again.  What  you  have  written  may  require  an  attentive  re- 
visal,  and  some  new  arrangement  of  its  parts,  before  it  is  finally 


522  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

sent  to  the  press,  that  bourne  from  which  a  traveler  does  not  al- 
ways safely  return. 

I  need  not  say  that  by  far  the  most  important,  the  historical, 
part  of  your  work  remains  to  be  entered  upon.  I  hope  you  will 
get  successfully  through  it,  to  accomplish  which,  I  hardly  need 
say,  will  require  great  patience,  much  research  and  study,  and  a 
large  measure  of  candor  and  impartiality. 

I  can  not  part  from  you  without  the  expression  of  fervent 
wishes  for  your  success  and  fame,  and  for  your  health  and  pros- 
perity. 


B.  JOHNSON  BARBOUR  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

BABBOCESVILLE,  February,  16  1845. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — It  has  long  been  my  wish  to  address  you  a 
letter,  but  I  have  been  deterred  until  now  by  the  fear  that  you 
were  already  too  much  wearied  by  an  extensive  correspondence. 
Nor  had  I  the  heart  to  dwell  upon  the  subject  which  lay  upper- 
most in  my  thoughts.  I  could  not  sit  down  calmly  to  speak  of 
an  event  trifling  to  yourself,  but  portentous  to  the  nation. 

Permit  me,  Mr.  Clay,  to  say  that  my  affection  for  you,  based 
upon  a  love  of  all  that  is  bright  and  noble  in  human  nature,  is 
not  the  growth  of  a  day.  I  claim  the  privilege  of  speaking  as 
an  original  Whig,  as  one  baptized  in  the  faith  at  the  fountain,  as 
one  who  was  taught  to  love  the  Whig  cause  when  he  knew  no 
better,  and  who  never  knows  nothing  better  than  to  love  it.  My 
love  for  its  great  representative  was  coeval.  In  my  earliest  youth 
I  was  taught  by  him  who  was  your  constant  friend  to  honor  the 
pure  statesman  and  patriot  pursued  by  calumny,  but  still  laboring 
with  undiminished  ardor  for  an  ungrateful  country.  I  felt  then 
that,  when  the  vile  passions  and  prejudices  of  the  day  had  passed 
away,  you  would  have  your  merited  reward  from  an  approv- 
ing posterity  ;  that  your  memory  would  be  cherished  when  the 
demagogues  who  traduced  you  were 

"  Forgotten  as  fools,  or  remembered  as  worse ;" 

that  you  would  be  hailed  as  the  wondrous  architect  that  had 
strengthened  and  adorned  the  noble  edifice  whose  foundation  was 
won  by  the  valor  of  Washington,  and  whose  corner-stone  was 
laid  by  the  wisdom  of  Madison. 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  523 

A  brighter  day  seemed  at  length  to  have  dawned  upon  the  Re- 
public. The  nation  seemed  at  length  to  have  awakened  to  its 
true  interests,  and  in  the  Presidential  contest  of  1844  I  fondly 
looked  forward  to  the  confusion  of  your  enemies,  your  complete 
justification,  and  the  firm  re-establishment  of  our  great  conserva- 
tive cause.  In  this  we  have  been  sadly  mistaken.  Double-deal- 
ing, defamation  and  slanders  are  still  omnipotent.  A  motley 
party,  without  principle  or  principles,  with  fraud  for  the  means 
and  the  election  of  a  demagogue  for  the  end,  have  triumphed. 
Domestic  corruption  and  foreign  putrescence  coalesced  to  over- 
whelm the  virtue  and  honesty  of  the  country.  Plaquemine  and 
Tammany  have  stifled  the  voice  of  the  American  people,  and  the 
late  contest  has  only  established  the  melancholy  facts  that  frauds 
upon  the  ballot  box  have  perfect  impunity,  that  mediocrity  is 
merit,  and  that  every  excess  may  be  committed  in  the  name  of  a 
spurious  Democracy. 

This  is  a  mournful  spectacle  for  the  patriot,  and  it  is  perhaps 
better  for  your  fame  that  you  were  not  called  upon  to  wage  an 
ineffectual  and  unavailing  contest  with  the  corruption  which  per- 
vades every  part  of  the  body  politic.  But  little  pleasure  could 
be  felt  by  the  President  of  a  nation  where  Dorr  found  mourners, 
disunion  advocates ;  where  a  lust  of  territory  overrides  every 
principle  of  law,  all  fear  of  consequence,  and  all  sense  of  justice  ; 
where  rebellion  puts  the  power  of  a  State  at  defiance,  and  re- 
pudiation grows,  prospers,  and  exults.  Such  are  the  terrible 
symptoms  by  which  we  are  surrounded,  telling  of  the  decay  of 
virtue  and  honor,  the  only  safeguard  of  a  Republic. 

These  are  sad  and  gloomy  thoughts,  you  will  say,  for  one  so 
young.  God  grant  I  may  be  mistaken,  that  better  things  may 
be  in  store  for  us,  that  the  time  may  return  when  patriotism  will 
be  no  crime,  nor  long  service  a  subject  of  reproach. 

As  an  humble  member  of  the  Whig  party  I  shall  never  cease 
to  lift  my  voice  against  the  foes  of  my  country,  that  I  may  have 
something  at  least  of  that  proud  consolation  which  is  yours,  the 
consciousness  that  every  nerve  was  strained  and  nothing  left  un- 
done to  avert  the  final  catastrophe. 

My  mother  desires  to  be  most  kindly  remembered  to  yourself 
and  Mrs.  Clay. 


524  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.    CLAY   TO    CALVIN    COLTON. 

ASHLAND,  March  5,  1845. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favors  from  Washington  and 
from  Philadelphia,  the  latter  making  inquiries  concerning  my 
paternal  ancestors.  I  am  sorry  that  I  am  unable  to  communicate 
to  you  any  minute  information  about  them.  All  that  I  know, 
in  the  general,  is  that  they  came  from  England  to  the  colony  of 
Virginia,  some  time  after  its  establishment,  and  settled,  I  believe, 
on  the  south  side  of  James  River.  The  descendants  of  the 
original  stock  are  very  numerous,  and  much  dispersed,  many  of 
them  residing  in  Virginia  and  Kentucky.  A  branch,  or  branches 
of  the  family  remained  in  England,  and  among  their  descend- 
ants was  Mr.  J.  Clay,  recently  quite  a  distinguished  member  of 
the  British  House  of  Commons. 

My  maternal  ancestors  also  came  from  England,  and  settled 
in  Hanover  county,  Virginia,  about  the  beginning  of  the  last 
century.  George  Hudson,  my  maternal  grandfather,  died  about 
the  year  1770,  in  that  county. 

This  is  about  as  much  as  I  can  inform  you  in  regard  to  my 
ancestors,  and  from  this  statement,  you  will,  I  hope,  be  able  to 
incorporate  all  that  is  material  in  your  narrative. 

My  family  is  well,  and  unite  with  me  in  assurances  of  our 
warm  regard. 

NOTE    WITHOUT    DATE. 

I  received  to-day  your  favor  from  Philadelphia.  I  am  sorry 
that  you  should  have  any  trouble  about  my  English  namesakes. 
I  am  not  sure  that  two  of  them  have  been  members  of  the 
House  of  Commons.  One,  I  know,  has  been,  because  I  have 
read  a  speech  of  his,  and  have  corresponded  with  him,  although 
I  can  not  now  lay  my  hands  upon  any  letter  of  his.  He  distin- 
guished himself  some  years  ago,  on  the  Bank  question.  Most 
probably  it  was  William.  When  I  wrote  you  last,  I  thought  his 
name  was  J.  Clay,  being  uncertain  whether  it  was  John  or  Jo- 
seph. It  was  probably  William. 

It  is  not  a  matter  of  much  consequence,  arid  perhaps  you  had 
better  confine  what  you  say  to  the  one  of  whom  you  know 
something. 


OF  HESTRY  CLAY.  525 


MR.    CLAY    TO    DR.    W.    A.    BOOTH. 

ASHLAND,  April  7    1845. 

DEAR  SIR, — Our  mutual  friend,  Mr.  Mitchell,  of  Frankfort, 
delivered  to  me  the  day  before  yesterday  your  letter,  with  sev- 
eral publications  under  your  name,  in  respect  to  the  unfortunate 
controversy  which  has  arisen  in  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church 
of  the  United  States,  all  of  which  I  have  attentively  perused. 
You  desire  an  expression  of  my  opinion  on  certain  inquiries 
communicated  in  your  letter. 

I  have  long  entertained  for  that  Church  sentiments  of  profound 
esteem  and  regard,  and  I  have  the  happiness  of  numbering 
among  its  members  some  of  the  best  friends  I  have  in  the  world. 
I  will  add,  with  great  truth,  that  I  have  witnessed,  with  much 
satisfaction,  the  flourishing  condition  of  the  Church,  and  the 
good  sense  and  wisdom  which  have  generally  characterized  the 
administration  of  its  affairs,  as  far  as  I  have  observed  it. 

It  was,  therefore,  with  the  deepest  regret  that  I  heard,  in  the 
course  of  the  past  year,  of  the  danger  of  a  division  of  the 
Church,  in  consequence  of  a  difference  of  opinion  existing  on 
the  delicate  and  unhappy  subject  of  slavery.  A  division,  for 
such  a  cause,  would  be  an  event  greatly  to  be  deplored,  both  on 
account  of  the  Church  itself  and  its  political  tendency.  Indeed 
scarcely  any  public  occurrence  has  happened  for  a  long  time  that 
gave  me  so  much  real  concern  and  pain  as  the  menaced  sepa- 
ration of  the  Church,  by  a  line  throwing  all  the  Free  States  on 
one  side,  and  all  the  Slave  States  on  the  other. 

I  will  not  say  that  such  a  separation  would  necessarily  produce 
a  dissolution  of  the  political  union  of  these  States  ;  but  the  ex- 
ample would  be  fraught  with  imminent  danger,  and,  in  co-opera- 
tion with  other  causes  unfortunately  existing,  its  tendency  on 
the  stability  of  the  Confederacy  would  be  perilous  and  alarm- 
ing. 

Entertaining  these  views,  it  would  afford  me  the  highest  sat- 
isfaction to  hear  of  an  adjustment  of  the  controversy,  a  recon- 
ciliation, between  the  opposing  parties  in  the  Church,  and  the 
preservation  of  its  unity. 

I  limit  myself  to  the  political  aspect  of  the  subject,  without 
expressing  any  opinion  on  either  of  the  plans  of  compromise 
and  settlement  which  have  been  published,  which  I  could  not 
do  without  exposing  myself  to  improper  imputations. 


526  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

With  fervent  hopes  and  wishes  that  some  arrangement  of  the 
difficulty  may  be  devised  and  agreed  upon,  which  shall  preserve 
the  Church  in  union  and  harmony,  I  am  respectfully  your  obe- 
dient servant. 


JOHN   R.    THOMPSON   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

UNIVERSITY  OF  VIRGINIA,  April  8,  1845. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Allow  me  to  say  that  in  venturing  to  offer 
the  expression  of  my  condolence,  where  condolence  is  doubtless 
inapposite,  as  the  result  of  the  late  Presidential  election,  I  do  so 
as  an  original  Whig,  as  a  native  of  that  "  Gibraltar  of  Whig  prin- 
ciples," the  city  of  Richmond,  which  has  always  stood  up  nobly 
for  you  through  good  and  evil  report,  and  where,  forty-five  years 
ago,  in  the  office  of  Chancellor  Wythe,  you  laid  the  imperishable 
foundations  of  that  greatness,  which  has  since  overshadowed  the 
world.  Your  own  generous  Kentucky  has  not  been  more  faith- 
ful to  your  fortunes.  I  trust,  therefore,  that  you  will  recognize 
my  right,  as  a  citizen  of  Richmond,  and  as  one  who  gave  with 
honest  pride  his  first  vote  for  you,  to  lament  the  disaster  that  has 
befallen  us. 

I  had  fondly  looked  forward  to  November,  1844,  as  the  day 
when  the  people  of  our  beloved  country  would  assert  their  long- 
violated  rights,  when  the  malevolence  of  a  vile  herd  of  defam- 
atory enemies  would  be  silenced  forever,  when  a  Republic,  ceas- 
ing to  be  ungrateful,  would  reward,  with  the  highest  office  in 
its  gift,  the  man  who  of  all  others  had  deserved  it.  I  can  not 
tell  you,  sir,  the  sense  of  desolation  and  crushed  hopes  with 
which  the  painful  intelligence  of  your  defeat  was  received. 
Frauds,  the  most  infamous  in  the  annals  of  the  elective  franchise, 
stifled  the  voice  of  the  people,  and  national  disgrace  was  effected 
by  a  motley  party  of  Dorrites  and  Agrarians.  Mormons  and  Re- 
pudiators,  the  voters  of  Plaquemine  and  the  outlaws  of  the  Em- 
pire Club.  Since  their  ill-omened  success,  this  party  have  already 
commenced  the  work  of  destruction,  and  we  have,  but  a  few 
weeks  since,  seen  the  plainest  provisions  of  our  blessed  Con- 
stitution  set  at  naught,  in  the  passage  of  the  Texas  bill.  There 
is,  indeed,  a  dark  pall  over  the  prospect  before  us  when  that 
sacred  instrument  can  be  trampled  upon  by  peculation  and 
cupidity. 

For  yourself,  personally,  the  present  age  may  not  accord  you 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  527 

justice.  But  I  feel  assured  that  a  time  will  come,  and  I  trust 
in  God  I  may  live  to  see  it,  when  the  passions  and  prejudices 
of  the  present  state  have  passed  away,  and  your  stainless  and 
splendid  name  will  be  revered  by  an  admiring  posterity. 

The  patriotic  exertions  of  the  women  of  Virginia  to  erect  a 
statue  in  commemoration  of  your  virtues,  can  not  have  escaped 
your  attention.  I  take  pleasure  in  stating  to  you  that  I  was  yes- 
terday informed  by  Mrs.  Lucy  Barbour,  the  venerable  and  dis- 
tinguished lady,  who  gave  to  the  work  its  first  impulse,  that 
success  is  certain,  and  that  next  summer  the  corner-stone  will  be 
laid.  We  will  erect  it  upon  our  Capitol  Square,  in  Richmond, 
and  it  shall  bear  some  such  inscription  as  was  once  applied  to 
Charles  James  Fox,  a  character,  in  many  respects,  kindred  with 
your  own : 

"  A  patriot's  even  course  he  steered, 

'Mid  faction's  wildest  storms  unmoved, 
By  all  who  marked  his  course,  revered, 
By  all  who  knew  his  heart,  beloved." 

Inclosed  you  will  find  a  copy  of  some  poor  verses  that  I  wrote 
for  Mr.  Pleasants  on  the  occasion  of  Christmas,  in  which  is  at- 
attempted  a  satire  on  the  follies  of  the  age.  I  hope  you  will  not 
deem  it  impertinent  if  I  ask  that  you  will  do  me  the  honor  to 
read  them. 


DOCTOR  MERCER  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  April  22,  1845. 

MY  VERY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  have  received  here  your  kind  letter 
from  Natchez,  whence  it  was  forwarded.  We  have  been  de- 
tained by  Miss  Young's  indisposition,  now  of  several  months  du- 
ration, and  by  her  desire  to  enjoy  the  benefit  of  Lugenburg's 
advice.  But  as  she  is  now  much  relieved,  I  indulge  the  hope  of 
returning  home  next  week. 

In  regard  to  your  affairs,  or  rather  to  a  late  movement  on  the 
part  of  your  friends,  however  reluctant  I  might  be  on  ordinary 
occasions  to  hazard  one,  conscious  of  its  little  authority,  yet  I 
have  not  the  slighest  hesitation  to  express  my  opinion  as  the  case 
appears  a  very  plain  one. 

I  learn  from  your  letter  that  certain  of  your  debts  have  been 
cancelled  at  Lexington  by  some  unknown  and  inscrutable  agency, 
that  you  suspect  the  interposition  of  your  friends,  and  that  you 


528  PBIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

are  somewhat  doubtful  whether  it  would  not  be  more  consistent 
with  the  independence  of  your  previous  life  that  you  should  re- 
ject the  kindly  office  thus  proffered . 

Now  in  all  ages  signal  public  services  have  been  rewarded  by 
national  benefactions.  In  our  own  day,  Sieyes  and  Welling- 
ton have  had  grants  of  domains,  the  debts  of  Pitt  have  been 
paid  by  Parliament,  Fox  did  not  disdain  the  assistance  of  his 
friends.  Your  memory  will  furnish  innumerable  other  instances. 
If  Republics  are  ungrateful  it  is  the  more  necessary  that  private 
individuals  should  perform  the  duty  neglected  by  the  public  au- 
thorities. 

You  have  devoted  more  than  forty  years  of  your  life  to  public 
affairs,  and  have  rendered  the  most  important  public  services.  If, 
in  this  distinguished  career,  you  have  acquired  fame  surpassing 
that  of  your  cotemporaries,  it  is  equally  true,  that  the  same  ca- 
pacity, industry  and  zeal,  would  have  insured  to  you  the  most 
ample  fortune.  This,  it  strikes  me,  is  the  true  view  of  the  case, 
and  is  conclusive  beyond  question,  as  you  would  also  think  if  you 
were  not  interested. 

But  there  is  another  aspect.  Would  it  not  be  ungracious  to 
repel  the  friendly  hand  that  is  tendered,  to  mortify  those  who  are 
warmly  attached  to  you,  and  to  consult — shall  I  venture  on  the 
word  ? — your  pride,  at  the  expense  of  their  feelings  ? 

My  dear  friend,  you  must  submit,  there  is  no  remedy  ;  for,  if 
your  suspicions  are  correct,  you  can  not  overcome  the  precautions 
which  may  have  been  adopted  to  guard  against  this  very  con- 
tingency. 

I  venture  to  use  the  language  which  is  dictated  alike  by  my 
grateful  sense  of  your  sentiments  toward  me,  as  by  my  high  re- 
spect and  warm  attachment  for  you.  Most  surely  it  is  the  duty 
of  a  friend  to  speak  plainly,  without,  however,  disregarding  the 
delicacy  aud  courtesy  which  are  equally  necessary. 

I  hope  Mrs.  Clay  has  not  forgotten  me,  and  that  she  will  ac- 
cept my  respects. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  CALVIN  COLTON. 

ASHLAND,  April  28,  1845. 

MY   DEAR   SIR, — I  duly  received  your  letter  of  the   17th   in- 
stant.    Compression  is  your  forte  in  composition  ;  but  is  there 


OF  HENIiY  CLAY.  529 

not  danger  of  your  elaborating  too  much  the  old  calumny  of 
bargain,  etc.  ?  The  division  you  propose  of  the  subject  appears 
to  me  to  be  natural  and  suitable 

When  I  meet  Governor  Letcher  I  will  endeavor  to  prevail  on 
him  to  give  the  certificate  you  desire.  He  may  perhaps  consent 
to  furnish  it  to  be  used  only  in  the  contingency  of  his  death.  If 
living,  and  the  statement  of  Mr.  B.'s  agency  should  be  denied, 
appealed  to  as  he  is  as  a  witness,  I  am  sure  he  would  be  willing 
to  testify.  You  will  find  Mr.  Buchanan's  speech,  what  you  want, 
in  Gales  and  Seaton's  Congressional  Debates,  although  I  can  not 
refer  you  to  the  page.  Governor  Letcher  could  refer  to  it. 

It  would  be  well  not  to  publish  Colonel  Sloan's  statement  un- 
til I  hear  from  Mr.  Reilly,  the  Texan  Charge  des  Affaires.  I  en- 
deavored, through  him,  to  procure  from  General  Houston  a  con- 
firmation of  Colonel  Sloan's  testimony,  and  have  not  yet  learned 
what  success  attended  the  effort. 

Mr.  Adams'  appeal  to  heaven  was  at  Maysville,  I  think  in 
November  1843,  on  the  occasion  of  his  visit  to  Cincinnati.  He 
made  a  very  strong  defense  of  me  in  1829  in  answer  to  some 
address  from  New  Jersey,  which  you  will  no  doubt  be  able  to 
find  in  Niles'  Register. 


A  GOLD  PEN  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  8  Washington  Square,  July  12,  184&. 

HONORED  AND  HONORABLE  SIR, — Designed  by  my  maker  for 
actual  service,  and  ambitious  to  hold  a  situation  where  I  can  gain 
the  highest  honor,  and  confer  the  greatest  benefit  on  mankind,  I 
am  emboldened,  at  the  suggestion  of  a  friend,  to  present  myself 
before  you,  to  solicit  your  patronage  and  favor. 

Truth  compels  me  to  admit  that  I  have  but  little  to  recommend 
me  to  your  notice.  Although  I  derive  my  origin  from  a  rich  and 
powerful  family,  to  whom  even  princes  pay  court,  and  whose  in- 
fluence is  felt  throughout  the  world,  I  am  myself  without  in- 
fluence, without  the  attraction  of  peculiar  beauty,  am  worth  but 
little  money,  and  wholly  destitute  of  intellectual  endowments. 
Yet,  kind  sir,  if  you  will  take  me  by  the  hand  and  admit  me  to 
your  intimate  companionship,  to  your  treasury  of  thoughts,  I 
shall  soon  become  familiar  with  all  that  is  noble  in  sentiment, 
lofty  in  conception,  wise  in  judgment,  beautiful  in  imagery, 
honest  in  purpose,  and  truthful  in  expression. 
34 


530  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Thus  guided  I  can  not  fail  to  impart  pleasure  and  instruction 
to  the  world  ;  and  to  gain  in  return,  the  world's  admiration  and 
applause. 

Insignificant  as  I  may  appear  in  comparison  with  such  of  my 
elegant  relations  as  have  lately  been  presented  to  you,  I  yet  hope 
you  will  deign  to  listen  to  my  application,  will  give  me  a  place 
near  your  person,  and  allow  me  to  remain,  honored  sir,  ever 
yours  to  command. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  J.  MUIR. 

ASHLAND,  August  7,  1846. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter  and  thank  you  for  the 
friendly  sentiments  which  it  conveys.  I  have  ceased  to  have 
any,  I  never  had  many,  personal  regrets  on  account  of  the  issue 
of  the  Presidential  election.  Those  which  I  most  felt  were  ex- 
cited for  my  country  and  for  my  friends.  They  remain  undi- 
minished.  And  for  no  portion  of  them  were  my  sympathies 
more  strongly  awakened  than  for  our  countrywomen.  Their 
hearts,  every  where,  assured  them  of  the  deep  and  durable  in- 
terests involved  in  the  contest,  and  intuitively  prompted  them  to 
avert  all  calamity  from  our  land,  if  they  could.  Mine  gratefully 
owns  the  kind  partiality  which  they  manifested  toward  me.  The 
ladies  of  Alexandria  are  entitled  to  a  large  share  of  the  great  ob- 
ligation which  I  owe  to  their  whole  sex. 

I  return  the  blank  notes  which  you  transmitted,  with  my  name 
affixed  to  each  as  you  desired.  I  add  a  similar  one  for  Mrs.  MandelL 

I  will  thank  you  to  make  my  respects  and  my  acknowledg- 
.ments  to  the  poet  mechanic,  of  whose  versification  you  have 
sent  a  specimen  so  creditable  to  his  talent. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  CALVIN  COLTON. 

BLUE  SULPHUR,  VIRGINIA,  September  5,  1845. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor,  proposing  to  send  the 
proofs  to  me  of  your  first  volume.  I  am  now  en  route  to  Ash- 
land, where  I  shall  be  glad  to  receive  them,  hoping  to  find  in 
the  introduction,  as  intimated  in  your  previous  letter,  an  exoner- 
ation of  me  from  any  responsibility  for  the  composition  of  the 
work.  It  is  the  best  if  not  only  mode  of  correcting  the  error 
committed  in  the  prospectus. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  531 

I  saw  Judge  Brooke  at  the  White  Sulphur  Springs.  He  tells 
me  that  he  has  packed  up  a  large  bundle  of  my  letters,  and  placed 
them  in  the  care  of  a  friend,  to  be  delivered  to  you.  He  thinks 
that  you  may  derive  useful  matter  from  them.  He  has  returned 
to  St.  Julien,  his  residence  near  Fredericksburg. 

I  have  also  received  a  package  of  some  forty  of  my  letters, 
addressed  to  the  late  J.  S.  Johnston,  Senator  from  Louisiana,  sent 
me  by  the  widow  of  his  only  son.  I  will  try  to  find  some  per- 
son to  forward  them  by  to  you  from  Lexington. 

I  have  not  yet  heard  from  General  Houston ;  but  Mr.  Reiley, 
the  husband  of  my  wife's  niece,  still  believes  I  shall  receive  a 
communication  from  him. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  DR.  W.   A.  BOOTH. 

ASHLAND,  September  15,  1845. 

DEAR  SIR, — A  temporary  absence  from  home  has  delayed  my 
acknowledgment  of  the  receipt  of  your  favor  of  the  7th  ultimo. 
I  have  not  received  the  pamphlet  to  which  it  refers.  But  any 
expression  of  my  opinion,  as  to  your  plan  of  compromise  be- 
tween the  two  divisions  of  the  Methodist  Church,  would  be  now 
wholly  unimportant,  if  at  any  time  it  would  have  been  worth 
any  thing,  since  a  separation  seems  to  be  inevitable.  When 
such  is  the  case,  in  human  affairs.  I  think  the  best  way  is  to  seek 
to  avoid  any  mischievous  consequences. 

I  must  continue  to  regret  the  separation,  because  I  believe  it 
to  have  an  evil  tendency.  Others  think  differently ;  and  my 
hope  is  that  they  may,  in  the  end,  prove  to  be  right,  and  I 
wrong. 

It  was  not  my  intention,  in  my  former  letter,  to  impute  any 
error  to  the  Southern  portion  of  the  Church,  on  the  unhappy  sub- 
ject of  Slavery,  the  immediate  cause  of  division. 

My  opinion  is,  that  the  existence  of  Slavery,  or  the  fact  of 
owning  slaves,  in  States  which  authorize  the  institution  of  Slave- 
ry, does  not  rightfully  fall  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Ecclesi- 
astical bodies.  The  law  of  the  land  is  paramount,  and  ought 
not  to  be  contravened  by  any  spiritual  tribunal. 


532  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.   CLAY  TO  CALVIN    COLTON. 

ASHLAND,  September  1C,  1845. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  2d  instant.  I 
have  really  no  coat  of  arms,  and  if  I  had,  I  should  doubt  the 
propriety  of  the  use  of  it  suggested  by  you.  In  lieu  of  it,  would 
it  not  be  better  to  employ  some  object  drawn  from  those  inter- 
ests which  I  have  sought  to  promote  in  the  National  Councils  ? 
A  loom,  shuttle,  anvil,  plow,  or  any  other  article  connected 
with  manufactures,  agriculture,  or  commerce.  I  wrote  you  from 
the  Blue  Sulphur.  Yours  respectfully. 


HENRY    WHITE    AND  OTHERS    TO  MR.   CLAY. 

PHILADELPHIA,  December  21,  1845. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  undersigned,  acting  for  the  Whigs  of  Phila- 
delphia, have  the  honor  to  ask  your  acceptance  of  the  book 
which  accompanies  this  letter.  It  contains  an  expression  of 
gratitude  from  your  Whig  brethren  here,  for  your  eminent  ser- 
vices as  a  statesman,  and  a  testimonial  of  their  regard  for  you, 
as  a  citizen  and  friend. 

The  undersigned  have  the  honor  to  send  with  the  book  a  cas- 
ket of  jewels,  manufactured  in  this  city  for  Mrs.  Clay.  On  be- 
half of  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  whose  names  are  contained  in 
the  book,  they  present  them  to  Mrs.  Clay,  as  a  mark  of  their 
high  consideration  and  respect  for  the  worth  and  virtues  of  the 
lady  of  one  to  whom  the  country  owes  a  debt  of  gratitude  that 
never  can  be  repaid. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HENRY  WHITE  AND  OTHERS. 

ASHLAND,  December  16,  1845. 

GENTLEMEN, — I  received  to-day  at  this  place,  the  letter  which 
on  the  1st  inst.,  you  did  me  the  honor  to  address  to  me,  from 
the  hands  of  Henry  White,  Esq.,  one  of  the  subscribers  to  it. 
He  at  the  same  time  delivered  to  me  the  book,  beautifully  printed 
and  bound,  entitled  "  A  Testimonial  of  Gratitude  and  Affection 
to  Henry  Clay,"  containing  the  proceedings  of  a  meeting  of  my 
friends  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  publicly  held  at  the  County 
Court-house,  on  Wednesday  evening,  December  19,  1844,  in 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  533 

pursuance  of  a  call  of  the  National  Clay  Club,  and  containing 
also  several  thousand  names  of  both  sexes,  young  and  old,  of 
those  who  have  done  me  the  great  honor  of  contributing  a  testi- 
monial to  my  public  services,  to  the  principles  and  measures 
which  I  have  endeavored  to  establish,  and  to  my  exertions  in 
the  common  cause  which  we  have  espoused. 

It  is  utterly  impossible,  gentlemen,  for  me  to  find  language  of 
sufficient  force  and  strength,  to  express  to  you  the  emotions  of 
gratitude  and  thankfulness  excited  in  my  breast  by  this  precious 
and  affecting  testimonial.  It  will  be  ever  warmly  cherished  by 
me  throughout  my  life,  and  be  preserved  and  transmitted  to  my 
descendants,  as  the  most  honorable  legacy  which  I  could  be-, 
queath  to  them.  And  I  request  you  to  say  to  one  and  all  of  the 
contributors,  that  their  respective  names  are  not  more  indelibly 
recorded  in  the  splendid  book  which  they  have  sent  me,  than  in 
grateful  impressions  on  my  heart. 

I  am  also  charged  by  Mrs.  Clay  to  present  her  cordial  and 
respectful  thanks  (to  which  I  beg  leave  to  add  my  own),  to  the 
ladies  and  gentlemen  who  have  had  the  goodness  to  send  her  a 
casket  of  rich  jewels,  which  Mr.  White  kindly  delivered  into 
her  own  hands,  for  their  highly  valuable  present.  Her  grateful 
obligations  for  it,  she  enjoins  me  to  say,  are  not  at  all  diminished 
by  the  reflection  that  considerations  apart  from  any  merits  of  her 
own,  have  prompted  the  generous  oifer  of  it  to  her  acceptance. 

I  embrace  the  occasion  to  bear  my  testimony,  and  to  tender 
my  thanks  to  you,  gentlemen,  the  trustees  appointed  under  the 
authority  of  the  public  meeting  in  Philadelphia,  before  men- 
tioned, for  the  delicacy,  the  fidelity,  and  the  honor,  with  which 
you  have  executed  the  trust  confided  to  you.  And  I  have  great 
pleasure  in  expressing  my  thanks  and  gratitude  to  Mr.  White,  in 
particular,  for  the  great  trouble  and  inconvenience  which  he  has 
encountered,  by  performing  a  long  journey,  at  a  most  inclement 
season,  to  fulfill  the  commission  intrusted  to  him. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  with  sentiments  of  the  highest  respect  and 
regard,  your  grateful  and  faithful  friend,  and  obedient  servant. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    W.    L.    WOODWARD. 

ASHLAND,  January  3,  1846. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  favor,  and  take  pleasure  in 
answering  it.     The  desire  to  trace  out  your  ancestry  is  very 


534  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

natural.  I  have  often  felt  it  in  respect  to  mine,  but  I  have  no 
written,  and  very  imperfect  traditional  accounts  of  them.  I  am 
apprehensive,  however,  that  my  parental  stock  is  different  from 
the  family  of  Clays  described  by  you,  as  having  been  established 
in  Middletown,  Connecticut.  My  ancestors  emigrated  from 
England,  and  settled  in  the  colony  of  Virginia,  early,  I  believe, 
in  the  17th  century.  My  father  was  born  there,  not  far  from 
Richmond,  on  the  south  side  of  James  River.  He  removed  to 
Hanover  county,  shortly  before  my  birth  in  that  county.  His 
name  was  John,  and  he  was  sometimes  called  Sir  John  Clay  (as 
I  have  seen  in  the  record  of  judicial  proceedings),  but  he  had 
no  legitimate  right  to  that  title.  It  was  a  soubriquet  which  he 
somehow  acquired.  He  had  but  one  brother,  Edward  Clay, 
who  removed  at  an  early  period  into  North  Carolina,  where  he 
lived  and  died,  leaving  a  large  family. 

I  never  knew  my  father,  who  died  in  my  infancy,  nor  my 
grandfather.  Left  an  orphan,  struggling  for  subsistence  and  edu- 
cation, and  removing,  before  I  reached  my  majority,  to  this  State, 
where  I  plunged  first  into  an  active  professional  business,  and 
then  into  political  affairs,  I  have  had  but  little  leisure  to  prose- 
cute inquiries  concerning  my  ancestors.  And  now,  I  shall  so 
soon  meet  them  in  another,  and  I  hope  a  better  state,  that  I  have 
thought  it  hardly  necessary  to  institute  any.  I  think  it  is  quite 
probable  that  the  Clays,  from  whom  we  both  descended,  were 
originally  of  the  same  family,  although  it  may  not  be  practicable 
now  to  trace  the  exact  degree  of  connection.  When  I  was  in 
England,  I  met  with  some  persons  bearing  the  name  of  Clay, 
and  from  conversation  with  them,  I  had  reason  to  suppose  that 
we  all  sprung  from  the  same  stock. 

I  am  very  thankful  for  the  assurance  contained  in  your  letter, 
that  your  family  have  all  done  me  the  honor  to  entertain  confi- 
dence in  me,  and  that  those  of  them  who  are  entitled  to  the  ex- 
ercise of  the  elective  franchise,  have  voted  with,  the  Whigs.  I 
shall  be  most  happy,  if,  during  the  remnant  of  my  life,  I  shall 
continue  to  merit  their  good  opinion. 

I  pray  you  to  communicate  my  respectful  regards  to  your  ven- 
erable grandfather,  and  accept  for  yourself  assurances  of  the 
respect  and  esteem,  and  the  wishes  for  your  welfare  and  happi- 
ness of  your  friend  and  obedient  servant. 

P.  S.  My  father  was  a   Baptist  preacher.     Mr.  Eleazer  Clay 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  535 

near  Richmond,  Va.,  was  also  a  Baptist  preacher  for  more  than 
sixty  years,  and  my  only  surviving  full  brother  is  a  preacher  of 
the  same  denomination. 


LORD  MORPETH  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

CASTLE  HOWARD,  April  17,  1846. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  CLAY,— \  should  hardly  have  ventured  to  put 
the  locality  of  my  date  into  so  graphic  a  form,  but  I  thought 
that  if  your  Yorkshire  housekeeper  should  be  still  alive,  she 
might  like  to  be  shown  the  outside  of  a  Yorkshire  house.  I 
wish  I  could  show  her  master  the  inside.  The  reason  for  my 
breaking  in  at  all  upon  the  repose  of  Ashland  (a  repose,  however, 
against  the  cause  of  which  I  protest  in  common  with  the  sound 
sense  of  mankind  at  large),  is  to  satisfy  the  request  of  a  friend, 
who  begs  me  to  inquire  from  you  whether 'you  happen  to  know 
any  thing  of  a  Mr.  William  Cavendish,  whom  he  believes  to 
have  accompanied  you  upon  your  return  to  America  in  IS  15— 
16  (?),  and  if  so,  what  befell  him,  whether  he  is  still  alive,  and 
what  he  is  now  doing.  I  sincerely  beg  pardon  for  inflicting  so 
much  old-dated  curiosity  upon  you,  and  it  is  only  in  respect  of 
having  once  discharged  the  office  of  your  letter-carrier,  that  I 
can  hope  to  be  excused  for  bothering  your  post-bag  with  so  un- 
interesting an  inquiry.  The  last  mail  brings  us  the  account  of 
your  adding  to  your  estimates,  but  I  hope  that  the  whole  mat- 
ters between  us  wear  a  more  pacific  complexion.  I  must  say 
that  I  think  upon  our  side  there  would  be  a  sincere  aversion  to 
any  conflict  between  us.  I  am  afraid  I  must  not  bespeak  your 
sympathy  for  our  Free-Trade  movement.  It  rather  hangs  fire 
during  its  progress  through  the  Legislature,  but  I  am  inclined  to 
believe  that  the  House  of  Lords  will  pass  the  bill.  I  hope  your 
groves  are  flourishing  round  you,  and  I  must  particularly  inquire 
after  your  stock  of  cattle.  We  arc  rather  proud  of  our  breed  in 
this  place,  and  sold  two  short-horned  cows  last  autumn  for 
£300,  which  in  the  present  times  we  consider  a  large  price, 
when  good  breeds  arc  become  so  much  more  common.  I  would 
beg  to  be  kindly  remembered  to  all  of  your  family  who  are 
good  enough  to  retain  any  recollection  of  me.  I  wonder  whether 
your  servant  Charles  is  still  with  you  ? 


536  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

Mr.  Denison,  whom  you  may  remember  as  a  traveler  in  Amer- 
ica some  twenty  years  ago,  is  now  with  us  here,  and  begs  to  be 
recalled  to  your  recollection. 


HENRY  CLAY  JR.  TO  HIS  BROTHER  JAMES. 

LOUISVILLE,  May  25,  1846. 

DEAR  JAMES, — Your  letter  was  thankfully  received.  The 
Governor  left  here  yesterday  morning.  The  night  before  I 
offered  him  five  companies,  and  a  sixth  reported  themselves 
through  their  officers  the  same  night.  I  could  easily  raise  the 
ten.  Indeed  I  have  been  much  complimented  by  offers  to  serve 
with  me.  When  I  offered  the  Governor  the  companies  he  told 
me  that  he  would  not  be  bound  by  their  election,  after  having 
given  me  reason  to  believe  that  he  would  issue  the  commissions 
according  to  their  choice. 

At  present,  having  done  all  that  a  proper  sense  of  duty  re- 
quires, in  having  offered  my  services,  I  have  determined  to  do 
nothing  more.  The  rest  remains  with  his  Excellency. 

Tell  Henry  Erwin.if  he  desires  to  go  out  I  would  advise  him 
to  be  elected,  if  possible,  captain  or  lieutenant  of  one  of  the 
companies.  My  love  to  Susan  and  all  our  friends. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    JOHN    S.    LITTELL. 

ASIILAND,  November  17,  1846, 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  friendly  letter  of  the  9th  in- 
stant, and  am  greatly  obliged  by  your  kind  intention  to  send  me 
a  copy  of  "  Graydon's  Memoirs."  I  should  receive  it  with 
pleasure,  and  no  doubt  would  peruse  it  with  profit.  I  saw  that 
you  were  a  candidate  for  Congress  on  the  Native  American  ticket. 
I  did  not  for  a  moment  suppose  that  in  assuming  that  position 
you  had  abandoned  any  of  your  long-cherished  Whig  principles. 

There  is  much  in  the  principles  of  the  Native  American  party 
to  commend  it  to  deliberate  consideration  ;  but  as  a  separate  and 
distinct  party,  I  have  not  imagined  that  it  could  succeed  in  the 
United  States.  Its  tendency  is  to  distract  and  divide  the  Whigs, 
for  it  is  not  to  be  believed  that  the  other  party,  to  any  consider- 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  537 

able  extent,  will  unite  with  the  Native  American.  The  other 
party  has  profited  too  largely  by  the  foreign  vote  to  authorize  us 
to  expect  that,  as  a  party,  it  will  give  any  considerable  support 
or  countenance  to  the  Native  Americans.  If  any  modification 
of  the  naturalization  laws  shall  ever  be  effected,  it  will  not  be  at 
the  instance,  or  by  the  co-operation,  of  the  Democratic  party. 

The  political  evils  which  flow  from  the  foreign  population  are 
confined  to  localities,  and  do  not  pervade  the  interior  of  the 
Union.  Hence  I  suppose  that  the  principles  of  the  Native 
American  party  alone  can  never  form  a  basis  of  a  party  commen- 
surate with  the  whole  Union. 

I  unite  with  you  in  congratulations  on  the  recent  signal  tri- 
umphs of  the  Whigs.  They  encourage  us  to  hope  for  a  better 
administration  of  the  general  Government.  Such  a  desirable 
result  I  think  inevitable,  if  the  Whigs  should  be  wise,  and  not 
allow  themselves  to  be  intoxicated  by  their  present  successes.  I 
look  on  passing  scenes  with  calmness,  though  not  with  indiffer- 
ence. I  am  often  addressed  to  know  if  I  would  consent  to  the 
use  of  my  name  again  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  Al- 
though full  of  gratitude  to  my  friends  for  their  past  confidence 
and  support,  I  have  deemed  it  most  befitting  to  remain  silent  on 
these  appeals,  answering  neither  yea  nor  riay.  In  my  opinion, 
it  is  too  soon  now  to  agitate  the  question  of  the  next  Presidency. 
The  public  mind,  I  think,  had  better  be  left  to  the  full,  undis- 
turbed, and  undivided  consideration  of  the  disastrous  measures 
of  the  last  session  of  Congress.  It  will  be  time  enough  hereafter, 
from  among  the  living  and  the  worthy,  to  select  a  suitable  per- 
son to  accomplish  the  changes  so  desirable  in  the  general  ad- 
ministration. 

For  the  continuance  of  your  kind  and  friendly  feelings  and 
sentiments  toward  me,  I  beg  you  to  be  assured  of  the  thanks  and 
gratitude  of  your  friend  and  obedient  servant. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    HENRY    WHITE. 

ASHLAND,  November  27,  1846. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — At  the  moment  of  my  departure  from  home, 
which  I  leave  to-morrow  for  New  Orleans,  I  take  great  pleasure 
in  the  acknowledgment  of  the  receipt  of  your  kind  favor  of  the 
21st  instant.  I  wish  I  could  enjoy  the  satisfaction  of  your  com- 


538  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

pany  on  the  voyage,  not,  however,  with  the  discomforts  which 
we  experienced  in  that  terrible  old  hickory  last  winter. 

I  congratulate  yon  on  the  marriage  of  your  daughter.  Say  to 
her  that  I  wish  her  all  possible  happiness  ;  and  that,  if  she  does 
not  enjoy  it,  so  far  as  her  husband  is  concerned,  I  must  say, 
"  white  man  is  very  uncertain." 

I  congratulate  yon  also  on  public  affairs.  I  think  light  is  once 
more  beaming  upon  us,  and  light,  too,  from  the  Key  stone,  as 
well  as  elsewhere. 

Your  information  and  explanations  are  very  friendly  and 
satisfactory. 

As  to  the  Tariff  of  1846,  I  think  our  true  policy  is  to  go  for 
its  repeal,  and  the  restoration  of  the  Tariff  of  1842,  and  nothing 
else  than  the  repeal  of  the  one  and  the  restoration  of  the  other. 

My  wife,  and  all  at  Ashland,  unite  in  affectionate  regards  to 
you  and  all  of  yours. 


MB.    CLAY    TO    HIS    SON    JAMES. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  January  17,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  first  instant,  and 
was  much  distressed  by  the  account  you  gave  me  of  dear  little 
Lucy's  health.  She  is  one  of  the  few  links  that  bind  me  to  life, 
and  I  should  be  quite  inconsolable  if  we  were  to  lose  her  Tell 
Doctor  Dudley  that  I  hope  he  will  exert  all  his  skill  to  restore 
hex. 

Give  my  love  to  Susan,  and  kiss  Lucy  for  me.  My  health 
bis  been  generally  good. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    HIS    SON   JAMES. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  January  30,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  to-day  your  letter  of  the  19th,  in- 
forming me  of  your  having  purchased  thirty  tons  of  hemp,  stat- 
ing thaj;  you  may  purchase  sixty  or  seventy  tons  more,  and  ask- 
ing me  to  send  an  authority  to  join  my  name  in  security  for  the 
payment  of  the  price.  I  send  the  authority  inclosed  accord- 
ingly. 

I  am  sorry  to  hear  that  poor  little  Lucy  continues  unwell. 
Kiss  the  dear  child  for  me,  and  my  love  to  Susan. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  539 

MR.   CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  February  24,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  have  at  last  received  a  letter  from  Henry, 
but  he  says  nothing  in  it  about  his  Louisville  business.  He  is 
veil,  but  writes  in  bad  spirits,  owing  to  his  having  no  prospect 
of  actual  service. 

My  love  to  Susan  and  dear  Lucy. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  WIFE. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  March  13,  184Y. 

MY  DEAR  WIFE, — Inclosed  I  send  two  bills  (the  first  number) 
to  guard  against  any  accident  that  may  befall  me.  I  wish  them 
kept  by  you  *until  my  return.  I  retain  in  my  possession  the 
other  two  numbers.  I  have  been  engaged  to  argue  a  case  next 
winter  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

I  shall  leave  here  on  Tuesday  next  for  Natchez,  where  I  shall 
remain  a  few  days ;  and  I  think  I  shall  go  up  in  the  Peytona, 
in  which  case  it  will  be  near  the  last  of  the  month  before  I  get 
home. 

We  are  in  anxious  suspense  here  about  news  from  the  army. 
Taylor  has  probably  had  some  hard  fighting.  Rumor  says  he 
lost  two  thousand  men,  and  killed  four  thousand  ;  but  I  do  not 
believe  that  there  have  been  such  heavy  losses.  Henry,  I  sup- 
pose, was  in  the  fight,  as  he  was  with  Taylor.  If  I  should  get 
iny  certain  intelligence  before  I  leave  here  I  will  write  you  again. 

My  love  to  John  and  Henry. 


WM.  PRESTON  AND  OTHERS  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

LOUISVILLE,  April  10,  1847. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  people  of  Louisville,  deeply  moved  by  the 
circumstances  attending  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  and  wishing 
to  manifest  their  profound  esteem  for  the  brave  men  who  fell  on 
that  memorable  day,  adopted  a  series  of  resolutions  expressive 
of  their  feelings  at  the  reception  of  the  mournful,  yet  glorious 
intelligence.  A  copy  of  those  resolutions  have  been  inclosed  to 
yon  by  a  committee  appointed  for  that  purpose. 

To  the  undersigned  this  sad  yet  grateful  duty  was  allotted  of 


540  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

making  the  requisite  arrangements  to  bring  back  to  this  State 
the  remains  of  the  brave  officers  and  soldiers  from  this  city,  who, 
on  that  day,  died  in  the  service  of  the  nation. 

Among  those  who  perished  on  that  sanguinary  battle-field, 
you,  sir,  sustained  the  loss  of  a  brave  and  gallant  son — a  loss  as 
afflicting  to  his  country  as  to  his  kindred.  To  the  city  of  his 
adoption  he  was  endeared  in  life  by  many  virtues,  and  the  sad 
story  of  his  unyielding  valor  and  chivalric  death,  will  long  be  re- 
membered and  treasured  by  her  sons.  We  will  not  venture  to 
dwell  upon  a  theme  so  painful,  yet  so  full  of  consolation  to  a 
father's  heart ;  our  duty  is  simpler.  It  is  for  us  to  bring  back 
his  last  remains  from  the  land  of  the  foeman  and  stranger,  that 
he  may  peacefully  repose  in  the  bosom  of  his  own  loved  Ken- 
tucky, far  indeed  from  the  field  of  his  glory,  but  amid  hearts  that 
knew,  that  loved,  that  honored  him. 

It  is  to  ask  your  permission  to  bring  back  to  his  native  State 
the  body  of  Colonel  Clay,  to  administer  the  last  sacred  rites  of 
sepulture,  and  afterward  to  erect  a  monument  to  commemorate 
his  virtues  and  perpetuate  his  deeds,  that  we  address  this  note. 

We  remain,  sir,  with  the  profoundest  sympathy  for  your  afflic- 
tion, and  with  the  highest  esteem,  your  friends  and  fellow-citizens. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    DANIEL   ULLMANN. 

ASHLAND,  May  12,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  3d  instant, 
and  thank  you  for  the  friendly  expression  of  your  regret  and 
sympathy,  on  account  of  the  great  and  irreparable  loss  which  I 
have  sustained,  in  the  death  of  my  beloved  son,  on  the  bloody 
field  of  Buena  Vista.  It  has  been  one  of  the  most  lamentable 
events  of  my  life,  which  has  been  full  of  domestic  afflictions. 
Although  I  feel  some  consolation  in  the  gallant  manner  of  my 
son's  death  in  the  service  of  his  country,  and  in  the  general  sym- 
pathy which  the  public  has  so  generously  displayed  on  account 
of  it,  the  deep  wound  which  I  have  received  can  only  be  effect- 
ually healed  by  Him  whose  dispensations  have  produced  it. 

I  approach,  at  this  time,  the  other  subject  of  your  letter  under 
feelings  which  would  not  allow  me  to  touch  it,  but  at  the  in- 
stance of  such  a  long,  tried,  and  faithful  friend,  as  I  have  ever 
found  you  to  be. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  541 

And  first,  as  to  the  movement  in  Philadelphia  to  bring  out 
General  Taylor  as  the  Whig  candidate  for  President,  which  you 
say  is  represented  to  have  been  made  by  my  advice,  and  with 
my  approbation.  So  far  from  that  being  the  fact,  it  took  me 
completely  by  surprise  ;  and  most  certainly  I  neither  did,  nor  is 
it  probable  that,  at  any  time,  I  could  advise  or  approve  snch  a 
movement.  Now,  it  appears  to  me  to  be  premature,  impulsive, 
and  if  generally  concurred  in  by  the  Whig  party,  must  place  it 
in  a  false  and  inconsistent  position. 

I  have  thought  that  any  serious  movement,  earlier  than  next 
winter  or  next  spring,  to  designate  the  Whig  candidate,  would 
be  unwise.  By  that  time  we  shall  have  a  pretty  correct  view 
of  the  whole  ground,  and  of  what  the  Whigs  may  be  able  to 
accomplish  in  1848. 

The  war  with  Mexico  is  yet  in  progress.  We  do  not  certainly 
know  how  it  will  terminate,  nor  how  General  Taylor  himself 
may  finally  come  out  of  it.  In  the  mean  time,  it  would  be  very 
embarrassing  to  him  to  be  a  recognized  candidate  for  the  Pres- 
idency in  opposition  to  the  very  party,  to  the  orders  of  whose 
Administration  he  is  subject. 

Then  there  is  General  Scott.  Perhaps,  while  I  am  now  writ- 
ing, he  is  in  possession  of  the  city  of  Mexico.  Will  he  create  no 
competition  with  General  Taylor  ?  May  we  not  have  two  Whig 
generals  in  the  field  of  politics  ?  And  as  the  other  party  may 
desire  the  eclat  of  military  deeds,  may  they  not  bring  forward 
some  third  general. 

As  to  the  inconsistency  to  which  I  have  referred,  it  seems  to 
me  that  the  Whig  party  has  been  long  and  deliberately  com- 
mitted against  the  election  of  a  military  officer  to  the  Presidency 
who  had  never  developed  any  capacity  for  civil  administration. 
The  election  of  General  Harrison  was  no  departure  from  that 
rule  ;  for  he  was  quite  as  much  distinguished  in  various  walks  in 
civil  life  as  he  was  in  his  military  career.  The  true  principle,  I 
think,  is  this :  that  great  military  attainments  and  triumphs  do 
not  qualify  of  themselves  nor  disqualify  for  the  Presidency. 

If  General  Taylor,  who  is  absolutely  without  any  experience 
whatever  in  civil  administration,  shall  be  elected,  I  think  we  may 
bid  adieu  to  the  election  ever  again  of  any  man  to  the  office  of 
Chief  Magistrate  who  is  not  taken  from  the  army.  Both  parties 
will  stand  committed  to  the  choice  of  military  men.  Each  in 
future  will  seek  to  bring  him  forward  who  will  be  most  likely  to 


542  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

secure  the  public  suffrage.  Military  chieftain  will  succeed  mili- 
tary chieftain,  until  at  last  one  will  reach  the  Presidency  who, 
more  unscrupulous  than  his  predecessors,  will  put  an  end  to  our 
liberties,  and  establish  a  throne  of  military  despotism. 

If  it  were  highly  probable  or  certain  that  we  must  take  Gen- 
eral Taylor,  or  submit  to  the  continuance  in  power  of  the  present 
dominant  party,  that  would  present  a  different  state  of  things. 
The  question  then  would  be  between  the  perpetuation  and  in- 
crease of  corruption,  leading  certainly  to  the  destruction  of  the 
Government,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  ultimate  danger  of  mili- 
tary despotism,  on  the  other.  In  such  a  painful  dilemma,  it 
might  be  expedient,  as  an  only  resort,  to  select  the  General  as 
the  Whig  candidate.  But  this  ought  not  to  be  done  but  upon 
the  strongest  necessity ;  and  at  this  early  day  no  such  necessity 
is  manifest.  On  the  contrary,  there  is  much  reason  to  hope  that 
the  Whig  party  may  be  able  to  elect  any  fair  and  honorable 
man  they  may  choose  to  nominate. 

As  to  myself,  after  the  disastrous  termination  of  the  contest 
of  1844,  I  determined  to  submit  to  my  fate,  and  to  remain  pass- 
ive, and  I  have  accordingly  so  remained.  I  have  never  stated 
to  any  mortal  whether  I  would  consent  or  not  to  the  use  of  my 
name  again  as  a  candidate.  On  that  question  I  have  formed  no 
positive  determination,  one  way  or  the  other.  If  God  were  to 
spare  my  life  and  my  mind  should  remain  in  full  vigor;  and  if 
there  were  to  be  such  popular  demonstrations  of  a  desire  to  elect 
me  as  to  leave  no  doubt  of  the  Result,  I  might  consent  to  my 
name  being  again  used.  But  the  latter  condition  is  not  likely 
perhaps,  to  occur,  if  the  former  should  exist.  Up  to  the  battle 
of  Baena  Vista,  I  had  reason  to  believe  that  there  existed  a  fixed 
determination  with  the  mass  of  the  Whig  party,  throughout  the 
United  States,  to  bring  me  forward  again.  I  believe  that  the 
greater  portion  of  that  mass  still  cling  to  that  wish,  and  that  the 
movements  we  have  seen,  in  behalf  of  General  Taylor,  are  to  a 
considerable  extent  superficial  and  limited.  Such  is  the  fact  in 
this  quarter.  And  even  in  Philadelphia  I  have  been  informed 
that  by  far  the  greatest  enthusiasm  was  displayed,  at  the  public 
meeting,  when  some  allusion  was  made  to  my  name. 

If  General  Scott  is  successful  to  the  extent,  which  we  may 
anticipate,  in  Mexico,  most  probably  a  party  will  spring  up  to 
bring  him  forward  ;  and  in  the  collisions  which  may  arise,  it  is 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  543 

possible  that  the  Whig  public  may  deem  it  wise  and  expedient 
finally  to  put  aside  both  Generals,  and  select  some  civilian. 

I  am  afraid  that  you  will  find  this  long  letter  a  great  inflic- 
tion; but  you  must  attribute  it  to  yourself,  and  to  the  confi- 
dence and  friendship  which  I  entertain  foj  you. 

P.  S.  I  ought  to  say  that  I  have  long  and  intimately  known 
General  Taylor  j  and  that  I  regard  him  as  an  honest  straightfor- 
ward man  ;  but  I  know  nothing  of  his  opinions  upon  public 
affairs,  except  by  inference  from  the  fact  of  his  preference  of 
me  to  Mr.  Polk. 


MR.    CLAY   TO   MISS    TOWLER. 

ASHLAND,  June  7,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  Miss  TOWLER, — I  called  this  morning  at  Mr.  Mc- 
Gowans'  in  Lexington,  to  see  you,  but  you  had  departed  for 
Columbia.  My  object  was  to  present  to  you  in  person,  what  I 
now  communicate  in  writing,  my  cordial  thanks  for  the  beauti- 
ful lines  which  you  cordially  addressed  to  me,  on  the  death  of 
my  beloved  son.  They  are  highly  creditable  to  your  heart  and 
to  your  head.  The  advice  you  give  to  restrain  my  grief  for 
that  melancholy  event,  is  very  good,  and  certainly  the  generous 
expressions  of  such  sympathy  as  you,  my  other  friends,  and  the 
public  have  manifested,  are  calculated  to  alleviate  our  sorrows. 
They  place  me  under  great  and  grateful  obligations.  But  He 
only,  my  young  friend,  can  effectually  heal  such  wounds  as  we 
have  received,  by  whose  inscrutable  dispensations  they  have 
been  permitted  to  be  inflicted.  You  have  felt  in  early  life, 
the  bereavement  of  an  excellent  father.  May  your  surviving 
parent,  and  your  other  relatives,  be  long  spared  to  you,  and  may 
you  enjoy  all  other  earthly  blessings.  My  warm  regards  to  your 
mother. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  DANIEL  ULLMANN. 

VIRGINIA,  WHITE  SULPHUR  SPRINGS,  August  4,  1 847. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  friendly  letter  prior  to  my  de- 
parture from  home  ten  days  ago,  and  brought  it  with  me  to  this 


544  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

place.  I  thank  you  for  the  kind  tender  of  your  friendly  offices, 
of  which,  if  there  should  be  need,  I  shall  avail  myself,  with  the 
fullest  confidence  in  your  fidelity  to  the  Whig  cause,  and  in  your 
personal  regard  to  me. 

I  think  it  even  now  very  manifest  that  the  Locofoco  party 
does  not  intend  to  make  General  Taylor  its  Presidential  candi- 
date ;  and  if  it  should  not,  should  hut  designate  some  other  candi- 
date, the  condition  of  popular  unanimity,  on  which  alone  he 
states,  in  one  of  his  late  letters,  that  he  will  consent  to  run,  will 
not  exist.  I  think  it  impossible  that  the  General  should  main- 
tain silence  as  to  his  principles.  He  must  make  some  public 
avowal  of  them,  in  other  words  he  must  say  whether  he  is 
Whig  or  Democrat.  Such  silence  could  riot,  I  think,  be  main- 
tained by  General  Washington,  if  he  were  to  rise  from  the  dead 
and  consented  to  be  again  run  for  the  Presidency.  General 
Jackson  was  constrained  to  proclaim  his,  although  he  did  not 
afterward  conform  to  them. 

But  suppose  him  to  preserve  silence,  and  the  other  party  to 
designate  some  other  candidate,'what  then  are  the  Whigs  to  do? 
Will  they  not  only  forego  all  their  objections  to  a  mere  military 
man,  as  President,  but  take  one  haphazard,  without  knowing 
whether  he  holds  a  single  principle  in  common  with  them  ? 

I  have  thought  for  some  time,  and  continue  to  think,  that  it  is 
highly  probable  that  the  other  party  will  finally  settle  down  on 
General  Scott,  and  1  think  I  have  seen  some  indications  of  this, 
both  in  its  conduct  and  in  his. 

You  ask  me  what  is  the  best  mode  of  conducting  the  cam- 
paign in  your  State.  I  should  think  it  best  to  rely  upon  the  old 
issues,  with  the  exception  of  that  of  a  Bank  of  the  United 
States,  which  I  believe  was  never  pressed  in  Pennsylvania. 
There  is,  1st.  The  principle  of  protection,  and  the  fraud  prac- 
ticed on  Pennsylvania  by  the  Kane  letter.  In  further  support 
of  this  fraud  I  learned  yesterday  from  the  Honorable  Reverdy 
Johnson,  that,  during  the  canvass  of  1844,  when  some  interrog- 
atories were  addressed  from  your  State  to  Polk,  requesting  a 
more  explicit  avowal  of  his  opinion  in  regard  to  the  Tariff  of 
1842,  Mr.  Buchanan  wrote  to  Tennessee  that  the  Kane  letter 
was  working  well,  and  begging  that  those  interrogatories  might 
not  be  answered,  and  Mr.  Polk  accordingly  remained  silent. 

Then  there  is,  2d.  The  Mexican  war,  its  causes,  the  manner  of 
conducting  it,  and  the  great  National  debt  which  it  fastens  on 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  545 

the  country.  3d.  The  alarming  increase  of  the  vetos  and  the 
abuses  of  the  Executive  power — the  improvement  of  the  coun- 
try, etc.,  etc.  These  and  other  topics  will  readily  present  them- 
selves, and  will  be  treated  by  you  to  the  greatest  advantage. 

It  is  true,  as  you  remark,  that  the  famished  condition  of  Eu- 
rope has  concealed  the  effects  of  the  Tariff  of  1846 ;  but  these 
will  be  more  and  more  manifested  as  bread  and  other  food  be- 
come there  abundant.  Already  have  the  prospects  of  a  good 
crop  in  Europe  led  to  a  decline  in  the  prices  of  American  food. 

I  shall  remain  nere  until  Monday  next,  when  I  purpose  pass- 
ing through  your  native  State  to  Cape  May,  where  I  desire  to 
enjoy  a  sea-bath,  which  I  never  in  my  life  before  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  doing.  You  must  not,  however,  infer  that  my  health 
is  bad.  It  is  on  the  contrary  very  good. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

WHITE  SULPHUR  SPRINGS,  August  6,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  28th  ultimo,  with 
its  inclosures. 

The  latter  part  of  the  journey  fatigued  me  very  much,  but  1 
have  now  recovered  from  it.  Dr.  Mercer  and  I  go  to  Cape  May 
on  the  9th  instant,  he  leaving  his  family  here.  I  shall  return  by 
this  route  on  my  way  home. 

My  love  to  all  at  home,  and  kisses  for  Lucy. 

Your  letter  is  the  only  one  I  have  received  from  home.  Let- 
ters may  be  addressed  to  me  at  Cape  May  until  the  18th  instant, 
and  afterward  to  this  place. 


NICHOLAS    DEAN   TO   MR.    CLAY. 

NEW  YORK,  August  12,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Three  years  have  elapsed  since  I  last  had  the 
honor  of  addressing  you  ;  not  that  the  abiding  feelings  of  respect 
and  admiration  with  which  I  regard  you  have  in  any  degree  di- 
minished, but  the  fervent  hopes  entertained  by  me,  in  common 
with  millions  of  your  fellow-citizens,  were  so  unexpectedly  and 
fatally  crushed  by  the  issue  of  the  last  Presidential  election,  that 
I  have  never  yet  been  able  perfectly  to  rally  from  its  stunning 

35 


546  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

effects,  or  to  gather  confidence  enough  to  force  myself  upon 
your  attention. 

A  calamity  of  a  different  and  infinitely  more  afflicting  char- 
acter has  since  fallen  upon  your  family  circle,  awakening  the 
sympathies  and  calling  forth  the  commisseration  of  all  those  who 
have  hearts  to  feel  throughout  our  native  country  ; — in  these, 
my  dear  sir,  I  deeply  and  truly  participate,  and  respectfully 
tender  to  you,  and  those  dear  to  you,  my  heartfelt  condolements. 

Among  the  numerous  tributes  which  the  gallantry  and  noble 
bearing  of  your  lamented  son  upon  the  fatal  field  of  Buena 
Vista  have  called  forth,  I  have  met  none  more  touching  in  its 
inception  and  character  than  the  one  herewith  inclosed,  the  pro- 
duction of  Frances  Jane  Crosby,  a  resident  graduate  of  the  New 
York  Institution  for  the  Blind.  It  was  written  immediately 
after  the  announcement  of  his  fall  in  that  fearful  conflict.  The 
authoress  but  recently  recited  it  to  me,  and  I  hasten  to  place  it 
before  you. 

The  deep,  broad  current  of  universal  sorrow  has  forced  the 
barriers  that  encompass  the  blind,  and  awakened  sympathies 
even  in  their  stricken  state  of  darkness  and  solitude. 

I  can  not  add  to  the  tenderness  and  pathos  of  such  an  offering. 
Accept  it,  I  pray  you. 

On  the  death  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Henry  Clay,  Jr.,  who  fell  at  the  battle  of  Buena 
Vista,  Mexico,  February  23,  1847,  by  Frances  Jane  Crosby*  of  the  New  York  In- 
stitute for  the  Blind. 

Lo!  on  the  gory  battle-field, 

A  soldier  brave  is  lying, 
Mild  is  the  luster  of  his  eye, 

Though  he,  alas !  is  dying. 

Yet  still  with  feeble  hand  he  grasps 

The  sword  so  faithful  ever ; 
Now  drops  the  we'apon  by  his  side, 

And  to  resume  it — never. 

Oh !  gallant  CLAY,  though  for  thy  brow 

Its  laurels  Fame  is  weaving  ; 
Vain  trophies !  for  thy  bosom  now 

Its  last  faint  sigh  is  heaving. 

Back,  cowards  J  would  ye  deeper  make 

The  wounds  already  given  ? 
You,  from  an  aged  father's  heart 

Another  tie  have  riven. 


*  Miss  Crosby  has  been  blind  since  the  age  of  six  weeks. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  547 

Intrepid  "warrior,  thou  hast  left 

A  deathless  name  behind  thee — 
That  name  unsullied,  still  shall  shine, 

Though  the  dark  grave  may  bind  thee. 

Thoxi,  by  thy  General's  side  hast  fought, 

Yes,  Taylor  will  deplore  thee ; 
And  many  a  heart  that  shared  thy  love 
Will  \veep  in  silence  o'er  thee  1 


E.    C.    WINES    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

THE  OAKLANDS  SCHOOL,  near  Burlington, 
Sew  Jersey,  August  16,  1847. 

DEAR  SIR, — In  the  late  severe  affliction,  through  which  a 
mysterious  but  doubtless  ever-wise  and  benignant  Providence  has 
called  you  to  pass,  1  have  felt  the  deepest  sympathy  with  you. 
And  if  I  have  not  given  utterance  to  these  emotions,  it  was  only 
because  I  feared  that  my  condolence  would  be  rather  an  intru- 
sion upon  your  grief  than  any  alleviation  of  it.  Having  recently 
seen,  however,  an  account  in  the  public  papers  of  your  baptism, 
whereby  you  have  become  a  member  of  the  visible  Church  of 
Christ,  I  can  not  refrain  from  conveying  to  you  my  cordial  con- 
gratulations on  the  auspicious  issue  of  your  sorrowful  bereave- 
ment. It  was  the  experience  of  one  of  the  greatest  monarehs 
and  statesmen  the  world  ever  saw  ;  it  has  been  the  experience 
of  thousands  in  every  condition  of  life  since  his  day  ;  it  has 
now,  I  trust,  become  your  happy  experience  also  :  "  It  is  good 
for  me  that  I  have  been  afflicted."  The  hand  of  affliction  is 
heavy,  but  it  is  because  it  is  rilled  with  gold  ;  the  voice  of  af- 
fliction is  stern,  but  its  wounds  are  the  probings  of  a  skillful 
chirurgeon  ;  the  countenance  of  affliction  is  lowering,  but  it  is  the 
frown  of  a  parent,  soon  to  be  followed  by  the  serene  and  radiant 
smile  of  unclouded  affection. 

Yours,  my  dear  sir,  has  been  a  life  of  incident,  of  stir,  of  agi- 
tation, of  heroic  doing  and  suffering.  You  have  often  been 
placed  in  positions  where  your  self-possession,  your  wisdom, 
your  calm  energy,  and  your  noble  heroism  have  awakened  the 
admiration  of  all  beholders.  But  never,  on  any- other  occasion, 
have  you  displayed  so  true  a  wisdom,  or  appeared  invested  with 
so  sublime  a  dignity,  as  when  receiving  the  baptismal  waters, 
and  seated  at  the  conmi union-table  of  our  common  Lord. 


548  PRIVATE   COKKESPONDENCE 

I  remember  well  the  anguish  you  suffered  a  few  years  ago, 
under  the  loss  of  an  estimable  and  beloved  daughter.  I  remem- 
ber also  your  declaration  that  Mrs.  Clay,  though  deeply  Dis- 
tressed, was  yet  amply  sustained  and  solaced  by  her  religion, 
and  the  earnest  expression  of  your  wish  that  you  had  the  same 
source  of  consolation,  and  of  your  hope  that  you  some  day 
should  possess  it.  From  that  time  to  the  present  I  have  felt  a 
deep  interest  in  your  religious  state  and  welfare,  and  a  belief 
that  you  would  at  length  find  the  treasure  you  desired — a  part 
in  the  purchased  blessings  of  the  Gospel.  And  such,  I  hope,  is 
now  the  case,  and  that  you  find  in  this  the  heaviest  affliction  of 
your  life — the  loss  cf  a  talented,  generous,  and  chivalrous  son — 
all  the  consolation  which  the  Gospel  is  fitted  to  bestow,  and  as- 
suredly does  bestow,  upon  all  who  cordially  embrace  it.  For 
what  can  religion  be  worth,  if  there  is  not  more  in  God  to  com- 
fort us  than  there  can  be  in  the  loss  of  any,  even  the  dearest 
and  most  cherished,  of  his  creatures,  to  distress  us  ? 

Can  you  not  pass  a  day  or  two  with  us  at  the  Oaklands,  when 
on  your  way  to  New  York  ?  We  are  quite  in  the  country,  be- 
ing two  miles  distant  from  Burlington  ;  have  an  elevated  and 
airy  situation,  and  are  surrounded  by  venerable  forest-trees, 
whose  grateful  shade  defends  us,  even  in  the  height  of  summer, 
from  the  scorching  heats  of  the  sun. 

When  you  write  to  your  son  John,  be  pleased  to  convey  to 
him  the  expression  of  my  warm  regard  and  friendship.  Mrs. 
Wines  desires  to  be  respectfully  presented  to  you. 


GENERAL  TAYLOR   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

HEAD  QUAKTERS,  Army  of  Occupation, 
Camp  near  Monterey,  November  4,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — By  yesterday's  mail  I  had  the  gratification  of 
receiving  your  very  welcome  letter  of  the  27th  September.  Rest 
assured  that  nothing  has  transpired,  nothing  can  transpire,  to 
impair  the  amicable  and  kindly  relations  which  it  has  been  my 
pleasure  and  pride  for  so  long  time  to  maintain  with  you. 
Hints,  similar  to  those  to  which  you  refer,  have  been  thrown 
out  in  letters  which  I  have  recently  received  :  but  they  have 
had  no  influence  whatever  upon  me  ;  not  one  word  has  serve 


' 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  549 

in  the  remotest  degree,  to  prejudice  me  against  yourself  or  your 
friends,  in  either  personal  or  political  relations. 

I  fully  agree  with  you  in  the  necessity  for  more  deliberation 
in  the  selection  of  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  and  I  truly 
regret  that  my  name  should  have  been  used  in  that  relation.  It 
has  been  permitted  with  the  greatest  reluctance  on  my  part,  and 
only  from  a  sense  of  duty  to  the  country.  My  repugnance  to 
being  a  candidate  before  the  nation  for  that  exalted  office  has 
been  frankly  and  sincerely  made  known.  Most  truly  is  it  my 
hope  that  before  next  November  the  party  may  select  a  Whig 
in  all  respects  worthy  of  the  confidence  of  the  country.  To  a 
mutual  friend  of  ours  I  have  recently  made  this  announcement, 
asserting  my  greater  desire  for  the  quiet  of  private  occupations, 
as  not  only  a  more  appropriate  termination  to  my  services  as  a 
soldier,  and  more  consonant  with  my  earnest  wishes,  but  partic- 
ularly proper  in  reference  to  my  limited  acquaintance  with  mat- 
ters of  civil  and  national  polity.  I  stated  to  him  specifically 
that  I  was  ready  to  stand  aside,  if  you  or  any  other  Whig  were 
the  choice  of  the  party,  and  that  I  sincerely  hoped  such  might 
be  their  decision. 

The  importance  of  harmony  and  good  feeling  among  the  op- 
ponents of  the  present  dynasty,  is  by  no  one  appreciated  more 
considerately  than  by  myself,  and  whatever  may  be  the  decision 
of  the  party,  I  shall  be  studiously  guarded  in  this  particular,  and 
strive  to  lend  my  best  endeavors  to  the  preservation  of  unity. 

Permit  me  to  repeat,  that  whatever  representations  may  be 
made  to  me,  from  any  source,  conveying  any  expression  of  disre- 
spect toward  yourself  or  your  friends,  or  that  either  entertain 
unfriendly  feelings  toward  me,  be  assured,  my  dear  sir,  they 
will  be  repelled  and  discredited,  as  they  justly  merit. 

I  am  much  rejoiced  that  I  have  this  opportunity  to  assure  you, 
not  only  of  rny  frank  and  full  confidence  in  your  friendship  and 
kindly  feelings,  but  that  I  warmly  appreciate  your  wishes  for 
my  own  success,  and  your  expressed  desire  to  contribute  to  it. 

With  my  cordial  assurance  that  what  is  herein  written  is  dic- 
tated by  the  same  candid  and  friendly  spirit,  so  evident  in  your 
own  letter,  I  subscribe  myself,  most  sincerely  and  faithfully, 
your  friend. 


550  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.    CLAY    TO    MRS.    JAMES    B.     CLAY. 

ASHLAND,  November 13,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  SUSAN, — I  thank  you  for  your  letter,  which  I  should 
have  sooner  acknowledged,  but  that  I  was  a  week  absent  from 
home,  attending  the.trial  of  a  cause  in  Anderson. 

I  send  you  the  last  letter  I  have  received  from  James.  I  hope 
you  have  still  later.  His  trip  will,  I  hope  and  believe,  benefit 
his  health. 

I  am  delighted  to  hear  from  you  that  my  dear  Lucy  is  better. 
May  God  bless  and  restore  to  health  one  in  whose  welfare  I  feel 
the  greatest  solicitude. 

At  your  house  every  thing  goes  on  as  well  as  could  be  ex- 
pected. Here  we  are  all  well.  My  best  regards  to  your  father 
and  your  family.  Kiss  dear  Lucy  and  James  for  me. 


WILLIAM    C.    PRESTON    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

COLUMBIA,  November  28,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  speech*  is  not  only  equal  to  your  repu- 
tation, but  in  my  judgment  even  passes  what  you  have  heretofore 
done.  The  eloquence  with  which  you  have  expressed  yourself 
gave  me  delight,  while  the  dignity,  wisdom  and  lofty  spirit  of 
patriotism  throughout  it  inspire  me  with  a  sort  of  awe,  and  fill 
me  with  solemn  emotions*  It  is  a  very  noble  State  paper.  It 
gave  me  the  more  profound  satisfaction  as  it  had  been  preceded 
by  rumors  of  a  different  character.  I  can  not  but  believe  that 
it  will  be  of  great  value  to  the  country,  and  arrest  the  fatal  po- 
licy which  is  hurrying  us  to  the  most  disastrous  consequences. 


GENERAL    TAYLOR    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BATON  ROUGE,  La.,  December  28,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  kind  and  acceptable  letter  of  the  13th 
instant,  congratulating  me  on  my .  safe  return  to  the  United 
States,  and  for  the  complimentary  and  flattering  terms  you  have 
been  pleased  to  notice  my  services,  I  beg  leave  to  tender  you 
my  sincere  thanks. 

*  On  the  Mexican  War,  at  Lexington. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  551 

The  warm  and  hearty  reception  I  have  met  with  from  so 
many  of  my  fellow-citizens,  where  I  have  mingled  among  them 
since  my  return,  in  addition  to  their  manifestations  of  their  high 
appreciation  and  approval  of  my  conduct  while  in  Mexico,  has 
been  truly  gratifying,  and  has  ten-fold  more  than  compensated 
me  for  the  dangers  and  toils  I  have  encountered  in  the  public 
service,  as  well  as  for  the  privations  in  being  so  long  separated 
from  my  family  and  friends ;  yet  there  are  circumstances  con- 
nected with  my  operations  in  that  country  which  I  can  never 
forget,  and  which  I  must  always  think  of  with  feelings  of  the 
deepest  sorrow  and  regret. 

I  left  Mexico  after  it  was  determined  the  column  under  my 
orders  was  to  act  on  the  defensive,  and  after  the  capital  of  the 
enemy  had  fallen  into  our  hands,  and  their  army  dispersed,  on  a 
short  leave  of  absence,  to  visit  my  family,  and  to  attend  to  some 
important  private  affairs,  which  could  not  well  be  arranged  with- 
out my  being  present,  and  which  had  been  too  long  neglected. 
After  reaching  New  Orleans,  I  informed  the  Secretary  of  War 
that  should  my  presence  in  Mexico  be  deemed  necessary  at  any 
time,  I  was  ready  to  return,  and  that  a  communication  on  that  or 
any  other  subject  connected  with  my  public  duties  would  reach 
me  if  addressed  to  this  place.  I  therefore  feel  bound  to  remain 
here,  or  in  the  vicinity,  until  the  proper  authorities  at  Washing- 
ton determine  what  disposition  is  to  be  made  of  or  with  me. 
Under  this  state  of  things  I  do  not  expect  to  have  it  in  my 
power  to  visit  Kentucky,  although  it  would  afford  me  much  real 
pleasure  to  mix  once  more  with  my  numerous  relatives  and 
friends  in  that  patriotic  State,  to  whom  I  am  devotedly  attached  ; 
as  well  as  again  to  visit,  if  not  the  place  of  my  nativity,  where 
I  was  reared  from  infancy  to  early  manhood.  And  let  me  assure 
you  I  duly  appreciate  your  kind  invitation  to  visit  you  at  your 
own  hospitable  home,  and  should  any  thing  occur  which  will 
enable  me  to  avail  myself  of  it,  I  will  embrace  the  opportunity 
with  much  real  pleasure. 

I  regret  to  say,  I  found  my  family,  or  rather  Mrs.  Taylor,  on 
my  return,  in  feeble  health,  as  well  as  my  affairs  in  any  other 
than  a  prosperous  condition  ;  the  latter  was,  however,  to  be  ex- 
pected, and  I  must  devote  what  time  I  can  spare,  or  can  be 
be  spared  from  my  public  duties,  in  putting  them  in  order  as  far 
as  I  can  do  so. 

Should  circumstances  so  turn  out  as  will,  induce  you  to  visit 


552      PKIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  HENRY  CLAY. 

Washington  the  present  winter,  I  trust  you  will  take  every  pre- 
caution to  protect  yourself  while  traveling  from  the  effects  of 
the  severe  cold  weather  you  must  necessarily  encounter  in  cross- 
ing the  mountains,  particularly  so  after  having  passed  several  of 
the  last  winters  in  the  South. 

The  letter  which  you  did  me  the  honor  to  address  me,  referred 
to,  reached  me  on  the  eve  of  my  leaving  Monterey  to  return  to 
the  United  States,  and  was  at  once  replied  to,  which  reply  I 
flatter  myself  reached  you  shortly  after  writing  your  last  com- 
munication ;  in  which  I  stated,  although  I  had  received  some 
letters  from  individuals  in  Kentucky  calculated,  or  perhaps  in- 
tended, to  produce  unkind  feelings  on  my  part  toward  you,  even 
admitting  such  was  the  case,  their  object  has  not  been  accom- 
plished in  the  slightest  degree,  and  I  hope  it  will  never  be  the 
case. 

Please  present  me  most  kindly  to  your  excellent  lady,  and 
wishing  you  and  yours  continued  health  and  prosperity,  I  re- 
main, with  respect  and  esteem,  etc. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

CORRESPONDENCE   OF    1848,  1849. 

MB.   CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  January  16,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  this  moment  your  favor  of  the  10th, 
and  was  glad  to  hear  that  all  are  well  at  home.  My  cause  is  not 
likely  to  be  reached,  I  fear,  for  two  or  three  weeks,  if  it  be 
reached  at  all.  I  have  not  changed  my  purpose  on  the  subject 
to  which  you  refer.  I  have  only  suspended  the  execution  of  it 
in  deference  to  some  friends  who  fear  that  bad  consequences  to 
the  cause  and  the  country  might  ensue  if  I  were  immediately  to 
execute  it. 

Mr.  Jacobs  is  to  be  married  to-morrow,  and  I  shall  go  to  his 
wedding. 

I  send  a  list  of  some  plants  which  Mr.  Prince  has  forwarded 
to  me. 

I  am  sorry  that  you  indulge  in  bad  spirits.  You  are  wrong  to 
do  so,  and  I  think  you  have  no  occasion  to  do  so.  You  have 
much  to  cheer  and  animate  you.  More  by  far  than  most  per 
sons. 

My  love  to  Susan  and  the  children. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  February  1,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  your*  letter  informing  me  of  the  oc- 
currence which  has  taken  H.  E.  Erwin  to  New  Orleans.  I  am 
deeply  concerned  about  it  j  but  I  can  not  but  think  that  Mr. 
Prentiss  will  not  fight  him.  If  he  should  decline  doing  so  1 


554  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

hope  Henry  will  let  it  drop  there,  without  resorting  to  any  meas- 
ure of  violence  or  denunciation. 

I  have  some  hope  of  getting  my  cause  tried  next  week,  al- 
though there  is  not,  I  regret  to  say,  entire  certainty  in  regard 
to  it. 

I  inclose  a  bill  of  lading  for  a  barrel  of  sperm  oil,  purchased 
by  Mr.  Coffin,  which  I  will  thank  you  to  hand  to  your  mother. 

I  adhere  to  my  purpose  communicated  to  you  before  I  left 
home.  I  have  suspended  the  execution  of  it  for  the  present,  in 
consequence  of  strong  assurances  that  if  I  take  the  step  now  it 
will  be  ruinous  to  the  Whig  party.  It  places  me  in  a  state  of 
painful  embarrassment. 

My  love  to  Susan  and  the  children. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    H.    T.    DUNCAN. 

WASHINGTON,  February  15,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  9th  instant  and  I 
was  gratified  with  the  proceedings  in  Bourbon,  of  which  it  gave 
a  full  account.  I  presume  through  other  channels  you  are  ad- 
vised of  the  state  of  public  affairs  here.  I  see  no  prospect  of 
peace  at  present.  Upon  my  arrival  here  the  strongest  appeals 
have  been  made  to  me  to  take  no  step  withdrawing  my  name 
from  among  those  from  which  a  selection  is  to  be  made  of  a  can- 
didate for  the  Presidency.  I  have  been  assured  that,  if  I  did,  it 
would  lead  to  a  prostration  of  the  Whig  party,  especially  in  the 
free  States.  Then  they  say  that  General  Taylor  can  not  be  sup- 
ported in  his  present  noncommittal  position.  Some  doubt,  if  he 
were  to  assume  distinct  Whig  ground,  whether  he  could  obtain 
the  Whig  support.  I  have  suspended  any  definitive  action. 

Great  surprise  exists  here  as  to  the  hot  haste  of  our  Taylor 
friends  in  Kentucky.  Why  is  it  ?  I  am  often  asked,  wiftiout 
being  able  to  give  any  very  satisfactory  answer.  What  will  be 
the  issue  of  the  two  Conventions  in  Frankfort  next  week  ?  No- 
body knows  here.  After  the  long  period  of  time  during  which 
I  have  had  the  happiness  to  enjoy  the  friendship  and  confidence 
of  that  State,  what  have  I  done,  it  is  inquired,  to  lose  it  ? 

Those  Conventions,  if  they  would  act  wisely,  I  think,  would 
acquiesce  in  the  National  Convention  and  leave  their  own  dele- 
gates to  act  freely,  according  to  all  circumstances. 


OF  HENKY  CLAY.  555 

My  suit  has  been  argued  in  the  Supreme  Court,  and  I  shall 
leave  this  place  next  week  for  Philadelphia,  where  some  busi- 
ness takes  me. 


MR.    CLAY  TO    GENERAL    COMBS. 

WASHINGTON,  February  18,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, — I  received  your  favor  this  morning.  I 
have  written  this  winter  no  letters  to  Kentucky  on  public  affairs 
but  in  answer  to  letters  which  I  received,  and  of  this  description 
only  three.  That  which  you  thought  ought  to  have  been  ad- 
dressed to  you  was  of  that  character. 

I  remain  in  my  passive  position  in  regard  to  the  Presidency. 
To  this  course  I  have  been  strongly  urged.  It  is  generally  ap- 
proved. Whether  and  when  I  may  change  it  depends  on  circum- 
stances. There  is  no  occasion  for  precipitate  action.  Mine  at 
least  shall  be  deliberate  ;  having  due  regard  to  country,  party, 
friends.  If  I  were  to  credit  all  I  hear  and  see,  there  would  be  no 
doubt  of  my  election,  if  nominated  by  the  National  Convention, 
with  my  consent ;  but  experience  has  brought  diffidence,  and  I 
do  not  lend  too  ready  an  ear  to  even  agreeable  things. 

I  learn  from  New  York  that  there  is  not  a  particle  of  doubt 
that,  if  I  were  a  candidate,  the  vote  of  that  State  would  be  given 
me  by  an  immense  majority.  The  Legislature  (I  mean  the 
Whigs)  have  had  a  caucus,  in  which  they  passed  a  resolution, 
with  I  believe  unanimity,  designating  me,  although  not  naming 
me,  and  excluding  our  friend  General  Taylor,  though  not  nam- 
ing him.  Our  Kentucky  and  other  friends  ought  to  know  what 
an  up-hill  business  that  is  of  supporting  the  General  in  the  free 
States ;  and  yet  I  lose  no  suitable  occasion  to  impress  on  all 
union,  harmony  and  concord. 

I  am  fully  convinced  that  no  preference  will  be  expressed  next 
week  in  Virginia,  at  Richmond,  for  General  Taylor ;  most  prob- 
ably none  will  be  expressed  for  any  one. 

I  expect  to  be  in  Philadelphia  the  two  or  three  last  days  of  this 
month  and  the  first  week  of  the  next.  If  I  can  give  any  im- 
pulse to  your  business  there,  I  shall  not  fail  to  do  it. 


556  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

MR.    CLAY   TO    HIS    SON    JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  February  21,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — Mr.  Adams  was  striken  to-day  in  his  seat  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  with  paralysis,  and,  if  not  now 
dead,  it  is  believed  that  he  can  not  live  until  night.  Both  houses 
immediately  adjourned. 

The  court  has  not  yet  decided  my  cause,  but  as  it  has  a  press 
of  business  before  it,  I  do  not  draw  any  unfavorable  conclusion 
from  the  delay.  I  can  not  lose  it. 

I  shall  leave  this  city  the  day  after  to-morrow  for  Philadelphia 
on  Mr.  Shelby's  business,  and  shall  be  detained  there  about  a 
week. 

Mr.  Trist  has  certainly  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Mexican 
Commissioners,  which  is  now  in  this  city.  I  understand  that  it 
cedes  the  boundary  of  the  Rio  Bravo,  all  New  Mexico,  and  Up- 
per California  ;  and  that  we  are  to  pay  fifteen  millions  of  dollars, 
besides  assuming  the  payment  of  the  debt  due  from  Mexico  to 
our  citizens.  I  am  told  that  the  treaty  will  be  submitted  to  the 
Senate  for  its  advice,  etc. 

I  wrote  to  your  mother  that  I  had  received  the  check  which 
you  sent  me  from  New  Orleans. 

My  love  to  Susan,  Lucy,  and  your  other  children. 


JOHN  M'LEAN  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

CINCINNATI,  March  1,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favor  from  Baltimore  was  lately  received 
at  this  place,  it  having  been  forwarded  to  me  by  Mr.  Botts. 

The  manifestations  of  confidence  and  affection  by  your  fel- 
low-citizens in  your  late  tour  must  be  gratifying  to  you,  as  they 
certainly  have  been  to  your  friends.  No  higher  honors  could  be 
bestowed  than  those  which  you  have  received. 

No  one  can  so  fully  understand  and  appreciate  the  importance 
of  your  position,  as  connected  with  the  future,  as  yourself;  and 
this  knowledge  best  qualifies  you  to  determine  your  course  of 
action.  Standing  in  the  advance  of  all  your  compeers  in  age 
and  in  renown,  you  owe  much  to  yourself.  But  your  fame  is 
not  exclusively  your  own.  It  belongs  also  to  the  nation.  No 
one  friendly  to  his  country  could  desire  a  step  to  be  taken  or 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  557 

omitted  by  you,  which  might  not  result,  as  it  would  be  de- 
signed, for  the  general  good. 

You  can  not  be  insensible  to  the  claims  of  duty,  but  your 
friends  have  no  right  to  expect  from  you  personal  sacrifices.  I 
can  only  repeat  what  I  said  to  you  in  Washington,  that  if,  on  a 
full  view  of  the  whole  ground,  your  friends  believe,  and  your 
own  judgment  shall  concur  with  theirs,  that  there  exists  the 
highest  probability  of  success,  you  ought  not  to  withhold  your 
name.  But,  in  all  frankness,  I  will  say  that  you  ought  not  to 
enter  into  a  doubtful  contest.  Your  fame  is  of  too  much  value 
to  yourself  and  to  your  country  to  compromise  it,  in  any  degree, 
on  a  hazardous  result. 

Political  success  is  no  longer  a  test  of  merit  or  qualification. 
Had  this  been  otherwise,  you  would  long  since  have  been  at  the 
head  of  the  Government.  If  your  name  shall  be  brought  before 
the  country,  with  your  assent,  I  shall  feel  the  utmost  solicitude 
for  your  success. 


GENERAL  TAYLOR  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

BATON  ROUGE,  La.,  April  30,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Your  highly  esteemed  letter  of  the  4th  inst. 
was  duly  received,  for  which  you  have  my  best  thanks.  It  was 
highly  gratifying  to  me  to  hear  from  you,  and  to  learn  you  had 
returned  to  Ashland,  after  so  long  a  travel  during  the  most  in- 
clement season  of  the  year,  in  good  health,  which,  I  flatter  my- 
self, you  will  long  continue  to  enjoy.  Your  views,  as  regards 
our  respective  chances  to  succeed  to  the  Presidency  at  the  com- 
ing election,  are  entitled  to  the  greatest  respect  and  consideration, 
as  your  opportunities  of  knowing  the  opinion  of  the  people  gen- 
erally throughout  the  country,  as  regards  that  matter,  are  much 
better  than  mine  can  possibly  be,  having  recently  made  a  visit 
to  the  seat  of  the  General  Government,  to  three  or  four  of  our 
largest  cities,  and  passed  through,  into,  and  along  the  borders  of 
several  of  the  strongest  States  in  the  Union  ;  while  I  have,  since 
my  return  from  Mexico,  for  the  most  part  remained  stationary  at 
an  out-of-the-way  place,  where  I  see  or  hear  but  little  of  politi- 
cal movements  or  matters,  save  through  the  newspapers  and  let- 
ters, for  the  most  part  written  and  published  by  politicians,  the 
editors  and  writers  of  the  same  are  sometimes  mistaken  in  their 
views  on  the  subject  of  President-making,  as  other  people. 


558  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

I  conceive  I  am,  owing  to  circumstances  which  I  could  not 
well  avoid,  placed  in  rather  a  peculiar  situation,  as  regards  my 
being  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  It  is  well  known  to 
those  who  had  my  confidence,  that  I  was  very  much  opposed, 
when  the  matter  was  first  agitated  in  several  of  the  public  jour- 
nals, which  was  soon  after  the  battles  of  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca 
de  la  Palma,  to  my  name  being  used  as  a  candidate  for  that 
office,  which  I  resisted  as  far  as  I  could  well  do  so,  stating  to 
those  around  me  that  I  had  no  aspirations  for  civil  office  of  any 
kind  ;  that  my  greatest  ambition  was  to  bring  the  war  we  were 
engaged  in  to  a  speedy  and  honorable  termination  ;  that  by  be- 
ing considered  a  candidate  for  that  situation,  would  have  the 
effect  to  make  the  President  hostile  to  me  even  without  his  be- 
ing aware  of  it,  and  in  such  a  way  as  to  impair  my  usefulness 
in  the  field,  if  not  to  destroy  it,  as  regarded  the  object  I  had 
nearest  my  heart,  which  has  been  realized  to  the  full  extent  of 
my  expectation  ;  for  ever  since  the  battle  of  Monterey,  until 
I  left  Mexico,  the  hand  of  the  Executive  was  laid  heavily  on 
me. 

My  name  continued  to  be  constantly  referred  to  through  some 
of  the  newspapers,  from  the  time  previously  mentioned,  as  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency,  until  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista, 
soon  after  which  I  began  to  receive  many  letters  from  some  of 
the  first  political  men  of  the  nation,  and  from  several  States,  in 
which  they  stated  that  it  was  in  contemplation  to  bring  my 
name  before  the  country  as  the  Whig  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, in  November,  1848.  In  reply,  I  frankly  stated  my  ob- 
jections to  their  doing  so ;  among  others,  that  I  was  no  politi- 
cian, and  that  it  might  be  considered  presumption  in  me  to 
aspire  to  that  high  station,  when  there  were  such  statesmen  who 
might  be  elevated  to  it  as  yourself,  Mr.  Crittenden,  Judge 
McLean,  and  John  M.  Clayton,  and  hundreds  of  others  unknown 
to  me,  who  were,  I  conceived,  much  better  qualified  to  preside 
over  the  destinies  of  the  country  than  I  was ;  that  you  were  my 
first  choice,  nor  did  I  wish  to  be  in  the  way  of  any  prominent 
Whig  who  might  be  brought  out  for  that  office.  To  which  they 
replied — some  of  whom  were  your  warm  political  and  personal 
friends — that  you  would  not  again  permit  your  name  to  be 
brought  before  the  country  as  a  candidate,  and  that  they  did  not 
believe  any  other  Whig,  owing  to  events  which  had  taken 
place,  was  so  likely  to  be  elected,  in  opposition  to  the  party  in 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  559 

power,  as  myself;  and  that  I  owed  it  to  the  country  to  permit 
my  name  to  be  used  for  said  object ;  that  I  '•  could  not  avoid 
being  a  candidate  if  I  would,  and  ought  not  if  I  could."  Under 
this  state  of  things  I  reluctantly  yielded  to  their  wishes.  .  About 
the  same  time,  I  informed  a  distinguished  member  of  Congress, 
that  the  arrangements  for  the  next  Presidential  campaign  were  to 
be  made  during  the  approaching  session  of  that  body,  which  would 
shortly  meet ;  and  if,  after  consulting  the  members  of  both  branches 
of  the  same,  it  was  thought  advisable  to  take  up  some  other  in- 
dividual of  the  party  who  was  more  available,  he  was  authorized 
to  withdraw  my  name  from  the  contest,  and  if  it  was  you  who 
was  fixed  on,  so  much  the  better.  After  writing  said  letter,  I 
received  the  proceedings  of  the  people  called  together  in  primary 
assemblies  in  several  of  the  States,  nominating  me  as  a  candi- 
date for  the  Presidency  at  the  next  election,  and  in  several  in- 
stances stating  it  was  understood  that,  in  the  event  of  any  dis- 
tinguished Whig  being  brought  out  as  a  candidate,  I  would  at 
once  withdraw  my  name  ;  but  urging  me  not  to  do  so,  but  to  con- 
tinue as  a  candidate  under  all  circumstances,  on  the  grounds  I 
had  taken,  which  was  not  to  be  the  exclusive  candidate  of  any 
party,  etc. ;  and  on  reaching  New  Orleans  many  friends  called 
on  me  to  let  it  be  publicly  announced  that  my  name  as  a  candi- 
date for  the  office  in  question  would  not  be  withdrawn,  let  who 
would  be  in  the  field,  which  I  consented  to,  and  advised  my 
friends  in  Washington  of  my  change  in  that  respect,  without 
delay.  I  therefore  now  consider  myself  in  the  hands  of  the 
people,  a  portion  of  whom  have  placed  my  name  before  the 
country,  for  the  highest  office  in  their  gift,  without  any  agency 
of  mine  in  the  matter,  and  if  they  should  think  proper  to  drop 
me  and  take  another,  which  they  ought  to  do,  provided  they 
can  fix  on  a  more  available  candidate,  and  one  better  qualified 
to  serve  them,  and  cast  their  votes  for  him  at  the  proper  time, 
and  should  succeed  in  electing  him,  it  will  neither  be  a  source 
of  mortification  or  disappointment  to  me.  On  the  contrary,  if 
he  is  honest,  truthful,  and  patriotic,  I  will  rejoice  at  the  result. 
And  I  can  say,  in  all  sincerity,  that  should  you  receive  the  nomi- 
nation of  the  Whig  National  Convention,  which  is  to  meet  in 
Philadelphia  in  June,  and  should  be  elected  in  November,  but 
few  of  your  friends  will  be  more  gratified  than  myself.  And 
should  you  be  unsuccessful,  and  should  it  be  thought  your  being 
a  candidate  had  the  effect  of  preventing  my  election,  it  will  not 


560  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

produce  the  slightest  feeling  of  unkindness  toward  you,  but  I 
will  continue  to  cherish  those  kind  feelings  which  I  have  enter- 
tained for  you  for  many  years,  which  I  hope  are  reciprocal. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  SAMUEL    HAIGHT. 

ASTOAND,  April  15,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  to-day  your  favor  of  the  10th  in- 
stant. Prior  to  this  you  will  have  received  my  note  addressed  to 
the  public  announcing  my  assent  to  the  submission  of  my  name 
to  the  consideration  of  the  National  Convention.  It  so  fully  ex- 
plained my  views  and  feelings  that  I  have  nothing  to  add  to  it. 
I  do  not  see  how  it  is  possible  for  any  exception  to  be  taken 
to  it. 

I  concur  with  you  in  regretting  the  course  of  the  "  National  In- 
telligencer" in  regard  to  the  French  Revolution  ;  but  I  think  it 
ought  not  to  operate,  and  I  hope  it  will  not  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  Whig  party.  The  editors  expressly  disclaim  being  the  or- 
gan of  that  party,  and  the  resolutions  of  congratulation  to  the 
French  people  have  been  passed,  in  both  houses  of  Congress,  by 
almost  unanimous  votes.  My  own  opinion  is,  that  our  sympa- 
thies and  congraturations  were  due  to  the  French  people  for  the 
Revolution  which  they  had  effected.  In  expressing  these  senti- 
ments, we  should  not  have  been  committed  to  the  sanction  of  any 
future  excesses  which  may  be  perpetrated  in  the  progress  of  the 
revolution,  if  any  such  should  unfortunately  occur.  My  hope  is 
that  the  foreign  powers,  profiting  by  the  folly  of  their  former  in- 
terference with  France,  will  abstain  from  all  exterior  pressure 
upon  her,  and  that  she,  profiting  by  the  errors  which  were  com- 
mitted in  the  former  Revolution,  will  peacefully  establish,  with- 
out the  spilling  of  blood,  a  free  Government  upon  the  basis  of 
popular  representation. 

No  one  can  doubt  my  feelings  and  sympathies  who  has  any 
recollection  of  the  course  which  I  took  in  regard  to  the  Spanish 
American  Republics,  and  to  Greece.  While  France  has  my  cor- 
dial and  hearty  wishes  for  the  triumphant  establishment  of  liberty, 
I  shall  be  ready  to  express  the  deepest  regrets,  if  the  Revolution 
should  take  an  unfortunate  turn. 

I  request  you  to  present  my  respectful  compliments  to  Mrs. 
Haight. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  561 

MR.   CLAY  TO  HENRY  WHITE. 

ASHLAND,  May  23,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  19th  instant, 
and  I  feel  greatly  obliged  by  the  confidence  in  me  which  it 
evinces.  You  desire,  in  the  event  of  there  not  being  a  majority 
of  the  Whig  Convention  disposed  to  nominate  me,  to  know  who 
among  .the  distinguished  names  before  the  Convention  would  be 
.my  first,  second  and  third  choice.  I  have  hitherto  maintained  a 
position  of  entire  impartiality  between  my  competitors  for  the 
nomination.  It  was  dictated  by  considerations  of  delicacy  to- 
ward them.  I  do  not  think  that  I  ought  to  deviate  from  it. 
To  you,  as  soon  as  to  a,ny  friend  I  have,  I  would  make  the  de- 
sired communication,  if  I  were  not  restrained  by  the  motives 
suggested. 

I  hope  that  your  apprehensions  of  a  stormy  Convention  will 
not  be  realized  ;  but  that  it  will  be  found  animated  by  a  spirit 
of  concord  and  patriotism,  and  seeking  to  do  the  best  it  can  for 
our  common  country. 


CHARLES  P.    ADAMS  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

QCINCT,  May  24,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — On  behalf  of  my  mother  and  the  few  surviv- 
ing relatives  of  my  late  father,  as  well  as  for  myself,  permit  me 
to  express  the  sense  which  I  entertain  of  the  kindness  expressed 
in  your  letter  of  the  15th  instant.  Much  as  the  sympathy  has 
been  which  the  painful  event  to  which  you  are  pleased  to  allude 
has  called  out  from  almost  all  quarters,  from  none  could  it  have 
come  more  gratefully  than  from  yourself.  A  kind  providence 
had  by  a  preceding  warning  in  a  measure  prepared  me  to  expect 
the  blow,  but  I  confess  I  was  wholly  unprepared  for  so  deep  and 
general  a  manifestation  of  the  public  regard.  Besides  the  sooth- 
ing influence  of  this  result  to  the  feelings  of  those  immediately 
connected  with  him,  I  trust,  it  may  have  a  wider  bearing  to 
prove  to  all  that  class  of  statesmen  of  which  you  as  well  as  he 
are  a  prominent  example,  that  the  most  vehement  opposition  of 
rivals  and  cotemporaries,  though  attended  with  temporary  suc- 
cess, avails  little  to  cloud  the  deliberate  judgment  of  a  later 
time. 


562  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

Suffer  me,  sir,  most  respectfully  to  reciprocate  the  good  will 
which  you  are  pleased  to  express  toward  myself.  I  have  always 
looked  back  with  pleasure  to  the  days  in  which  as  a  very  young 
man  I  had  some  extraordinary  opportunities  of  acquaintance  with 
the  most  distinguished  men  of  the  country.  I  have  never  been 
anxious  to  alloy  the  impressions  obtained  in  Washington  at  that 
period  with  new  ones  to  be  found  in  the  later  society  of  that 
capital.  Had  the  statesmen  of  that  day  continued  to  guide  the 
destinies  of  the  country,  its  prospects  at  this  time  would  have 
been  somewhat  different  from  what  they  are.  But  the  die  is  cast. 


DAVID  GRAHAM  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

NE\V  YOEK,  June  9,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  mis-representatives  of  the  Whig  party 
have  at  length  consummated  the  greatest  act  of  national  injus- 
tice it  was  in  their  power  to  perform,  in  the  nomination  of  a  man 
as  their  candidate  for  the  Presidency  who  has  rejected  the  prin- 
ciples and  spurned  the  organization  and  discipline  of  the  Whigs. 
The  intelligence  has  fallen  upon  the  honest  and  true-hearted 
Whigs  of  this  city,  and  I  doubt  not  of  the  country  at  large,  like 
a  clap  of  thunder  ;  and  the  execrations  of  the  mass  of  the  party 
here,  at  the  treachery  by  which  they  have  again  been  overtaken, 
are  both  loud  and  deep.  For  yourself,  my  dear  sir,  it  will  be 
gratifying  to  know  that  this  last  act  of  ingratitude  has  only 
served  to  bind  you  more  closely  to  the  hearts  of  your  friends  ; 
and  I  do  but  justice  to  their  feelings  and  my  own  when  I  say 
that  a  signal,  and  I  trust,  withering  rebuke  will  be  promptly  ad- 
ministered to  the  stock-jobbing  politicians  for  whose  selfish  pur- 
poses this  outrage  upon  us  has  been  perpetrated.  To  you  no 
station  can  bring  higher  honor  than  that  which  you  now  enjoy ; 
and,  so  far  as  you  are  individually  concerned,  it  is  not  too  much 
to  say  that  an  honorable  retirement,  accompanied  with  the  heart- 
felt affection  of  the  whole  nation,  must  be  more  grateful  than 
the  turmoil  and  anxieties  attendant  upon  office,  however  exalted. 
But  it  can  not  and  will  not  be  forgotten,  that  in  your  person  the 
integrity  and  the  hopes  of  the  Whig  party  have  been  stricken 
down,  and  their  existence  as  a  party  blasted  and  destroyed.  And 
I  trust  the  day  is  far  distant  when  -a  forgiveness  will  be  extended 
to  the  base  combination  between  the  heartless  rivals  whom  you 


OP  HENEY  CLAY.  563 

have  outstripped,  both  in  unexampled  devotion  to  your  country 
and  in  the  favor  of  your  countrymen,  and  the  truckling  harpies, 
who,  like  the  followers  of  a  camp,  are  hent  upon  plunder  alone. 

I  know,  my  dear  sir,  that  you  will  indulge  in  no  personal  re- 
grets at  the  issue.  But  at  the  same  time,  allow  me,  as  one  of 
your  truest  friends,  as  one  who  from  the  moment  when  I  was  in- 
vested with  the  right  to  express  an  opinion  upon  public  affairs, 
have  been  a  Whig,  and  a  Clay  Whig,  to  beg  of  you,  as  an  act 
of  justice  to  your  faithful  friends,  to  withhold  any  expression  of 
approval  of  the  action  of  this  Convention.  Your  magnanimity 
will  be  appealed  to  by  those  who  have  stabbed  you  and  outraged 
us,  as  it  was  when  we  were  betrayed  in  1839  ;  but  I  trust  that 
the  appeal  will  meet  with  a  different  response. 

In  addressing  you  in  this  earnest  and  emphatic  manner,  I  feel 
that  I  am  taking  a  great,  perhaps  an  unwarrantable  liberty,  with 
you.  I  plead,  as  my  apology,  my  integrity  as  a  Whig  and  my 
unalterable  veneration  for  yourself.  I  speak,  moreover,  the  sen- 
timents of  your  hosts  of  friends  in  New  York,  who  only  find 
relief  from  the  despondency  which  weighs  them  down,  in  the 
proud  reflection  that  they  have  battled  to  the  last  under  your 
glorious  and  honored  name. 


WILLIS  HALL   TO  MR.   CLAY. 

NFW  YOUK,  June,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  CLAY, — I  write  to  you  in  the  fullness  of  my 
heart,  not  to  condole  with  you,  for  though  I  feel  all  the  personal 
regard  toward  you  which  one  man  can  feel  for  another,  personal 
considerations  are  absorbed  in  those  of  a  public  nature. 

The  Presidency  could  have  added  nothing  to  your  fame,  and 
would  have  detracted  much  from  your  comfort. 

This  Government  has  had  a  national  existence  but  little  more 
than  sixty  years,  during  nearly  forty  of  which  it  has  been  guid- 
ed by  your  counsels.  Glorious  period  !  You  may  justly  regard 
it  with  exultation  !  During  this  period  you  have  demonstrated 
the  great  problem  of  the  feasibility  and  permanency  of  popular 
government,  and  almost  every  nation  in  Europe,  incited  by  the 
example,  is  now  convulsed  with  the  effort  to  imitate  it.  During 
this  period  you  have  impressed  upon  the  country  that  high  and 
honorable  spirit  in  our  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  that 


564:  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

spirit  of  conciliation  and  union  among  the  States  which  have 
preserved  us  at  home  and  made  us  respected  abroad. 

The  uninterrupted  and  unprecedented  prosperity  of  our  national 
career  has  not  been  the  work  of  accident.  Three  times,  at  least, 
the  car  of  state  would  have  taken  the  wrong  road,  if  not  the 
road  to  destruction,  but  for  your  guiding  hand:  once  in  1810-12, 
once  in  1819-20,  once  in  1830-31.  Will  no  emergency  of  the 
kind  ever  occur  again  ?  When  the  next  storm  howls  around  us, 
this  people,  guilty  and  appalled,  will  shrink  back  covered  with 
fear  and  dismay  at  the  mischief  they  have  done.  You  may  say 
without  arrogance,  "  Weep  not  for  me,  but  rather  weep  for  your- 
selves !"  As  the  scroll  of  our  history  unrolls  itself,  your  times 
will  stand  out  in  bold  and  bolder  relief  until  it  becomes  the 
golden  age  of  some  future  people,  perhaps  as  unlike  the  present 
as  the  miserable  herd  that  now  defile  the  streets  of  Rome  are 
unlike  the  associates  of  the  elder  Brutus.  Convulsions  and  ster- 
ility immediately  and  abruptly  following  a  tract  of  rich  and  ele- 
vated fertility,  make  the  period  of  your  counsels  a  stand  mark  to 
all  future  time. 

We  are  on  the  eve  of  great  events.  Slavery  will  now  become 
an  immediate  and  bitter  subject  of  dispute,  and  will  not  be  re- 
linquished until  it  is  extinguished  or  the  Union  dissolved.  I  feel 
little  disposition  to  commiserate  the  sufferings  of  the  slave  re- 
gion. They  have  brought  it  upon  themselves ;  they  have  thrust 
slavery  upon  us  in  the  most  offensive  way  j  the  policy  of  slavery 
governs  all  their  actions  ;  their  conduct  in  the  Convention  will 
not  be  forgotten  ;  the  means  they  have  taken  to  render  them- 
selves as  they  fancied  more  secure  on  this  subject,  has  precipita- 
ted the  discussion  accompanied  with  an  acrimony  which  will 
not  tend  to  a  friendly  adjustment.  The  Whigs  in  this  quarter 
every  where  are  joining  the  Barnburners,  ready  to  make  the  slave 
question  the  great  issue  in  future.  The  next  Presidential  elec- 
tion (four  years  hence)  will  turn  upon  that  point.  A  Barnburner 
will  be  elected. 

The  Whig  party,  as  such,  is  dead.  The  very  name  will  be 
abandoned,  should  Taylor  be  elected,  for  "  the  Taylor  party." 
The  last  Whig  Convention  committed  the  double  crime  of  sui- 
cide and  parricide.  I  loved  that  party,  and  whenever  and  wher- 
ever I  shall  hereafter  discover  any  portion  of  my  fellow-citizens 
guided  by  its  principles,  I  shall  attach  myself  to  them  ;  meantime 
I  consider  myself  absolved  from  all  political  connection. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  -  565 

It  was  resolved  to  have  a  ratification  meeting  here  as  usual. 
The  General  Committee  met  on  Monday  evening,  they  were  sur- 
rounded by  more  than  three  thousand  people  spontaneously  col- 
lected, and  the  Committee  was  compelled  to  postpone  the  meeting 
indefinitely,  in  hopes  that  General  Taylor's  letter  of  accept- 
ance will  place  himself  more  distinctly  upon  Whig  ground. 
They  will  wait  in  vain.  The  Taylorites  begin  to  think  Tay- 
lor's election  is  not  quite  as  certain  as  they  supposed. 

I  hasten  to  the  sole  object  of  this  long  letter,  which  is  to  assure 
you  of  my  undiminished  and  unalterable  regard.  Mrs.  Hall 
begs  me  to  join  her  in  the  expression  of  these  sentiments  and 
the  respectful  assurances  of  our  highest  esteem. 


MR.   CLAY    TO  JAMES  HARLAN. 

ASHLAND,  June  22,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  wished  much  to  see  you,  and  hope  soon  to 
meet  you.  I  got  your  letter  from  Choles'  on  your  way  home, 
and  I  have  received  to-day  your  favor  of  the  20th  with  the  news- 
paper you  sent  me.  Judge  Robertson  has  returned,  and  has  given 
me  much  information  ;  but  there  are  some  points  which  you  can 
best  elucidate. 

I  shall  take  no  active  or  partisan  part  in  the  canvass,  but  re- 
main quiet,  submitting  to  what  has  been  done  so  far  as  relates  to 
myself.  I  think  this  is  the  course  prompted  by  self-respect  and 
personal  dignity.  I  shall  attend  no  ratification  meetings.  How 
can  I  sanction  and  approve  what  the  seven  delegates  from  Ken- 
tucky did  in  the  Convention,  without  virtually  condemning  what 
the  five  delegates  did  ?  How  can  I  publicly  and  warmly  sup- 
port a  candidate  who  declared  that,  in  a  reversal  of  conditions, 
he  would  not  have  supported,  but  opposed  me  ?  I  am  not  mis- 
led by  the  humbuggery  of  the  Louisiana  delegates.  What  cre- 
dentials, what  instructions  had  they  ?  They  showed  none,  and 
had  none. 

In  November,  if  I  am  spared,  I  shall,  with  all  the  lights  then 
before  me,  go  to  the  polls  and  vote  for  that  candidate  whose  elec- 
tion I  believe  will  be  least  prejudicial  to  the  country.  Of  course 
I  can  never  vote  for  Cass. 

It  is  too  soon  to  form  any  satisfactory  opinion  as  to  the  issue 
of  the  contest.  Neither  candidate  seems  to  be  entirely  accepta- 


566  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

ble  to  the  party  which  supports  him.  And  I  suppose  that  party 
will  probably  succeed  between  whose  members  there  will  be 
ultimately  the  least  division  and  the  greatest  intermediate  recon- 
ciliation. 

P.  S.  The  Governor  very  handsomely  tendered  me  the  Ex- 
ecutive appointment  to  the  Senate,  which  I  this  day  declined  ac- 
cepting. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    A    COMMITTEE    OF    LOUISVILLE. 

ASHLAND,  June  28,  1848. 

GENTLEMEN, — I  received  your  favor  adverting  to  certain  re- 
ports in  circulation  in  respect  to  me,  with  regard  to  the  approach- 
ing Presidential  election,  and  requesting  information  in  relation 
to  them. 

Recognizing  you  as  among  my  staunchest,  truest,  and  most  faith- 
ful friends,  I  shall  ever  feel  under  the  greatest  obligations  to  you, 
and  shall  be  always  happy  when  I  can  command  your  approba- 
tion, or  do  any  thing  agreeable  to  you.  But  I  should  not  be 
entitled  to  your  esteem  if  I  did  not  continue  to  act,  as  I  have 
ever  endeavored  to  be  governed,  according  to  my  own  conscien- 
tious convictions  of  duty. 

As  far  as  I  was  personally  concerned,  I  submitted  to  the  decision 
of  the  late  National  Convention  at  Philadelphia.  It  has  relieved 
me  from  much  painful  suspense,  and  anxiety,  if  I  had  been  nomi- 
nated ;  and  from  great  vexation,  care,  and  responsibility,  if  I  had 
been  subsequently  elected.  I  shall  do  nothing  in  opposition  to 
it.  I  shall  give  no  countenance  or  encouragement  to  any  third 
party  movements,  if  any  should  be  attempted  against  it.  I  de- 
sire to  remain  henceforward  in  undisturbed  tranquillity  and  per- 
fect repose.  I  have  been  much  importuned  from  various  quarters 
to  endorse  General  Taylor  as  a  good  Whig,  who  will,  if  elected, 
act  on  Whig  principles  and  carry  out  Whig  measures.  But  how 
can  I  do  that  ?  Can  I  say  that  in  his  hands  Whig  measures  will 
be  safe  and  secure,  when  he  refuses  to  pledge  himself  to  their 
support  ?  when  some  of  his  most  active  friends  say  they 
are  obsolete  ?  when  he  is  presented  as  a  no-party  candidate  ? 
when  the  Whig  Convention  at  Philadelphia  refuse  to  recognize 
or  proclaim  its  attachment  to  any  principles  or  measures,  and 


OF  HENKY  CLAY.  567 

actually  laid  on  the  table  resolutions  having  that  object  in 
view  ? 

Ought  I  to  come  out  as  a  warm  and  partisan  supporter  of  a 
candidate  who,  in  a  reversal  of  our  conditions,  announced  his 
purpose  to  remain  as  a  candidate,  and  consequently  to  oppose 
me,  so  far  as  it  depended  upon  himself?  Tell  me  what  reci- 
procity is  in  this  ?  Magnanimity  is  a  noble  virtue,  and  I  have 
always  endeavored  to  practice  it ;  but  it  has  its  limits,  and  the 
line  of  demarcation  between  it  and  meanness  is  not  always 
clearly  discernible.  I  have  been  reminded  of  the  course  I  pur- 
sued in  the  case  of  the  nomination  of  General  Harrison  in  1839. 
But  General  Harrison  was  not  merely  a  Whig  in  name.  He 
was  committed  and  pledged  to  the  support  of  the  measures  of 
the  Whigs.  He  did  not  declare  that  he  would  stand  as  a  can- 
didate in  opposition  to  the  nomination  of  the  Convention.  He 
was,  moreover,  a  civilian  of  varied  and  extensive  experience. 

I  lost  the  nomination,  as  I  firmly  believe,  by  the  conduct  of 
the  majorities  in  the  delegations  from  Kentucky  in  Congress  and 
in  the  Convention,  and  I  am  called  upon  to  ratify  what  they  did, 
in  contravention,  as  I  also  believe,  of  the  wishes  of  a  large  ma- 
jority of  the  people  of  Kentucky  !  I  am  asked  to  sanction  and 
approve  the  course  of  the  seven  delegates  from  Kentucky,  who, 
in  violation  of  the  desire  of  their  constituents,  voted  against  me, 
and  virtually  to  censure  and  condemn  the  five  who  voted  for 
me  ! 

It  seems  to  me,  gentlemen,  that  self-respect,  the  consistency 
of  my  character,  and  my  true  fame,  require  that  I  should  take 
no  action  or  partisan  agency  in  the  existing  contest.  If  it  was 
between  Locofoco  principles  and  Whig  principles,  I  would  en- 
gage in  it  with  all  the  ardor  of  which  I  am  capable  ;  but  alas ! 
I  fear  that  the  Whig  party  is  dissolved,  and  that  no  longer  are 
there  Whig  principles  to  excite  zeal  and  to  stimulate  exertion. 
I  am  compelled,  most  painfully,  to  believe  that  the  Whig  party 
has  been  overthrown  by  a  mere  personal  party,  just  as  much 
having  that  character  as  the  Jackson  party  possessed  it  twenty 
years  ago. 

In  such  a  contest  I  can  feel  no  enthusiasm  ;  and  I  am  not 
hypocrite  enough  to  affect  what  I  do  not  feel.  There  is  un- 
doubtedly a  choice,  but  I  regard  it  as  a  choice  of  evils,  which  I 
will  make  for  myself  in  due  time,  under  the  influence  of  the 
great  principles  for  which  I  have  so  long  contended.  I  think 


568  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

my  friends  ought  to  leave  me  quiet  and  undisturbed  in  my  re- 
tirement. I  have  served  the  country  faithfully  and  to  the  ut- 
most of  my  poor  ability.  If  I  have  not  done  more,  it  has  not 
been  for  want  of  heart  or  inclination.  My  race  is  run.  During 
the  short  time  which  remains  to  me  in  this  world,  I  desire  to 
preserve  untarnished  that  character  which  so  many  have  done 
me  the  honor  to  respect  and  esteem.  They  may  rest  assured 
that  I  will  intentionally  do  nothing  to  forfeit  or  weaken  their 
good  opinion  of  me.  Abstaining  henceforward  from  all  active 
part  in  public  affairs,  and  occupying  myself  with  my  private  and 
more  solemn  duties,  I  shall,  if  spared,  go  to  the  polls  at  the 
proper  season,  like  any  other  private  citizen,  and  cast  my  vote 
as  I  may  deem  best  and  safest  for  the  principles  I  have  sus- 
tained and  for  my  country.  Seeking  to  influence  nobody,  I 
hope  to  be  permitted  to  pursue  for  myself  the  dictates  of  my 
own  conscience. 

Such  is  the  view  which  I  have  of  the  present  posture  of  the 
Presidential  question,  and  my  relations  to  it.  More  light  may  be 
herea/ter  thrown  upon  it,  which  I  shall  be  most  happy  to  receive, 
and  if  it  should  point  to  a  different  course  of  duty,  I  shall  not 
hesitate  to  follow  it. 

I  address  this  letter  to  you  in  consequence  of  yours,  and  from 
the  friendly  regard  I  entertain  for  you.  I  should  have  preferred 
that  you  had  not  thought  it  necessary  to  appeal  to  me.  It  is 
manifest  from  the  tenor  of  my  reply  that  it  is  not  intended  for 
publication.  [  am,  etc. 


MB.    CLAY   TO    G.    W.    CURTIS. 

ASHLAND,  July  4,  1 848. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  comply  so  far  with  the  request  contained  in 
your  note  of  the  23d  ultimo,  as  to  acknowledge  its  receipt,  and 
to  say  that,  submitting  to  the  decision  of  the  Philadelphia  Con- 
vention, so  far  as  I  was  personally  affected  by  it,  I  can  not  give 
my  countenance  or  encouragement  to  the  use  of  my  name  in 
connection  with  the  Presidency.  Abstaining  from  the  expres- 
sion of  any  opinion  in  regard  to  the  nomination  which  was  ac- 
tually made,  I  will  only  observe  that  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Massa- 
chusetts, and  other  Northern  States,  had  it  in  their  power  to 
prevent  it,  if  they  had  chosen  to  unite  upon  one  whose  attach- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  569 

ment  to  the  Whig  cause  was  never  doubted  ;  but  they  did  not 
think  proper  to  do  so.  Ought  they  then  to  complain  of  what 
was  done,  upon  the  ground  that  General  Taylor  is  not  pledged 
to  the  support  of  Whig  measures  and  principles  ? 

I  tender  my  thanks  to  you  for  the  friendly  sentiments  toward 
me  which  you  were  kind  enough  to  express,  and  I  am,  etc. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  MISS    SUSAN    ALLIBONE. 

ASHLAND,  July  19,  1848. 

If  I  have  not  before  written  to  yon,  my  dear  Miss  Susan,  I 
pray  you  to  believe  that  my  silence  has  not  proceeded  from  any 
want  of  regard  to  you  or  from  any  insensibility  to  the  kindness 
which  you  have  displayed  toward  me,  in  your  obliging  letter  of 
the  4th  March  last,  and  in  presenting  me  with  the  valuable  writ- 
ings of  Archbishop  Leighton. 

With  perfect  truth  and  candor  I  say  that  I  have  rarely  ever 
made  a  visit  to  any  individual  in  my  life  that  afforded  me  higher 
satisfaction  than  that  which  I  derived  from  seeing  you.  Your 
physical  misfortunes,  your  resignation  to  the  will  of  our  Maker, 
your  gentle  and  intelligent  countenance,  and  your  interesting 
conversation,  all  combined  to  give  to  the  short  interview  I  had 
with  you  a  thrilling  interest.  I  have  oftentimes  thought  of  it, 
and  have  frequently  described  the  touching  scene  to  my  friends. 

I  have  looked  enough  into  the  volume  which  you  kindly  sent 
me  to  be  convinced  that  it  merits  your  high  commendation  of 
it ;  and  I  intend  to  give  the  whole  of  it  an  attentive  perusal. 

I  am  very  thankful,  dear  Miss  Susan,  for  the  friendly  manner 
in  which  you  allude  to  the  domestic  afflictions  with  which  it  has 
pleased  Providence  to  visit  me.  I  have  had  a  large  share  of  them. 
Since  my  return  home  another  has  been  added  to  the  former 
number  in  the  death  of  a  most  promising  grandson,  at  New  Or- 
leans, under  circumstances  which  greatly  aggravated  our  grief. 
I  am  happy,  however,  to  tell  you,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the 
sweet  little  granddaughter,  whose  case  of  spinal  affection  I  men- 
tioned to  you,  is  much  better,  runs  about  with  the  free  use  of 
her  limbs,  and  we  hope  will  have  her  strength  and  health  fully 
re-established.  In  behalf  of  her  I  thank  you  for  the  little  book 
which  you  had  the  goodness  to  send  her.  She  is  yet  too  young 
to  read  it  herself,  but  I  trust  that  she  will  be  spared  to  be  able 


670  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

hereafter  to  peruse  it.  In  the  mean  time  her  excellent  mother 
will  make  her  familiar  with  its  contents. 

Relieved  as  I  am  now  from  the  cares,  the  troubles  and  the 
responsibilities  of  public  life,  I  hope  to  profit  by  retirement  in 
making  those  preparations  for  another  and  better  world  which 
are  enjoined  upon  us  by  our  highest  and  eternal  interests.  In 
these,  your  example  of  perfect  submission  and  complete  obedience 
will  be  constantly  remembered  by  me,  with  great  benefit  and  ad- 
vantage. Instead  of  condoling  with  me,  as  some  of  my  friends 
have,  on  account  of  my  failure  to  obtain  the  nomination  at  the 
late  Philadelphia  Convention,  their  congratulations  on  the  event 
would  have  heen  more  seasonable  and  appropriate. 

I  request  you  to  present  my  respectful  regards  to  your  broth- 
ers and  their  families  ;  and  accept  for  yourself  my  prayers  that 
He  who  has  enabled  you  so  calmly  and  cheerfully  to  bear  up 
under  the  heavy  privations  which  you  suffer,  may  continue  His 
watchful  care  over  you  to  the  end,  and  that  we  may  both  here- 
after meet  in  the  regions  of  eternal  bliss. 


GENERAL  SCOTT  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

ELIZABETH-TOWN,  N".  J.,  July  19,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  CLAY, — I  have  been  most  unfortunate  in  respect 
to  your  very  kind  note  to  me  of  May  30,  addressed  to  this  place. 
It  followed  me  to  Frederick,  Md.,  then  to  Washington,  a  second 
time  to  Frederick,  thence  to  Leonardstown  (our  friend  John 
Lee's  post-office),  and  after  lying  there  long  after  I  had  left  his 
hospitable  mansion,  it  has  finally  just  overtaken  me  here,  via 
Washington. 

It  is  now  sixty  days  since  I  landed  on  the  Jersey  shore,  with 
a  Mexican  disease  upon  me,  and  although  obliged  to  travel  and 
to  engage  in  the  most  vexatious  and  disgusting  work,  I  have  not 
had  the  strength  to  walk  three  hundred  yards  at  once  in  the 
whole  time.  I  am  still  very  feeble,  and  go  to-morrow  to  the 
sea  shore  to  gain  vigor  to  meet  the  same  court  (nearly)  in  my 
own  case,  at  the  beginning  of  the  next  month. 

I  left  Mexico  in  the  comfortable  belief  that  the  choice  of  a 
Whig  candidate  for  the  Presidency  had  been  narrowed  down  to 
two  names,  yours  and  that  of  General  Taylor,  and  that  you 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  571 

would  be  the  nominee.  The  day  after  I  landed  a  distinguished 
public  man  from  a  wing  of  the  Capitol,  a  friend  of  yours,  passing 
by  got  out  of  the  train  to  see  me.  I  stated  my  impressions  and 
wishes  to  him,  and  was  astonished  to  hear  him  say  that  your 
friends  in  Congress,  with  four  exceptions — Berrien  and  Botts, 
but  no  Kentuckians,  were  two  of  them — had  given  you  up  on 
some  calculation  of  a  want  of  availability  !  I  promptly  said,  if 
I  could  be  flattered  into  the  belief  that  my  name  oh  the  same 
ticket  (below  yours)  would  add  the  vote  of  a  single  State,  I 
might  be  considered  as  at  the  service  of  the  party,  and  author- 
ized him  to  say  so  on  his  return  to  Washington,  notwithstanding 
my  reluctance  to  change  my  army  commission,  etc.  In  a  day  or 
two  I  went  to  Washington,  visited  Frederick  and  returned,  but  I 
was  confined  to  a  sick  bed,  and,  although  I  saw  many  political 
men,  I  was  not  in  a  condition  to  converse  or  to  exercise  the 
slightest  influence.  I  believe  the  impression  was  quite  general 
that  I  was  not  likely  to  recover.  At  the  end  of  a  week,  how- 
ever, I  got  back,  with  difficulty,  to  Frederick,  and  there  the 
nomination  of  General  Taylor  reached  me. 

If  he  shall  frankly  accept  the  nomination  as  a  Whig,  with  a 
pledge  to  administer  the  Government  on  the  principles  of  the 
party,  I  shall  fervently  pray  for  his  success.  If  not,  I  shall  at 
least  be  indifferent. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  JAMES  HARLAN. 

ASHLAND,  August  5,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received,  at  the  Estell  Springs  (from  which 
I  returned  yesterday),  your  favor  transmitting  a  sketch  of  Mr. 
Mr. 's  speech  at  Versailles,  for  which  I  thank  you. 

How  derogatory  is  it  for  politicians  to  attempt  to  ridicule  and 
degrade  themselves  in  the  presence  of  General  Taylor !  And 
how  inconsistent  is  it  to  denounce  party  in  the  same  breath  in 
which  the  Whig  party  is  called  on  to  support  the  General  as  a 
Whig,  that  is,  a  party  man  !  It  is  mortifying  to  behold  that  once 
great  party  descending  from  its  lofty  position  of  principle,  known, 
avowed  and  proclaimed  principle,  and  lending  itself  to  the  crea- 
tion of  a  mere  personal  party,  with  a  virtual  abandonment  of  its 
old  principles. 

I  have  a  letter  from  General  Scott  in  which  he  states  that  he 


572  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

authorized,  on  his  landing  from  Mexico,  a  distinguished  gentle- 
man from  Washington,  to  say  that  he  was  willing  to  rim  as  a 
candidate  for  the  Vice  Presidency  on  the  ticket  with  me. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  NICHOLAS  DEAN. 

ASHLAND,  August  24,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received,  and  perused  with  lively  inte- 
rest and  gratitude,  your  friendly  letter  of  the  27th  ultimo. 

The  Whig  party  presents  an  anomalous  condition.  Without 
any  candidate  who  recognizes  his  obligation  to  conform  to  their 
principles,  the  members  of  it  are  called  upon  as  a  party  to  sup- 
port the  no-party  candidate  ;  and  I  have  been  urgently  and  re- 
peatedly appealed  to,  to  indorse  as  a  Whig  General  Taylor,  who, 
while  he  adopts  the  name  in  a  modified  form,  repudiates  the 
principles  of  the  party  !  I  need  not  say,  that  I  have  done, 
and  shall  do,  no  such  thing.  Self-respect,  consistency  with  de- 
liberate opinions  long  ago  formed,  and  my  sense  of  public  duty, 
will  restrain  me  from  taking  any  prominent  or  active  part  in  the 
canvass.  Whatever  I  may  do,  I  will  not  expose  myself  to  any 
reproaches  from  those — if  there  be  any  such — who  .might  be 
misled  by  my  opinion.  I  have  submitted  quietly  to  the  deci- 
sion of  the  Convention,  and  beyond  that  I  feel  under  no  obliga- 
tions. 

I  consider  my  public  career  as  forever  terminated,  and  I  am 
most  anxious  to  preserve  untarnished  that  character,  around 
which  so  many  warm-hearted  friends  have  done  me  the  honor 
to  rally.  I  should,  I  think,  justly  incur  their  censure  if,  after  all 
that  I  have  thought  and  said  (confirmed  as  my  convictions  are 
by  observation)  against  the  elevation  of  mere  military  men  to 
the  Presidency,  could  I  come  out  in  the  active  support  of  the 
most  exclusively  military  candidate  ever  presented  to  the  Ameri- 
can people  ;  one,  too,  who  has  forced  himself  upon  the  Conven- 
tion, or  been  forced  upon  it.  One  who  declared  that  he  would 
stand  as  an  independent  candidate  against  me,  or  any  other 
Whig  that  might  be  nominated — a  declaration  made  under  his 
own  hand,  and  which  remains  uncontradicted  by  any  thing 
under  his  own  hand,  which  the  public  has  been  permitted  to 
see. 

I  do  not  mean  to  intimate  what  may  be  my  final  vote,  given 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  573 

quietly  at  the  polls,  if  I  vote  at  all ;  that  will  depend  upon  a 
view  of  all  existing  circumstances  at  the  time  ;  but  neither  now 
nor  then  do  I  desire  to  influence  any  body  else. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  contest  to  arouse  my  patriotism,  or  to 
animate  my  zeal.  I  regard  the  attempt  to  elect  General  Tayloi 
as  one  to  create  a  mere  personal  party.  How  such  a  party  may 
work,  I  can  not  foresee  ;  possibly  better  than  that  of  either  of 
his  competitors ;  but  this  possibility  is  not  sufficient  to  excite 
any  warmth  or  enthusiasm  with  me.  General  Taylor  has,  I 
think,  exhibited  much  instability  and  vascillation.  He  will  in- 
evitably fall  into  the  hands  of  others,  who  will  control  his  Ad- 
ministration. I  know  not  who  they  will  be,  but  judging  from 
my  experience  of  poor,  weak  human  nature,  they  will  be  most 
likely  those  who  will  have  favored  and  flattered  the  most. 

Standing  proud  and  erect  in  the  consciousness  of  having 
faithfully  fulfilled  all  my  public  duties,  and  supported  and 
cheered  by  numberless  intelligent  and  warm-hearted  friends  in 
all  parts  of  the  country,  I  acquiesce  in  the  retirement  in  which  I 
expect  to  pass  the  remnant  of  my  life.  Some  of  those  friends 
may  censure  me  for  the  inaction  which  I  have  prescribed  to  my- 
self during  the  present  canvass ;  but  if  they  do,  I  appeal  to 
their  "  sober  second  thoughts,"  or  to  the  impartial  tribunal  of 
posterity.  I  am,  etc. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  HENRY  WHITE. 

ASHLAND,  September  10,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  friendly  letter,  and  beg  you 
to  be  perfectly  assured  of  my  undiminished  regard  and  esteem. 

Although  I  believe  that  the  Philadelphia  Convention  has 
placed  the  Whig  party  in  a  humiliating  condition — one  which,  I 
fear,  will  impair  its  usefulness,  if  not  destroy  its  existence — I 
acquiesced  in  its  decision  in  not  nominating  me,  and  have  sub- 
mitted quietly  to  it.  I  have  done  nothing  to  oppose  its  nomina- 
tion. I  have  given  no  countenance  to  any  movements  having 
for  their  object  any  further  use  'of  my  name,  in  connection  with 
the  office  of  President.  Beyond  this  I  can  not  go.  Self-respect 
and  consistency  with  deliberate  opinions  long  since  formed  and 
repeatedly  avowed,  against  the  elevation  to  that  office  of  a  mere 
military  man,  must  restrain  me  from  taking  any  active  part  in 


674  PEIVATE   COKKESPONDENCE 

the  canvass.  I  wish  to  leave  every  body  freely  to  act  for  them- 
selves, without  influence  from  me,  if  I  could  exert  any.  If  I 
were  to  recommend  the  support  of  General  Taylor,  and  if  he 
should  be  elected  on  it  afterward,  and  in  his  Administration  dis- 
appoint the  Whigs,  I  should  feel  myself  liable  to  reproaches. 

I  regret,  therefore,  that  I  can  not  comply  with  your  request  to 
make  a  public  declaration  of  my  intention  to  support  General 
Taylor.  Without  compromising  any  one,  I  shall  go  to  the  polls 
when  the  day  arrives,  and  give  such  a  vote  as  I  think  may  be 
most  likely  to  be  least  injurious  to  the  country. 

With  my  warm  regards  to  Mrs.  White  and  your  family,  I 
am  your  friend. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  DANIEL  ULLMAN. 

ASHLAND,  September  16,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  9th  instant,  in- 
forming me  of  the  movement  of  some  of  my  friends  in  New 
York  to  bring  out  my  name  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

I  feel  under  the  greatest  obligations  and  the  warmest  gratitude 
to  them,  for  the  sentiments  of  attachment,  confidence,  and 
friendship  which  they  do  me  the  honor  to  entertain.  And  to 
you,  in  particular,  I  owe  an  expression  of  my  cordial  thanks  for 
your  long,  ardent,  and  ever  faithful  attachment  to  me. 

But,  my  dear  sir,  after  the  decision  of  the  Philadelphia  Con- 
vention against  my  nomination,  I  have  felt  bound  quietly  to 
submit.  I  could  not,  therefore,  accept  a  nomination,  if  it  were 
tendered  to  me,  nor  do  I  wish  any  further  use  of  my  name  in 
connection  with  the  office  of  President. 

I  never  would  have  consented  to  the  submission  of  my  name 
to  that  Convention,  but  under  a  conviction  that  I  should  have 
been  elected  if  nominated.  I  firmly  believe  now  that  such 
would  have  been  the  result. 

The  Convention  chose  to  nominate  another,  and  I  have  ever 
since  avoided  giving  the  slightest  countenance  or  encouragement 
to  any  further  efforts  on  my  behalf, 

To  bring  me  into  the  canvass  now,  would,  I  think,  only  have 
the  effect  of  adding  to  existing  embarrassments,  and  perhaps  of 
throwing  the  election  into  the  House  of  Representatives,  at  a 
time  when  parties  are  most  exasperated  against  each  other. 
Such  an  issue  of  the  contest  is  to  be  deprecated. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  575 

I  am  glad  to  hear  that  you  have  finally  established  yourself 
in  your  profession  in  New  York.  I  request  you  to  accept  my 
cordial  wishes  for  your  success,  happiness,  and  prosperity. 


ME.  CLAY  TO  JAMES  LYNCH  AND  OTHESS. 

ASHLAND,  September  20,  1848. 

GENTLEMEN, — I  have  received  your  official  letter  as  members 
of  the  (Whig)  Democratic  General  Committee  of  the  city  and 
county  of  New  York,  and  I  take  pleasure  in  answering  it. 

Never  from  the  period  of  decision  of  the  Philadelphia  Con- 
vention against  my  nomination  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency, 
have  I  been  willing,  nor  am  I  now,  to  have  my  name  associated 
with  that  office.  I  would  not  accept  a  nomination  if  it  were  ten- 
dered to  me,  and  it  is  my  unaffected  desire  that  no  further  use  be 
made  of  my  name  in  connection  with  that  office.  I  have  seen, 
therefore,  with  regret,  movements  in  various  quarters  having  for 
their  object  to  present  me  as  their  candidate  to  the  American 
people  ;  these  movements  have  been  made  without  any  approba- 
tion from  me.  In  the  present  complicated  state  of  the  Presiden- 
tial election  they  can  not,  in  my  opinion,  be  attended  with  any 
public  good,  and  may  lead  to  the  increase  of  embarrassments,  and 
to  the  exasperation  of  parties. 

While  I  say  this  much  without  reserve,  I  must  nevertheless 
add  that  I  feel  profound  gratitude  to  such  of  my  warm-hearted 
and  faithful  friends  as  continue  to  indulge  the  vain  hope  of  plac- 
ing me  in  the  office  of  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  United  States. 
And  that  I  neither  think  it  just  or  politic  to  stigmatize  them  as 
factionists  or  by  any  other  opprobrious  epithets.  Among  them  I 
recognize  names  which  have  been  long  distinguished  for  ability, 
for  devotion  to  the  Whig  cause,  and  for  ardent  patriotism. 

You  advert  with  entire  truth  to  the  zeal  and  fidelity  with 
which  the  delegation  from  New  York  sought  in  the  Philadelphia 
Convention  to  promote  my  nomination  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency.  I  am  most  thankful  to  them  and  shall  ever  recollect 
their  exertions  with  profound  gratitude. 

And  here,  gentlemen,  I  would  stop  but  for  your  resquest  that  I 
would  communicate  my  views  ;  this  I  shall  do  briefly  and  frankly, 
but  with  reluctance  and  regret. 

Concurring  entirely  with  you,  that  the  peace,  prosperity  and 


576  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

happiness  of  the  United  States  depend  materially  on  the  preserv- 
ation of  Whig  principles,  I  should  be  most  happy  if  I  saw  more 
clearly  than  I  do  that  they  are  likely  to  prevail. 

But  I  can  not  help  thinking  that  the  Philadelphia  Convention 
humiliated  itself,  and  as  far  as  it  could,  placed  the  Whig  party 
in  a  degraded  condition.  General  Taylor  refused  to  be  its  can- 
didate. He  professed  indeed  to  be  a  Whig,  but  he  so  enveloped 
himself  in  the  drapery  of  qualifications  and  conditions  that  it  is 
extremely  difficult  to  discover  his  real  politics.  He  was  and  yet 
is  willing  to  receive  any  and  every  nomination  no  matter  from 
what  quarter  it  might  proceed.  In  his  letter  to  the  "  Richmond 
Republican"  of  the  20th  April  last,  he  declared  his  purpose  to  re- 
main a  candidate,  no  matter  what  nomination  might  be  made  by 
the  Whig  Convention.  I  know  what  was  said  and  done  by  the 
Louisiana  delegation  in  the  Convention,  but  there  is  a  vail  about 
that  matter  which  I  have  not  penetrated.  The  letter  from  him 
which  it  was  stated  one  of  that  delegation  possessed,  has  never 
been  published,  and  a  letter  on  the  same  subject  addressed  to  the 
independent  party  of  Maryland,  has  at  his  instance  been  with- 
held from  the  public.  It  was  quite  natural  that  after  receiving 
the  nomination  he  should  approve  the  means  by  which  he  ob- 
tained it.  What  I  should  be  glad  to  see  is  some  revocation  of  the 
declaration  in  the  "Richmond  Republican"  letter  before  the 
nomination  was  made. 

On  the  great  leading  national  measures  which  have  so  long  di- 
vided parties,  if  he  has  any  fixed  opinions,  they  are  not  publicly 
known.  Exclusively  a  military  man,  without  the  least  experi- 
ence in  civil  affairs,  bred  up  and  always  living  in  the  camp  with 
his  sword  by  his  side,  and  his  epaulets  on  his  shoulders,  it  is 
proposed  to  transfer  him  from  his  actual  position  of  second  in 
command  of  the  army,  to  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  this  great  model 
Republic. 

If  I  can  not  come  out  in  active  support  of  such  a  candidate,  I 
hope  those  who  know  any  thing  of  my  opinions,  deliberately 
formed  and  repeatedly  avowed,  will  excuse  me  ;  to  those  opinions 
I  shall  adhere  with  increased  instead  of  diminished  confidence. 
I  shall  think  that  my  friends  ought  to  be  reconciled  to  the  silence 
I  have  imposed  on  myself  from  deference  to  them  as  well  as 
from  strong  objections  which  I.  entertain  to  the  competitor  of 
General  Taylor.  I  wish  to  lead  or  mislead  no  one,  but  to  leave 
all  to  the  unbiased  dictates  of  their  own  judgment. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  577 

I  know  and  feel  all  that  can  be  urged  in  the  actual  position  of 
the  present  contest. 

I  entertain  with  you  the  strongest  apprehension  from  the  elec- 
tion of  General  Cass,  but  I  do  not  see  enough  of  hope  and  con- 
fidence in  that  of  General  Taylor  to  stimulate  my  exertions  and 
animate  my  zeal.  I  deeply  fear  that  his  success  may  lead  to  the 
formation  of  a  mere  personal  party.  There  is  a  chance  indeed 
that  he  may  give  the  country  a  better  administration  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive Government  than  his  competitor  would,  but  it  is  not  such 
a  chance  as  can  arouse  my  enthusiasm  or  induce  me  to  assume 
the  responsibility  of  recommending  any  course  or  offering  any 
advice  to  others. 

I  have  great  pleasure  in  bearing  my  humble  testimony  in  fa- 
vor of  Mr.  Fillmore.  I  believe  him  to  be  able,  indefatigable,  in- 
dustrious and  patriotic.  He  served  in  the  extra  session  of  1841 
as  Chairman  of  the  committees  of  the  two  houses  of  Congress, 
and  I  had  many  opportunities  of  witnessing  his  rare  merits. 

I  do  not  desire  the  publication  of  this  letter,  but  if  you  deem 
it  necessary,  you  may  publish  the  four  first  and  the  last  para- 
graphs. 


SUSAN  ALLIBONE  TO  MB.   CLAY. 

HAMILTON,  near  PHILADELPHIA,  November  6,  1848. 

I  denied  myself  the  gratification  of  giving  an  immediate  reply 
to  your  kind  and  most  welcome  letter,  respected  sir,  because  I 
was  aware  that  the  communications  of  your  numerous  friends 
present  an  almost  incessant  demand  upon  your  attention  ;  but  I 
did  not  design  to  be  so  very  considerate  as  to  have  allowed  more 
than  three  months  to  pass  away  unaccompanied  by  an  assurance 
of  my  warm  affection. 

The  debility  which  often  renders  me  unable  to  use  a  mechani- 
cal medium  for  the  conveyance  of  thought,  dees  not  deprive  me 
of  the  consolation  of  expressing  my  regard  for  those  I  love  by 
imploring  for  them  "  the  blessing  of  the  Lord,"  which  "  maketh 
rich  and  addeth  no  sorrow  with  it ;"  and  for  you,  dear  sir,  very 
frequent  and  earnest  prayers  have  come  into  my  heart.  I  do 
hope  God  will  grant  you  a  double  portion  of  His  spirit.  I  should 
no^  feel  satisfied  if  any  ordinary  measure  of  contrition,  faith, 
love,  and  holy  obedience  were  yours.  We  are  commanded  to 
"  covet  the  best  gifts  ;"  and  it  is  not  presumptuous  to  expect  much 

37 


578  PBIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

from  God,  if  the  merits  of  our  Redeemer  be  our  only  plea.  Nor 
would  I  forget  to  thank  Him  for  the  spiritual  illumination  He 
has  granted  you,  nor  for  the  desire  you  express  to  consecrate  the 
retirement  you  are  at  last  permitted  to  enjoy,  to  the  interests  of 
''another  and  a  better  world."  It  is  indeed  a  better  world,  dear 
Mr.  Clay.  How  delightful  will  it  be  to  be  released  forever  from 
"  every  day's  support  of  wrong  and  outrage,  with  which  earth  is 
filled  !"  What  blessedness  to  worship  God  without  the  intrusion 
of  one  emotion  opposed  to  the  holiness  of  His  law,  or  a  single 
wandering  thought,  and  to  satisfy  the  longings  of  the  spirit  after 
knowledge,  excellence  and  love,  by  the  eternal  contemplation  of 
Him  who  is  the  concentration  of  them  all.  To  receive  all  this 
happiness  as  the  free  gift  of  a  Saviour's  love,  and  to  attune  a 
harp  of  thanksgiving  with  heaven-taught  melody,  ever  swelling 
louder  and  clearer  notes  of  adoration  as  the  past  and  present  be- 
come more  fully  understood,  and  the  future  hastens  on  with 
brightening  glory.  Oh  !  this  will  be  to  us  a  better  world. 

It  has  often  occurred  to  me  that  while  the  believer  rejoices 
that  "  to  die  is  gain,"  he  ought  also  to  remember  that  "  to  live  is 
Christ."  I  wish  to  understand  the  full  meaning  of  this  expres- 
sion. Experience  has  taught  me  something  of  its  import,  but  I 
hope  to  learn  new  lessons  every  day.  One  of  our  homilies  tells 
us  "faith  is  the  hand  that  puts  on  Christ,"  and  St.  Paul  assures 
us  u  of  Him  are  ye  in  Christ  Jesus,  who  of  God,  is  made  unto  us 
wisdom,  and  righteousness,  and  sanctification,  and  redemption." 

How  can  I,  who  am  so  sinful  and  so  suffering,  be  sufficiently 
thankful  that  this  glorious  Redeemer  is  the  portion  of  my  soul  ? 
Mine  has  been  a  situation  of  extraordinary  necessity,  and  the 
fullness  of  Jesus  has  been  its  supply.  When  my  earthly  friends 
sit  down  and  weep  because  their  unwearied  attentions  can  not 
remove  the  firm  pressure  of  disease,  my  Saviour  draws  me  still 
more  closely  into  the  sanctuary  of  His  presence,  and  my  wearied 
spirit  reposes  there  in  peace.  But  there  is  an  amputation  of  the 
heart,  caused  by  the  removal  of  the  most  cherished  objects  of 
affection,  which  requires  the  still  more  tender  offices  of  Him  who 
"  came  to  give  the  oil  of  joy  for  mourning,  and  the  garment  of 
praise  for  the  spirit  of  heaviness  j"  and  in  this  sorrow  also  I 
have  been  greatly  comforted.  If  I  had  never  known  bereave- 
ment I  could  not  so  fully  sympathize  with  the  deep  afflictions  to 
which  your  letter  alludes.  I  am  well  assured  that  your  suscepti- 
bilities of  suffering  are  unusually  acute,  and  I  pray  that  the  con- 


OF  .HENRY  CLAY.  579 

eolations  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  the  sanctified  uses  of  adversity 
may  be  given  you  in  proportionate  measure.  It  may  be,  also, 
that  the  dispensations  which  have  caused  so  painful  a  void  in 
your  family  circle  may  be  the  avenues  through  which  many 
heavenly  blessings  may  be  conveyed  to  its  surviving  members. 
It  may  be  your  delightful  privilege  to  teach  them  to  consecrate 
the  energy  they  have  inherited  from  their  earthly  parent  to  the 
glory  of  their  Father  in  Heaven  ;  and  while  I  condole  with  my 
country  because  she  will  be  deprived  of  your  official  services  at 
a  time  when  they  seem  so  greatly  needed,  I  do  indeed  most 
heartily  congratulate  your  children  and  grandchildren  that  they 
are  permitted  to  surround  you  in  the  evening  of  your  days. 

Permit  me  to  say  that  I  do  not  think  you  suit  the  times,  dear 
sir.  Expediency  has  become  the  watchword  of  our  nation,  and 
your  political  vestments  h,ave  never  assumed  a  chameleon  hue, 
nor  has  the  cloak  of  concealment  been  wrapped  around  them. 
Oil !  that  we  had  many  Daniel's  to  confess  that "  we,  and  our 
father's  have  sinned  and  done  wickedly,"  and  to  implore  that 
national  judgments  may  be  averted. 

The  beautiful  petition  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  "  Thy  kingdom 
come,  Thy  will  be  done,  on  earth  as  it  is  in  Heaven,"  is  most 
appropriate  at  this  time  of  danger,  and  how  effectually  will  its 
fulfillment  hush  into  silence  the  stormy  elements  around  us  !  Is 
it  not  an  unspeakable  privilege  to  be  the  subject  of  a  kingdom 
which  can  not  be  moved  ? 

I  am  truly  gratified  to  learn  that  the  health  of  your  little 
granddaughter  has  so  greatly  improved,  for  I  feel  a  deep  interest 
in  all  to  whom  you  are  allied.  I  shall  not  soon  forget  the  terms 
of  affection  with  which  you  made  me  acquainted  with  the  char- 
acter of  Mrs.  Clay,  to  whom  you  will  please  present  my  respect- 
ful regards. 

I  think  I  will  be  so  selfish  as  to  tell  you  how  delighted  I 
should  be  to  receive  another  letter  from  Ashland. 

My  sister,  Mrs.  Allibone,  is  my  copyist  to-day,  as  I  am  still  un- 
able to  attempt  a  greater  effort  than  the  pencilship  of  a  letter. 
From  her,  with  my  brother,  and  other  sisters,  you  will  accept 
a  message  of  warm  affection,  accompanied  with  my  earnest 
prayers  that  you  may  ever  be  enabled  to  appropriate  the  assur- 
ance. (;  The  eternal  God  is  thy  refuge,  and  underneath  are  the 
everlasting  arms."  Believe  me,  my  beloved  Mr.  Clay,  most  sin- 
cerely and  respectfully  yours. 


580  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


GENERAL    TAYLOR    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

BATON  ROUGE,  La.,  November  17,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — On  my  return  here  a  day  or  two  since,  after  a 
short  absence,  I  found  your  highly  esteemed  letter  of  the  23d 
ultimo,  for  which  accept  my  most  cordial  thanks.  The  one  re- 
ferred to,  written  by  you  in  May  last,  reached  me  by  due  course 
of  mail,  and  I  owe  you  an  apology  for  not  replying  to  it,  which 
I  deferred  doing  from  day  to  day,  under  the  expectation  that 
certain  events  would  occur  which  I  wished  to  refer  to  in  my 
reply,  but  which  were  so  long  in  taking  place  as  to  induce  me 
to  give  up  doing  so  altogether.  Said  letter  was  entirely  satis- 
factory, as  regarded  the  matter  alluded  to  (and  to  put  an  end  to 
the  misrepresentations  growing  out  of  the  same,  going  the 
rounds  through  various  newspapers,  I  at  once  caused  a  short 
article  to  that  effect  to  be  published  in*"  The  Picayune"  of  New 
Orleans,  which  may  have  met  your  eye),  and  relieved  me  from 
great  anxiety,  as  I  believed  the  course  then  pursuing  by  certain 
individuals  touching  our  correspondence,  was  calculated,  if  not 
intended,  to  bring  about  a  state  of  distrust,  if  not  unkind  feel- 
ings, between  you  and  myself,  as  well  as  some  of  our  friends ; 
which,  had  they  succeeded  in  doing,  would,  so  far  as  I  am  con- 
cerned, been  a  source  of  much  pain  and  mortification  to  me. 

There  certainly  could  be  no  objection  or  impropriety  in  your 
permitting  your  friends  to  read  any  of  the  letters  I  wrote  you, 
who  ought  not  to  have  made  any  use  of  them,  for  any  purpose, 
without  your  authority,  as  there  was  an  implied  confidence  at 
least,  which  ought  not  to  have  been  violated.  It  is  true,  I  al- 
lowed a  few  and  very  confidential  friends  to  read  yours  to  me, 
nor  am  I  aware  that  any  use  was  made  of  them,  directly  or  in- 
directly, for  any  purpose  whatever ;  nor  was  any  copy  taken  of 
any  one  of  them,  and  furnished  to  a  member  of  Congress,  or 
any  one  else,  although  I  have  no  doubt  you  have  been  informed 
I  had  done  so. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  581 

I  trust  I  have  many  devoted  personal  friends,  who,  from  vari- 
ous causes,  were  opposed  to  my  reaching  the  office  in  question, 
and  took  every  honorable  and  proper  means  in  their  power,  and 
no  other,  to  prevent  my  success,  and  I  certainly  would  never 
think  of  censuring  them,  much  less  to  permit  it  on  my  part  to 
interrupt  our  friendly  relations,  because  they  have  done  what 
they  thought  right  in  opposing  my  election  to  an  office  which 
they  thought  another  was  better  qualified  to  fill. 

I  beg  leave  to  return  you  many  thanks  for  your  kind  invita- 
tion to  visit  Ashland,  should  I  go  to  Kentucky  before  you  leave 
for  the  South  j  which  it  would  have  afforded  me  much  pleasure 
to  have  done,  and  passed  a  few  days  under  your  hospitable  roof ; 
but  I  must  forego  this  pleasure,  as  it  will  be  out  of  my  power  to 
leave  Louisiana  or  Mississippi  for  several  months,  at  any  rate 
during  the  present  year ;  but  should  you  carry  out  your  inten- 
tions of  visiting  the  South,  as  contemplated,  and  should  pass  the 
month  of  January  in  New  Orleans,  I  will  try  and  take  you  by 
the  hand  at  that  time,  or  during  the  same  month. 

Wishing  you  many  years  of  health,  happiness,  and  prosperity, 
I  remain,  etc. 


J.    T.    HART    TO    MR.    CLAY. 

LEXINGTON,  December  4,  1848. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  hope  you  will  accept  this  head  I  send  you, 
which  I  have  finished  entirely  with  my  own  hands ;  and  also 
another,  which  I  will  finish  in  a  day  or  two,  as  a  small  token  of 
the  gratitude  and  obligation  I  feel  toward  yourself  and  family, 
who  have  extended  to  me  so  much  kindness. 

I  will  call  out  to  see  you  this  evening  or  to-morrow.  With 
my  earnest  wishes  for  your  recovery,  I  am,  etc. 


582  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.   CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  January  2,  1849. 

MY  DEAB  SON, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  27th  November, 
and  I  was  happy  to  hear  of  the  continued  health  of  Susan  and 
your  children,  and  especially  that  she  had  so  easy  an  accouche- 
ment. That  was  the  result  of  her  previous  exercise  and  the  cli- 
mate of  Lisbon. 

I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  the  bad  prospect  of  your  getting  our 
claims  satisfied.  I  wrote  you  a  few  days  ago,  giving  a  long  ac- 
count of  an  interview  which  I  had  with  the  Portuguese  minis- 
ter, etc.,  about  the  case  of  the  General  Armstrong.  In  the  course 
of  it,  he  told  me  that  he  thought  some  of  our  claims  were  just, 
and  so  did  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  that  they  would 
be  paid.  If  we  are  to  come  to  any  appeal  to  force,  perhaps  it 
will  be  as  well  that  they  should  reject  them  all,  those  which  are 
clearly  just  as  well  as  those  which  are  contestable.  But,  as  it 
would  be  a  feather  in  your  cap,  I  should  like  that  you  would 
get  them  all  owned,  or  as  many  as  you  can. 

The  minister  told  me  that  the  owners  of  the  General  Arm- 
strong demanded  $250,000.  That  sum  strikes  me  to  be  erro- 
neous. If  they  agree  to  admit  the  claim,  you  might  stipulate  to 
have  the  amount  fixed  by  some  commission  ;  or,  which  would 
be  better,  if  the  owners  have  an  agent  at  Lisbon,  you  might  get 
him  to  fix  the  very  lowest  sum  which  they  would  be  willing  to 
receive,  which  might  not  exceed  one  fifth  of  the  sum  de- 
manded. 

I  mentioned  confidentially  to  Sir  H.  Bulwer,  the  British  min- 
ister, my  apprehensions  of  a  difficulty  with  Portugal,  and  he 
said  he  would  write  to  Lord  Palmerston,  and  suggest  to  him  to 
interpose  his  good  offices,  etc.  He  told  me  that  a  brother  of 
Lord  Morpeth  was  the  British  Charge  at  Portugal.  If  he  resem- 
bles his  brother,  you  will  find  him  a  clever  fellow. 

No  certain  developments  are  yet  made  of  what  Congress  may 
do  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  I  think  there  is  a  considerable 
majority  in  the  House,  and  probably  one  in  the  Senate,  in  favor 
of  the  Wilmot  proviso.  I  have  been  thinking  much  of  propos- 
ing some  comprehensive  scheme  of  settling  amicably  the  whole 
question,  in  all  its  bearings ;  but  I  have  not  yet  positively  de- 
termined to  do  so.  Meantime  some  of  the  Hotspurs  of  the 
South  are  openly  declaring  themselves  for  a  dissolution  of  the 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  583 

Union,  if  the  Wilmot  proviso  be  adopted.  This  sentiment  of 
disunion  is  more  extensive  than  I  had  hoped,  but  I  do  not  regard 
it  as  yet  alarming.  It  does  not  reach  many  of  the  Slave 
States. 

You  complain  of  not  hearing  from  Kentucky.  I  have  the 
same  complaint.  I  have  not  received  a  letter  from  John  for  a 
long  time.  My  last  was  from  Thomas,  of  the  18th  ult.  They 
were  then  all  well. 

I  am  glad  to  hear  that  Henry  is  placed  at  school,  but  am  sorry 
that  his  defects  continue  to  display  themselves.  We  must  hope 
that  he  will  correct  them  as  he  grows  older,  and  in  the  mean 
time  console  ourselves  that  his  faults  are  not  worse  than  they 
are. 

My  love  to  Susan,  the  boys,  and  your  children. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    JAMES    HARLAN. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  January  26,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  met  with  an  accidental  but  violent  fall  a 
week  ago,  in  carelessly  descending  a  flight  of  stairs,  to  receive  a 
gentleman  who  bore  me  a  letter  of  introduction,  and  I  got  terri- 
bly bruised.  I  broke  no  bones,  but  it  disabled  me,  for  the  pres- 
ent, from  walking  without  assistance,  and  almost  from  writing. 

I  received  yesterday  your  favor  of  the  12th,  and  to-day  that 
of  the  14th.  I  regret  extremely  that  the  use  of  rny  name,  in 
connection  with  the  office  of  Senator,  should  have  created  any 
division  among  the  Whigs,  or  excited  any  dissatisfaction  with 
any  one.  God  knows  that  I  have  no  personal  desire  to  return 
to  that  body,  nor  any  private  or  ambitious  purposes  to  promote 
by  resuming  a  seat  in  it.  I  expressed  to  you  and  to  other 
friends,  at  the  period  of  my  departure  from  home,  the  exact 
state  of  my  feelings,  when  I  declared  that  I  could  not  reconcile 
it  to  my  feelings  to  become  a  formal  or  an  avowed  candidate  ; 
and  that  if  the  General  Assembly  had  any  other  person  in  view, 
I  did  not  wish  to  interfere  with  him.  I  added  that,  if,  neverthe- 
less, the  Legislature  thought  proper  to  require  my  services  in  the 
Senate,  deference  to  their  will,  a  sense  of  public  duty,  and  the 
hope  of  doing  some  good,  would  prompt  me  to  accept  the 
office. 

These  views  are  unchanged.     According  to  them,  it  follows 


584  PKIVATE   CORRESPOXDEXCE 

that  I  have  no  desire  to  have  my  name  pressed  upon  the  General 
Assembly,  and  I  hope  that  it  will  not  be  presented,  unless  it  is 
manifestly  the  free  and  voluntary  wish  of  a  majority  of  that 
body.  It  would  be  a  great  mortification  to  me  to  be  thought  to 
be  solicitous  for  that  office,  and  to  be  supposed  to  be  seeking  it 
from  the  reluctant  grant  of  the  Legislature.  I  hope  that  my 
friends  will  act  in  consonance  with  the  state  of  my  feelings, 
and  not  suffer  my  name  to  be  used  but  on  the  conditions 
which  I  have  stated. 


MB.    CLAY    TO    HBOMAS    B.    STEVENSON. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  January  31,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  breaking  out  of  the  cholera  here  prevented 
my  meeting  General  Taylor  in  this  city,  as  had  been  expected. 
I  met  him  at  Baton  Rouge,  but  only  long  enough  to  exchange 
friendly  salutations,  without  any  opportunity  to  converse  on 
public  affairs. 

About  a  fortnight  ago  I  met  with  a  terrible  accidental  fall, 
which,  although  fortunately  I  broke  no  bones,  has  for  the  pres- 
ent confined  me  to  my  lodgings,  disabled  me  from  walking,  and 
almost  from  writing.  To  that  cause  is  owing  my  not  having 
earlier  acknowledged  the.  receipt  of  your  friendly  letter  of  the 
25th  ultimo. 

I  suppose  that  I  shall  be  elected  to  the  Senate  by  the  General 
Assembly  of  Kentucky,  in  which  case  I  shall  hardly  feel  my- 
self at  liberty  to  decline,  conferred  as  the  office  will  be  without 
any  solicitation  from  me,  without  my  being  a  candidate,  and 
with  the  knowledge  of  a  strong  disinclination  on  my  part  to  re- 
turn to  that  body.  Deference  to  the  will  of  the  General  Assem- 
bly, a  sense  of  duty,  and  the  possibility  of  my  being  able  to  do 
some  good,  overcome  my  repugnance.  If  I  go  to  Washington, 
it  will  be  with  an  anxious  desire  that  I  shall  be  able  to  support 
the  measures  of  the  new  Administration,  in  consequence  of  their 
conformity  with  Whig  policy. 

There  seems  to  be  yet  some  slight  prospect  of  a  settlement  at 
Washington  of  the  Free  Soil  question  ;  but  we  shall  see. 

The  cholera  has  nearly  entirely  disappeared  from  this  city. 


OF  HENEY  CLAY.  585 


MR.   CLAY  TO  HIS   SON  JAMES. 

XEW  ORLEANS,  March  3,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  was  glad  to  hear  by  your  letter  of  the  18th 
ultimo  that  you  had  returned  from  Missouri.  Y<fur  journey 
must  have  been  a  dreadful  one,  but  you  will  find  some  compen- 
sation for  it  in  the  profits  which  you  expect  to  realize. 

My  health  is  better,  and  I  can  again  walk.  I  hope  to  reach 
home  toward  the  last  of  this  month. .  The  weather  is  now  fine 
here,  and  I  am  desirous  not  to  return  until  the  winter  breaks. 

I  have  heard  that  Colonel  Allen  has  discontinued  his  school, 
but  I  have  not  heard  whether  Henry  is  admitted  at  West  Point. 
I  declined  going  to  Washington  at  the  Call  Session. 

As  you  were  absent,  I  sent  to  Richard  Pendell  a  letter  on  the 
Emancipation  question.  As  I  regret  to  hear  that  it  is  not  popu- 
lar, I  suppose  that  my  letter  will  bring  on  me  some  odium.  I 
nevertheless  wish  it  published.  I  owe  that  to  the  cause,  and  to 
myself,  and  to  posterity. 

I  am  delighted  to  hear  that  dear  little  Lucy  is  better.  You 
are  perfectly  right  to  take  her  to  the  sea-bath,  if  it  be  recom- 
mended ;  but  ought  you  not  to  think  of  the  Arkansas  Springs  ? 

My  love  to  Susan  and  your  children. 


MR.    CLAY  TO    GENERAL    COMBS. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  March  7,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  last  letter,  transmitting  one 
which  is  returned.  Many  thanks  are  due  to  you  for  various 
communications  received  during  the  past  winter,  and  which  af- 
forded me  much  valuable  information.  I  should  have  before  ac- 
knowledged them,  but  for  the  consequences  of  my  fall,  which 
for  a  time  disabled  me  from  both  walking  and  writing. 

The  project  of  assuming  the  debt  of  Texas  on  the  considera- 
tion of  her  relinquishment  of  her  territorial  claim  beyond  the 
Nueces,  is  worthy  of  serious  examination.  The  difficulty  in  the 
way  will  be  the  Free  Soil  question. 

I  am  most  anxious  that  you  should  obtain  some  good  appoint- 
ment under  the  present  Administration.  You,  I  think,  eminently 
deserve  it.  Whether  I  can  aid  you  or  not,  I  can  not  at  present 
say.  My  relations  to  the  President,  on  my  part,  and,  as  far  as  I 


586  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

know,  on  his,  are  amicable  ;  but  I  have  had  no  proof  of  any 
desire  to  confer  or  consult  with  me  on  any  subject.  Some  of 
his  warm  and  confidential  friends,  I  have  reason  to  know,  view 
me  with  jealousy,  if  not  enmity.  While  self-respect  will  restrain 
me  from  volunteering  any  opinion  or  advice,  unless  I  know  it 
will  be  acceptable,  public  duty  will  equally  restrain  me  from  of- 
fering any  opposition  to  the  course  of  his  Administration,  if,  as 
I  hope  and  anticipate,  it  should  be  conducted  on  principles  which 
we  have  so  long  cherished  and  adhered  to. 

I  hope  to  reach  home,  and  to  see  you  in  all  this  month,  when 
there  will  be  time  enough  to  talk  over  all  these  and  other 
matters. 

I  did  not  go  to  the  Call  Session,  because,  supposing  that  it 
would  be  short  and  formal,  and  without  any  serious  division,  I 
disliked  encountering,  in  my  lame  condition,  a  journey  so  long 
in  the  winter.  I  am,  etc. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    JAMES    HAUL  AN. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  March  13,  1849. 

Mr  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  3d  instant.  I 
concluded  not  to  attend  the  Call  Session,  which  I  could  not 
have  done  without  much  personal  discomfort. 

The  Cabinet  of  General  Taylor  was  not,  it  seems,  exactly  as 
you  supposed.  Some  of  the  appointments  excited  surprise.  I 
think  that  he  might  have  made  one  of  greater  strength.  I  am 
truly  concerned  that  Letcher  was  overlooked.  I  had  strong 
hopes  that  he  would  have  been  appointed,  and  I  thought  I  had 
reason  for  them. 

I  think  it  quite  likely  that  you  may  be  right  in  supposing  that 
neither  I  nor  my  friends  will  find  much  favor  at  Court.  As  to 
myself,  having  given  no  just  cause  for  its  frowns,  I  can  bear 
them  without  difficulty  ;  but  the  President  will  be  unwise  if  he 
neglects  or  proscribes  my  friends.  Without  them,  he  never 
could  have  been  elected. 

While  I  have  no  desire  to  go  into  the  Convention,  I  shall 
make  no  decision  until  my  return.  I  leave  this  city  on  the  17th 
instant,  and  stopping  on  the  river  at  one  or  two  places,  I  hope  to 
reach  home  about  the  last  of  the  month. 


,  OF  HENRY  CLAY.  587 

ME.    CLAY    TO    RODNEY    DENNIS. 

ASHLAND,  April  15,  1849. 

v  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favoi  of  the  27th  ultimo,  addressed  to  me 
at  New  Orleans,  followed  and  found  me  here. 

I  am  very  grateful  and  thankful  for  the  friendly  sentiments 
toward  me  which  your  partiality  has  prompted  you  to  express. 
You  do  me  too  much  honor  in  instituting  any  comparison  be- 
tween me  and  the  renowned  men  of  antiquity.  I  am  in  one 
respect  better  off  than  Moses.  He  died  in  sight  of,  without 
reaching,  the  promised  land.  I  occupy  as  good  a  farm  as  any 
that  he  would  have  found,  if  he  had  reached  it ;  and  it  has  been 
acquired,  not  by  hereditary  descent,  but  by  my  own  labor. 

As  to  public  honors  and  public  offices,  I  have  perhaps  had 
more  than  my  share  of  them.  At  all  events  I  am  contented,  and 
now  seek  for  better,  if  not  higher  offices  and  honors,  in  a  better 
world.  That  we  may  both  meet  there,  if  we  never  do  here,  is 
the  sincere  prayer  of  your  friend  and  obedient  servant. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  NICHOLAS  DEAN. 

ASHLAHTD,  June  21,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  SIR. — I  received  your  favors  of  the  1st  and  4th  in- 
stant. I  regret  extremely  that  many  of  the  appointments  of  the 
Executive  are  so  unsatisfactory  to  the  public  ;  and  still  more  that 
there  should  be  just  occasion  for  it.  I  fear  that  the  President 
confides  that  matter  too  much  to  the  Secretaries,  and  that  they 
have  selfish  and  ulterior  views  in  the  selections  which  they  make. 
It  is  undeniable  that  the  public  patronage  has  been  too  exclu- 
sively confined  to  the  original  supporters  of  General  Taylor,  with- 
out sufficient  regard  to  the  merits  and  just  claims  of  the  great 
body  of  the  Whig  party.  This  is  both  wrong  and  impolitic. 

You  tell  me  that  it  will  be  difficult  to  repress  an  expression  of 
the  Whig  dissatisfaction,  prior  to  the  meeting  of  Congress.  I 
should  be  very  sorry  if  this  was  done  so  early,  if  it  should  be- 
come necessary  (I  hope  it  may  not)  to  do  it  at  all.  I  think  there 
ought  not  to  be  any  denunciation  of  the  Administration,  unless 
it  is  rendered  proper  for  its  plans  of  public  policy.  If  before 
these  are  developed,  the  Administration  should  be  arraigned,  it 


588  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE       • 

would  be  ascribed  to  disappointment  as  to  the  distribution  of  the 
patronage  of  Government.  It  will  be  different,  if,  contrary  to 
what  we  have  a  right  to  hope  and  expect,  the  Administration 
should  fail  to  support  and  recommend  the  great  measures  of  the 
Whig  party. 

As  to  myself,  I  need  not  say  to  you,  that  I  shall  go  to  Wash- 
ington, if  I  am  spared,  with  a  .firm  determination  to  oppose  or 
support  measures  according  to  my  deliberate  sense  of  their  effects 
upon  the  interests  of  our  country. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

ASHLAND,  October  2,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  JAMES, — I  returned  home  this  day  fortnight,  in  im- 
proved health,  which,  with  the  exception  of  my  cough,  contin- 
ues good.  Levi  again  left  me  at  Buffalo,  and  has  again  returned 
to  Louisville,  on  his  way  home,  having  reported  himself  there 
to  Mr.  Smith. 

I  received  your  letter  dated  at  sea,  after  you  had  been  two 
days  out,  and  I  was  sorry  to  learn  that  there  was  so  much  sea- 
sickness in  your  party.  I  calculated  that  you  arrived  at  Liver- 
pool about  the  time  I  got  home.  I  found  all  well  here. 

Colonel  Brand  died  with  cholera  about  four  weeks  ago.  John- 
son, the  saddler,  has  purchased  at  private  sale  the  whole  of  Mr. 
Hunt's  land,  of  upward  of  eleven  hundred  acres,  at  sixty  dol- 
lars per  acre.  I  think  it  would  have  commanded  more  at  public 
auction,  land  being  on  the  rise. 

You  will  have  seen  that  Secretary  Clayton  has  got  into  a 
difficulty  with  the  French  minister.  I  am  sorry  for  it,  and  I 
think  that  with  judgment  and  discretion  it  might  have  been 
avoided.  But  your  course  should  be  to  defend  the  act  of  the 
Executive,  if  you  can  conscientiously ;  and  if  not  to  remain  si- 
lent. The  papers  will  also  inform  you  that  the  Secretary  has  also 
a  difficulty  with  the  British  Charge  about  the  Mosquito  Coast.  I 
hope  it  is  not  so  serious  as  to  threaten  war. 

My  crops  of  hemp  and  corn  are  uncommonly  fine,  and  the 
influx  of  gold  from  California,  and  the  general  prosperity  of  the 
country  are  giving  an  upward  tendency  to  prices.  Hemp,  I  fear, 
will,  however,  be  an  exception  next  year,  owing  to  its  abund- 
ance. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  589 

I  suppose  you  will  hear  from  Louisville.  I  have  heard  noth- 
ing to  the  contrary,  and  therefore  presume  all  are  well  there. 

I  inclose  a  ticket  which  I  received  for  you  inclosed  in  a  cir- 
cular, similar  to  one  addressed  to  me,  from  the  American  Insti- 
tute. 

Our  love  to  Susan,  and  kiss  dear  Lucy  and  the  other  children 
for  me. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  JAMES  HARLAN. 

ASHLAND,  October  4,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  saw  in  "  The  Commonwealth"  with  sorrow 
and  regret,  the  death  announced  of  your  son,  my  namesake.  I 
tender  to  you,  on  the  melancholy  occasion,  an  expression  of  my 
sincere  sympathy  and  condolence.  I  knew  enough  of  him,  from 
frequent  interviews  and  conversations  with  him,  to  appreciate  the 
great  distress  which  the  lamented  event  must  have  brought  upon 
you  and  Mrs.  Harlan  and  your  other  children.  I  have  been,  in 
my  time,  a  great  sufferer  from  the  loss  of  beloved  children,  and 
I  can  fully  estimate  the  grief  which  you  now  feel. 

Time,  and  a  patient  resignation  and  submission  to  the  will  of 
Him  who,  having  given  us  our  children,  has  the  right  to  take 
them  from  us  when  He  pleases,  can  only  heal  the  wounds  inflict- 
ed, and  mitigate  the  sorrows  which  the  bereavement  necessarily 
excites. 

I  hope  that  you  and  Mrs.  Harlan  will  bear  with  fortitude,  and 
in  a  true  spirit  of  Christianity,  this  sad  and  heavy  dispensation. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

ASBLAND,  October  15,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  your  letter  dated  at  Liverpool  the 
27th  ultimo,  and  was  very  glad  that  you  had  all  safely  arrived, 
with  so  little  inconvenience  from  sea-sickness.  I  hope  that  your 
excursion  to  Paris  proved  agreeable,  and  that  you  were  not 
tempted  by  its  many  attractions  to  run  into  any  extravagant  ex- 
penditures. 

The  elections  in  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania  have  gone  against  the 
Administration,  and,  judging  from  present  prospects,  I  do  not  see 


590  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

how  it  is-  to  be  sustained.  If,  therefore,  you  do  not  come  home 
sooner,  you  may  prepare  to  return  on  the  expiration  of  its  term. 
I  understand  indirectly  that  it  is  counting  much  on  my  exertions 
at  the  approaching  session  of  Congress ;  but  I  fear  that  it  is 
counting  without  any  sufficient  ground.  I  intend  to  leave  home 
the  first  of  Nox^ember,  but  not  to  go  to  Washington  until  about 
the  opening  of  Congress.  I  expect  to  pass  two  or  three  weeks 
in  Philadelphia. 

I  suppose  that  you  and  Susan  hear  regularly  from  Louisville, 
from  which  I  have  heard  nothing  of  any  interest.  Here  we  are 
all  in  health,  and  things  move  on  in  their  ordinary  channels. 
Yesterday  (Sunday)  Thomas  and  Mary  dined  with  us  as  usual. 
He  goes  down  in  a  few  weeks  to  his  famous  saw  mill,  from 
which  he  calculates  to  make  a  great  deal. 

We  expect  H.  Hart  and  his  family  here  to-morrow  or  next 
day  to  make  their  farewell  visit,  preparatory  to  their  going  to  St. 
Louis,  for  which  he  has  made  most  of  his  arrangements. 

Give  our  love  to  Susan  and  your  children  and  to  Henry  Clay, 
and  kiss  dear  Lucy  for  your  affectionate  father. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  December  4,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  left  home  the  first  of  last  month,  which 
throughout  was  a  most  delightful  one,  and,  after  passing  two  or 
three  weeks  in  Philadelphia,  New  York,  and  Baltimore,  arrived 
here  last  Saturday,  the  1st  instant.  My  presence  in  those  cities 
excited  the  usual  enthusiasm  among  my  friends,  and  the  cus- 
tomary fatigue,  etc.,  to  myself;  but  I  rejoice  that  my  health  is 
good,  with  the  exception  of  a  bad  cold,  which  I  hope  is  passing 
off.  I  have  not  yet  seen  the  President,  although  I  called  yester- 
day and  left  my  card.  I  have  seen  Mr.  Ewing,  and  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet  have  left  their  cards.  Up  to  this  time  there 
is  no  organization  of  the  House,  which  is  in  a  very  curious  state. 
Neither  party  has  a  majority,  and  divisions  exist  in  each  ;  so  that 
no  one  can  foresee  the  final  issue.  The  elections  this  year  have 
gone  very  unfavorably  to  the  Whigs,  and  without  some  favorable 
turn  in  public  affairs  in  their  favor,  they  must  lose  the  ascend- 
ency. 

I  received  Susan's  letter  of  the  19th  October  and  yours  of  the 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  591 

5th  November,  and  the  perusal  of  them  afforded  me  satisfaction. 
I  observe  what  you  say  about  Mr.  Hopkins'  kind  treatment  of 
you.  He  has  gone  home,  but  if  I  should  ever  see  him,  I  will 
manifest  to  him  my  sense  of  his  friendly  disposition  toward  you. 
I  am  acquainted  with  him  as  a  former  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives.  I  shall  seize  some  suitable  occasion  to  examine 
your  dispatches  at  the  Department  of  State,  and  I  am  glad  that 
you  entertain  confidence  in  your  competency  to  discharge  the 
duties  of  your  official  position.  That  is  a  very  proper  feeling, 
within  legitimate  bounds  ;  but  it  should  not  lead  to  any  relaxa- 
tion of  exertions  to  obtain  all  information  within  your  reach,  and 
to  qualify  yourself  by  all  means  in  your  power  to  fulfill  all  your 
official  obligations.  How  do  you  get  along  without  a  knowledge 
of  the  French  language  ?  Are  you  acquiring  it  ? 

I  have  heard  from  home  frequently  since  I  left  it.  John  had 
taken  a  short  hunt  in  the  mountains,  but  returned  without  much 
success.  Thomas  had  gone  down  the  Ohio  to  see  about  the 
saw  mill,  and  is  still  there.  All  were  well.  Dr.  Jacobs  is  now 
here  from  Louisville.  His  brother  with  his  wife  have  gone  to 
Missouri,  where  he  has  purchased  another  farm.  You  have  said 
nothing,  nor  did  Susan,  about  Henry  Clay  or  Thomas  Jacobs. 

Give  my  love  to  Susan  and  all  your  children,  and  to  the  boys. 
I  will  write  to  her  as  soon  as  I  am  a  little  relieved  from  com- 
pany, etc. 

I  hope  you  will  adhere  to  your  good  resolution  of  living  with- 
in your  salary.  From  what  you  state  about  your  large  establish- 
ment, I  am  afraid  that  you  will  exceed  that  prudent  limit.  How 
did  your  predecessor  in  that  particular  ?  I  believe  he  was  not  a 
man  of  any  wealth. 


MR.    CLAY   TO   MRS.    JAMES    B.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  December  15,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  SUSAN, — I  received  and  read  with  great  pleasure 
your  letter  of  the  19th  of  October.  All  its  details  of  informa- 
tion were  agreeable  to  me,  and  I  hope  you  will  continue  to  write 
to  me  and  to  communicate  every  thing,  the  minutest  circum- 
stance concerning  yourself  or  your  dear  family.  I  have  taken 
apartments  at  the  National  Hotel  (a  parlor  and  bed-room  adjoin- 


592  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

ing),  for  the  winter.  I  have  an  excellent  valet,  a  freeman,  arid 
I  am  as  comfortable  as  I  can  be.  No  advance  has  been  yet  made 
in  Congress,  in  the  public  business,  owing  to  the  House,  from 
its  divided  condition, -being  yet  unable  to  elect  a  Speaker. 
When  that  will  be  done  is  uncertain ;  but  I  suppose  from  the 
absolute  necessity  of  the  case  there  will  be,  before  long,  one 
chosen. 

I  have  been  treated  with  much  consideration  by  the  President 
and  most  of  his  Cabinet ;  but  I  have  had  yet  no  very  confiden- 
tial intercourse  with  the  President.  I  dined  with  him  this  week, 
and  I  have  been  invited  to  dine  with  two  members  of  the  Cabi- 
net, but  declined  on  account  of  a  very  bad  cold.  Mr.  Clayton 
sent  me  James'  diplomatic  note  to  the  Portuguese  minister  on 
the  case  of  the  General  Armstrong,  with  the  inclosed  note  from 
himself.  James'  note  has  been  well  spoken  of  by  the  Attorney- 
General  to  me,  and  I  think  it  creditable.  There  are  some  cleri- 
cal inaccuracies  in  it,  which  ought  to  be  avoided  in  future  copies 
of  his  official  notes.  James  might  have  added,  in  respect  to" the 
practice  of  impressment,  that  "  the  Portuguese  Secretary,  in  vol- 
unteering a  sanction  of  it,  has  extended  the  British  claim,  now 
become  obsolete,  beyond  any  limit  to  which  it  was  ever  asserted 
by  Great  Britain  herself,  she  never  having  pretended  that  she 
could  exercise  the  practice  within  the  Territorial  jurisdiction  of 
a  third  or  neutral  power,  or  any  where  but  on  the  high  seas  or 
in  her  own  ports." 

I  understood  from  Clayton  that  it  was  intended  by  the  Presi- 
dent to  submit  to  Congress  the  conduct  of  the  Portuguese  Gov- 
ernment, without  recommending,  at  present,  any  measure  of 
coercion.  It  is  desirable  to  get  the  answer  to  James'  note,  a* 
soon  as  practicable,  if  one  be  returned.^ 

I  have  heard  from  Ashland  as  late  as  the  10th  instant.  All 
the  whites  were  well ;  but  there  had  been  a  number  of  cases 
of  small-pox  in  Lexington,  and  one  of  our  black  men  had 
caught  it,  but  he  was  getting  well.  Think  of  your  present  en- 
joyment of  a  delightful  climate  and  tropical  fruits,  when  there 
fell  at  Lexington  on  the  10th  instant,  a  snow  six  or  eight  inches 
deep ! 

Your  brother,  the  Doctor,  has  returned  to  Louisville.  You 
said  nothing  in  your  letter  to  me  about  Thomas,  Henry  Clay, 
or  my  dear  Lucy,  and  your  other  children.  Is  Henry  going  to 
school  and  where  ? 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  593 

I  believe  t  did  not  mention  in  my  former  letters  to  James  that 
Lucretia  Erwin  has  determined  to  take  the  black  vail. 

I  send  herewith  a  letter  from  Mary  Ann's  husband.  My  love 
to  James  and  to  all  the  family. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  LESLIE  COMBS. 

WASHINGTON,  December  22,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  17th  instant,  and 
thank  you  for  its  details.  It  seems  that  I  have  lost  my  negro 
man  by  the  small-pox.  I  hope  the  measures  taken  will  arrest 
its  progress. 

My  object  in  writing  you  now  is  one  of  great  importance, 
and  I  wish  you  to  lead  off  in  it.  It  will  do  the  country  good, 
and  do  you  good. 

The  feeling  for  disunion  among  some  intemperate  Southern 
politicians,  is  stronger  than  I  hoped  or  supposed  it  could  be. 
The  masses  generally,  even  at  the  South,  are,  I  believe,  yet 
sound ;  but  they  may  become  influenced  and  perverted.  The 
best  counter-action  of  that  feeling  is  to  be  derived  from  popular 
expressions  of  public  meetings  of  the  people.  Now,  what  1 
should  be  glad  to  see,  is  such  meetings  held  throughout  Ken- 
tucky ;  for,  you  must  know,  that  the  disunionists  count  upon 
the  co-operation  of  our  patriotic  State.  .Can't  you  get  up  a 
large  powerful  meeting  of  both  parties,  if  possible,  at  Lexing- 
ton, at  Louisville,  etc.,  to  express,  in  strong  language,  their  de- 
termination to  stand  by  the  Union  ?  I  hope  the  Legislature, 
and  the  Convention  also,  if  it  has  not  adjourned,  may  do  the 
same.  If  you  remain  silent  and  passive,  there  is  danger  that 
the  bad  feeling  may  yet  reach  you.  Now  is  the  time  for  salu- 
tary action,  and  you  are  the  man  to  act.  I  inclose  some  resolu- 
tions, which,  or  some  similar  to  them,  I  should  be  happy  to  see 
adopted.  , 

Prudence  and  propriety  will  suggest  to  you,  that  too  free  a  use 
of  my  name  should  not  be  made  in  getting  up  this  movement. 
You  well  know  the  persons  to  consult  with ;  and  I  wish  you 
would  keep  me  advised  of  what  you  do. 

[This  advice  was  acted  on  and  carried  out.] 
38 


594  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.   CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  THOMAS. 

WASHINGTON,  December  25,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  THOMAS, — I  received  a  letter  from  you  while  you 
were  with  Henry  Wilkins,  at  your  saw-mill,  but  none  since.  I 
expected  to  have  heard  of  your  return  .home,  and  to  have  gotten 
a  letter  from  you,  ere  now  ;  but  T  suppose  that  you  have  been 
detained  below  longer  than  you  expected.  I  shall  be  glad  to 
hear  from  you,  the  prospects  of  your  mill,  etc. 

I  am  afraid  that  your  mother  and  John  have  had  much  trouble 
and -anxiety  at  Ashland.  The  loss  of  my  man  by  the  small-pox, 
and  the  fear  of  its  spreading  must  have  given  them  much  unea- 
siness. It  has  become  necessary  to  purchase  or  hire  two  addi- 
tional hands  for  the  farm.  I  should  prefer  the  latter,  and  I  have 
so  written  to  John.  I  wish  you  would  give  him  all  the  assist- 
ance you  can  in  procuring  them.  His  mill,  too,  has  got  out  of 
order ;  but  I  hope  that  he  has  been  able  to  get  a  millwright  to 
repair. 

Give  my  love  and  the  compliments  of  the  season  to  Mary  and 
the  children. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    HIS    WIFE. 

WASHINGTON,  December  28,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  WIFE, — There  is  a  bundle  of  papers  in  my  office  up 
stairs,  inclosed  in  a  pasteboard  paper,  and  tied  up  with  tape,  con- 
taining the  letters  from  General  Taylor  to  me.  Among  them  is 
one  from  him  to  me,  dated  at  Monterey,  in  Mexico,  I  think,  in 
September,  1847.  He  and  I  differ  about  the  contents  of  that 
letter ;  and  I  wish  you  would  find  it,  and  get  Thomas  to  make 
and  send  me  a  neat  copy  of  it,  and  put  up  the  original  back  again 
where  you  find  it. 

I  am  still  staying  at  the  National  Hotel,  where  I  have  a  good 
parlor  and  bed-room,  for  which  and  my  board  I  pay  thirty  dollars 
per  week.  The  British  Minister  occupies  rooms  near  mine,  and 
I  yesterday  dined  with  him.  He  has  his  wife  with  him,  a  niece 
of  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  a  plain,  but  sensible  person. 

I  have  dined  with  the  President,  but  declined  to  dine  with 
Clayton  and  Reverdy  Johnson,  on  account  of  a  bad  cold.  These 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  595 

people  are  all  civil  with  me,  but  nothing  more.  From  every 
body,  of  both  parties,  I  receive  friendly  attentions  and  kind  con- 
sideration. 

My  love  to  John. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

"WASHINGTON,  December  29,  1849. 

MY  DEAR  JAMES, — I  received  your  letter,  communicating  an 
account  of  Susan's  confinement,  and  I  was  delighted  to  hear  that 
she  had  given  birth  to  "a  son,  with  so  little  of  pain  and  suffering. 
I  hope  that  she  has  continued  to  do  well,  and  that  the  new  comer 
has  also  been  hearty.  In  the  fine  climate  where  you  are,  I  trust 
that  all  your  family  enjoy  good  health. 

I  hear  from  home,  but  not  as  often  as  I  could  wish. 

After  three  weeks,  Mr.  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  a  Democrat,  was 
elected  Speaker,  and  it  was  so  much  more  important  that  the 
House  should  be  organized  than  that  whether  Whig  or  Democrat 
should  be  chosen,  that  I  was  glad  an  election  was  made.  Noth- 
ing of  importance  has  yet  been  done  in  Congress. 

The  Portuguese  Minister  called  on  me  to-day,  and  I  had  a 
long,  long  interview  with  him,  both  on  matters  personally  relat- 
ing to  you,  and  on  public  affairs,  the  latter,  of  course,  confiden- 
tially. 

He  tells  me  that  you  have  a  fine  house  and  a  delightful  situa- 
tion on  the  Tagus,  with  a  beautiful  prospect,  etc.,  but  that  they 
made  you  pay  too  much  rent  for  it. 

I  endeavored  to  impress  him  very  seriously  about  our  claims 
on  Portugal,  and  that  their  rejection  might  lead  to  very  grave 
consequences.  1  authorized  him  to  communicate  what  I  said  to 
him  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  He  read  to  me  a  very 
ingenious  and  plausible  argument  in  the  case  of  the  General 
Armstrong,  but  I  told  him  that  I  thought  it  only  ingenious  and 
plausible,  and  that  I  thought  the  American  claim  was  well 
founded.  One  of  his  points  was  that  the  General  Armstrong 
began  the  conflict.  To  which  I  replied  that  the  British  boats 
approached  the  Armstrong  in  hostile  array  ;  and  that,  when  hailed, 
refusing  to  avow  whether  their  purposes  were  amicable  or  hostile, 
the  Armstrong  was  not  bound  to  wait  until  they  struck  the  first 
blow,  but,  being  authorized  to  conclude  that  their  purpose  was 
to  board  and  capture  her,  she  had  a  right  to  defend  herself,  and 


596  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

anticipate  the  fall  of  the  blow.  Exactly  as,  when  an  assault  is 
made  on  a  man,  not  yet  followed  by  a  battery,  he  is  not  bound 
to  await  the  battery,  but  may  defend  himself  forthwith. 

As  to  the  weakness  of  Portugal,  since  the  treaty  of  Methnen, 
she  has  been  an  ally,  and  somewhat  dependent  on  Great  Britain. 
Her  feelings  and  sympathies  were  with  the  British,  and  against 
the  Armstrong.  She  not  only  did  not  protect  the  Armstrong, 
which  as  a  neutral  power  she  ought  to  have  done,  but  she  did 
nothing  to  repel  the  British  violation  of  her  jurisdiction.  She 
did  worse  ;  when  the  crew  of  the  Armstrong  was  brought  on 
shore,  she  (Portugal)  suffered  and  connived  at  their  being  mus- 
tered by,  or  in  presence  of,  British  officers,  that  they  might  select 
from  the,  array  those  whom  they  chose  to  consider  British  sea- 
men !  Never  was  such  an  indignity  before  offered  !  Never 
before  or  since  did  Great  Britain  ever  attempt  to  exercise  her 
pretended  right  of  impressment  within  the  jurisdictional  limits 
of  a  neutral  or  third  power,  or  any  where  but  in  her  own  ports, 
or  on  the  high  seas. 

The  Portuguese  Minister  cited  certain  provisions  of  our  treaty 
with  Great  Britain  of  1794,  and  other  treaties,  making  provision 
for  the  case  of  captures  within  the  waters  of  the  respective  parties 
by  a  belligerent  of  either  of  them,  etc.  To  all  which  I  replied, 
that  those  treaties  took  the  case  from  without  the  operation  of 
the  general  public  law,  but  did  not  affect  the  condition  of  powers 
(of  which  Portugal  was-  one)  having  no  such  treaties  with  us ; 
that  as  to  these  powers,  the  national  law  furnished  the  rule  ;  and 
that,  in  cases  like  the  Armstrong,  that  rule  required  either  pro- 
tection or  indemnity.  Protection  had  not  been  afforded,  and 
indemnity  was  therefore  justly  due. 

My  manner  was  intentionally  very  earnest ;  and  I  sought  to 
impress  the  Minister  with  the  belief  I  entertain,  that  if  satisfac- 
tion of  our  claims  be  withheld,  it  will  be  sought  for  by  coer- 
cion. And  I  told  him  that  I  should  be  grieved  if  we  had  any 
war  with  Portugal,  especially  when  my  son  was  the  accredited 
representative  of  the  United  States  at  Lisbon.  I  told  him  that  I 
hoped  he  would  impress  his  Government  with  the  gravity  of 
existing  circumstances.  He  was  hurt  at  the  reference  in  the 
President's  Message  to  this  affair;  but  I  informed  him  that  I  had 
reason  to  believe  that,  at  one  time,  it  was  contemplated  to  refer 
to  it  much  more  seriously,  and  I  supposed  this  had  not  been  done 
in  consequence  of  a  hope  entertained  that  your  dispatches  might 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  597 

soon  bring  the  welcome  intelligence  that  our  claims  had  been 
admitted  and  provided  for. 

He  spoke  of  a  proposition  before  the  Portuguese  Cortes  to 
elevate  the  grade  of  the  mission  to  this  country.  I  told  him  that 
the  adjustment  of  our  claims  would  be  an  agreeable,  if  not  in- 
dispensable preliminary  to  a  similar  elevation  of  the  rank  of  our 
Minister  to  Portugal,  etc. 

I  presume  that  they  will  send  you,  from  the  Department  of 
State,  the  President's  Message,  and  all  other  public  documents. 

My  love  to  Susan,  to  dear  little  Lucy,  and  all  your  children, 
and  to  H.  Clay,  and  Thomas. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

CORRESPONDENCE   OF    185O,  1851,   1853. 

MR.    CLAY   TO    HIS    SON    THOMAS. 

WASHINGTON,  January  8,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  THOMAS, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  2d  instant, 
and  I  was  glad  to  learn  from  it  that  you  had  placed  your  pecu- 
niary affairs  on  a  satisfactory  footing ;  but  I  hope  that  you  had 
not  agreed  to  pay  to  Mr.  Hart  exorbitant  interest.  You  tell  me 
that,  not  wanting  the  check  I  sent  you  for  $450,  you  handed  it 
to  R.  Pindell  to  deposit  the  amount  to  my  credit  with  the  B. 
Bank.  I  wish  you  would  see  that  it  is  done,  and  let  me  know 
the  fact. 

I  am  greatly  concerned  about  your  poor  mother.  I  am  afraid 
that  she  has  too  much  suffering  and  trouble  for  one  person  to 
bear.  John  promised  me  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  promote  her 
comfort  and  happiness.  I  wish  you  and  Mary  would  do  all  in 
your  power  to  lighten  her  burdens  as  much  as  possible.  I  do 
not  think  that  I  will  leave  her  again  another  winter. 

I  wrote  yesterday  to  John  to  send  our  mules  to  Greensboro',  in 
Georgia,  where  I  have  a  prospect  of  a  good  sale  of  them.  In- 
deed, I  consider  them  all  already  engaged  at  fair  prices.  I  wish 
you  would  assist  him  in  getting  them  off.  It  would  be  well  to 
have  them  washed.  And  I  desire  the  person  in  whose  charge 
they  may  be  placed  should  inform  me,  from  time  to  time,  as  he 
makes  progress  on  the  journey. 

I  am  very  sorry  that  John  has  so  much  trouble  in  hiring  slaves. 
You  will,  of  course,  continue  to  assist  him  ;  and  I  hardly  know 
what  advice  to  give  from  this  place.  He  and  you  must  be  the 
best  judges,  being  on  the  spot.  If  there  be  no  better  alternative, 
I  suppose  that  I  shall  be  obliged  to  purchase  one  or  two  young 
men,  if  good  ones  can  be  bought. 

Give  my  love  to  Mary  and  your  children. 


PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE   OF  HENRY   CLAY.  699 


MR.    CLAY    TO    HIS    SON    THOMAS. 

"WASHINGTON,  January  12,  1850. 

Mr  DEAR  THOMAS, — I  received  a  letter  from  you,  inclosing  a 
copy  of  a  letter  from  General  Taylor  to  me,  dated  at  Monterey, 
in  November,  1847.  It  was  the  copy  I  wanted.  I  was  only 
mistaken  as  to  its  date. 

I  also  received  the  letter  for  Henry  Clay,  jun.,  and  I  have  for- 
warded it  to  him. 

We  have  a  Mayday  to-day. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    GENERAL    COMBS. 

WASHINGTON,  January  22,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  15th,  and  I  pre- 
viously received  other  favors.  I  do  not  write  often,  because 
really  I  have  nothing  positive  to  communicate,  and  I  have  nei- 
ther time  nor  inclination  to  write  merely  speculative  letters. 

Every  thing  here  is  uncertain — the  Slavery  question  in  all  its 
bearings,  California,  New  Mexico,  Texas,  etc.  Of  course,  pro- 
vision for  your  debt,  and  all  other  debts  of  Texas,  is  among  the 
uncertain  things. 

My  relation  with  the  President  and  his  Cabinet  is  amicable, 
but  not  remarkably  confidential  with  them  all.  I  have  neither 
sought  nor  declined  confidential  intercourse.  I  do  not  go  out  at 
night,  and  in  the  day  time  both  they  arid  I  are  too  much  engaged 
to  see  much  of  each  other. 

Are  you  not  pushing  subscriptions  to  railroads  too  far  ?  We 
want  one  to  the  Ohio  river ;  two  would  be  better,  and  three 
better  yet.  But  we  ought  not  to-  go  too  fast. 

I  am  awaiting  with  anxiety  for  popular  expressions  in  Ken- 
tucky in  favor  of  the  Union,  let  what  come  that  may.  Is  there 
not  danger  from  delay  that  the  contagion  of  disunion  may  seize 
you? 


MR.    CLAY    TO    JAMES    HARLAN. 

"WASHINGTON,  January  24,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — If  I  have  not  written  to  you  often,  it  is  be- 
cause of  my  perpetual  involuntary  engagements,  and  because  I 


600  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

have  really  nothing  to  write  about  of  a  practical  nature,  and  I 
don't  like  indulging  in  speculation.  Slavery  here  is  the  all-en- 
grossing theme  ;  and  my  hopes  and  my  fears  alternately  prevail 
as  to  any  satisfactory  settlement  of  the  vexed  question.  I  have 
been  anxiously  considering  whether  any  comprehensive  plan  of 
adjustment  can  be  devised  and  proposed  to  adjust  satisfactorily 
the  distracting  question.  I  shall  not,  however,  offer  any  scheme 
unless  it  meets  my  entire  concurrence. 

I  do  not  know  whether  any  thing  will  be  done  about  the  Mar- 
shall in  Kentucky.  All  our  Whig  delegation  concurred  in  the 
propriety  of  a  change ;  but  when  we  came  to  designate  the 
man,  there  was  unfortunately  much  division.  The  Executive 
may  not,  under  these  circumstances,  deem  it  expedient  to  re- 
move the  present  incumbent. 

My  relations  to  the  President  are  civil  and  amicable,  but  they 
do  not  extend  to  any  confidential  consultations  in  regard  to  pub- 
lic measures.  I  am,  etc. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  DANIEL  ULLMANN. 

WASHINGTON,  February  2,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor,  and  I  am  very  glad  to 
find  that  my  movement  to  compromise  the  Slavery  question  is 
approved.  The  timid  from  the  North  hesitate,  and  the  violent 
from  the  South  may  oppose  it,  but  I  entertain  hopes  of  its  suc- 
cess. Prom  another  quarter  (the  Administration)  there  may  be 
a  gentle  breeze  of  approbation. 

I  shall  need,  therefore,  popular  support.  Large  public  meet- 
ings (one  at  New  York  especially),  indorsing  my  plan  substan- 
tially, would  do  much  good.  Perhaps  the  last  of  next  week  or 
the  week  after  may  be  early  enough. 


MR.  CLAY    TO   DANIEL    ULLMAN. 

WASHINGTON,  February  15,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  12th  inst.  I  am 
glad  to  hear  of  the  contemplated  popular  movement  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  on  the  subject  of  the  questions  concerning 
slavery  which  are  producing  so  much  unhappy  division  and 


OF  HENRY   CLAY.  601 

distraction.  It  will  do  much  good,  if  it  be  large,  imposing,  and 
be  attended  without  distinction  of  party.  But  I  must  think 
that  its  beneficial  effects  will  depend  much  upon  its  being  con- 
ducted and  regarded  as  a  local  and  spontaneous  assemblage, 
without  any  ground  for  the  imputation  of  its  being  prompted 
from  any  exterior  source.  And  I  therefore  think  it  would  be 
best  that  there  should  not  be  any  distant  intervention  from  Con- 
gress or  from  any  remote  quarter.  It  would  indeed  be  very  dif- 
ficult, putting  that  consideration  aside,  to  prevail  upon  members 
of  Congress,  at  the  moment  of  so  much  interest  and  excitement, 
to  quit  Congress  and  repair  to  New  York  to  address  the  meet- 
ing. At  all  events,  motives  of  delicacy  and  propriety  would 
restrain  me  from  addressing  any  member  of  Congress  to  leave 
his  official  position  with  such  purpose.  I  should  hope  that  it 
was  not  necessary,  and  that  gentlemen  from  New  York,  the 
fresher  from  the  masses  the  better,  could  be  induced,  from  patri- 
otic considerations,  to  attend  and  address  the  meeting. 

My  accounts  of  the  reception  of  my  scheme  of  adjustment 
and  accommodation  of  the  slavery  questions  are  encouraging. 
There  is  some  holding  back  in  each  quarter,  from  a  purpose  of 
not  committing  itself,  until  the  views  of  the  other  are  known. 
But,  in  spite  of  this  reserve,  there  are  outbreaks  of  approbation 
and  sanction  of  the  scheme.  And  although  I  can  not  positively 
say  so,  I  entertain  strong  hopes  that  it  will  furnish  the  basis  of 
concord  and  a  satisfactory  accommodation. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  March  6,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  have  been  so  excessively  occupied  that  I 
have  written  less  to  you  than  I  wished.  Henry  Clay  came  safely 
to  me,  and  I  have  placed  him,  for  the  present,  at  the  Georgetown 
College,  where  he  seems  contented. 

Nothing  has  occurred  since  I  last  wrote  to  you  on  your  Portu- 
guese affairs.  And  I  presume  that  no  communication  will  be 
made  to  Congress  in  respect  to  them,  until  we  settle,  if  we  ever 
do  settle,  the  Slavery  subject.  On  this  subject  I  made  a  speech, 
and  offered  a  plan  of  compromise,  of  which  I  send  you  a  copy. 
The  speech  has  produced  a  powerful  and  salutary  effect  in  the 


602  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

country  and  in  Congress.  Whether  the  plan  will  be  adopted  or 
not  remains  to  be  seen.  I  think  if  any  is  finally  adopted  it  will 
be  substantially  mine. 

The  Kentucky  Legislature  has  passed  moderate  resolutions, 
given  me  no  instructions,  and  refused  to  be  represented  in  the 
Nashville  Convention.  All  this  is  well. 

My  relations  to  the  Executive  are  civil  but  not  very  cordial  or 
confidential.  There  has  been  much  talk  all  the  session  about 
changes  in  the  Cabinet,  and  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Clayton  es- 
pecially. I  am  inclined  to  think  that  there  is  some  foundation 
for  the  rumors. 

All  are  well  at  home. 

My  love  to  Susan,  Lucy  and  the  rest  of  the  children. 


D.  KEYES  AND  OTHERS  TO  MR.  CLAT. 

CLINTON,  Mien.,  March  8,  1850. 

DEAR  SIR, — We  are  humble  individuals  firmly  attached  to  the 
Democratic  faith  and  the  Democratic  party,  consequently  can 
not  indorse  many  things  in  your  political  creed. 

But,  sir,  with  us  the  preservation  and  harmony  of  our  beloved 
Union  are  far  above  all  party  considerations,  and  we  rejoice  at 
your  present  position  in  the  United  States  Senate,  feeling  that 
your  eminent  abilities  and  patriotic  devotion  to  the  Union  are 
not  only  the  property  of  Kentucky,  but  of  the  whole  Union. 

Please  accept  our  heartfelt  thanks  for  your  conciliatory  resolu- 
tions, and  for  the  masterly  manner  in  which  you  have  supported 
and  maintained  them. 


ME.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  March  13,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  JAMES, — I  have  just  received  your  favor  of  the  8th 
ultimo.  I  suppose  that  the  bad  state  of  things  here  has  prevent- 
ed Clayton  from  writing  to  you,  and  probably  prevented  the  Ex- 
ecutive from  calling  the  particular  attention  of  Congress  to  Por- 
tuguese affairs. 

You  will  do  well,  if  any  arrangement  can  be  effected  of  any 
of  our  claims,  to  obtain  the  written  concurrence  of  the  agents  of 
the  claimants,  if  they  have  any  agents  near  you.  And  if  none, 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  603 

and  a  real  doubt  and  difficulty  occur,  not  covered  by  your  in- 
structions,  you  had  better  take  the  matter  ad  referendum  to  your 
own  Government. 

We  are  still  in  the  woods  here,  on  the  Slavery  question,  and 
I  don't  know  when  we  shall  get  out  of  them.  Bad  feelings 
have  diminished,  without  our  seeing,  however,  land.  All  other 
business  is  superseded  or  suspended.  I  do  not  absolutely  despair 
of  a  settlement  on  the  basis  of  my  resolutions. 

My  information  from  home  is  good.  All  are  well  there. 
Thomas  continues  to  be  encouraged  by  the  prospects  of  his  saw- 
mill, and  other  prospects. 

Tell  Susan  that  I  read  her  letter  with  great  interest,  and  I 
have  sent  it  to  her  mother.  Her  interview  with  the  Queen,  with 
all  its  attending  circumstances,  was  quite  imposing.  As  her 
health  is  so  good  at  Lisbon,  I  do  not  think  that  you  should  be 
in  a  hurry  to  return  home,  although  whenever  you  do  come  we 
shall  be  most  happy  to  see  you.  Henry  Clay,  jr.,  remains  at  the 
Georgetown  College. 

I  have  seen  a  good  deal  of  Sir  Henry  Bulwer  and  his  lady, 
both  of  whom  are  intelligent  and  agreeable.  He  promised  me, 
as  I  believe  I  informed  you,  to  write  to  Lord  Palmerston  on  our 
affairs  with  Portugal. 

Give  my  love  to  Susan,  to  Lucy  and  all  the  children.  Tell 
Susan  that  I  will  write  to  her  when  I  can. 


ME.   CLAY  TO  JAMES  HARLAN. 

WASHINGTON,  March  16,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  been  very  thankful  to  you  for  the  in- 
formation you  have,  from  time  to  time,  communicated  to  me 
during  the  session  of  Congress.  While  on  the  other  hand  you 
have  found  me  an  inattentive  correspondent.  My  apparent  ne- 
glect proceeded  merely  from  the  cause  that  I  had  nothing  certain 
or  definite  to  communicate. 

The  all-engrossing  subject  of  slavery  continues  to  agitate  us, 
and  to  paralyze  almost  all  legislation.  My  hopes  are  strong  that 
the  question  will  ultimately  be  amicably  adjusted,  although  when 
or  how  can  not  be  clearly  seen. 

My  relations  to  the  Executive  are  civil  but  cold.  We  have 
very  little  intercourse  of  any  kind.  Instead  of  any  disposition 


604  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

to  oblige  me,  I  feel  that  a  contrary  disposition  has  heen  some- 
times manifested.  In  the  case  of  a  Marshal  for  our  State,  four 
of  the  Whig  members,  of  which  I  was  one,  united  from  the  first 
in  recommending  Mr.  Mitchell.  Two  others  of  them  (making 
six)  informed  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  that  they  would  be 
satisfied  with  Mr.  Mitchell ;  yet  Speed  was  nominated,  and  his 
nomination  is  now  before  the  Senate.  It  was  the  act  of  the 
President,  against  the  advice  of  Ewing. 

I  have  never  before  seen  such  an  Administration.  There  is 
very  little  co-operation  or  concord  between  the  two  ends  of  the 
avenue.  There  is  not,  I  believe,  a  prominent  Whig  in  either 
House  that  has  any  confidential  intercourse  with  the  Executive. 
Mr.  Seward,  it  is  said,  had  ;  but  his  late  Abolition  speech  has,  I 
presume,  cut  him  off  from  any  such  intercourse,  as  it  has  eradi- 
cated the  respect  of  almost  all  men  for  him. 

I  shall  continue  to  act  according  to  my  convictions  of  duty, 
co-operating  where  I  can  with  the  President,  and  opposing  where 
I  must. 

I  congratulate  you  on  your  appointment  as  one  of  the  Revisers. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  March  17,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  was  at  the  Department  of  State  yesterday, 
and  some  of  your  last  dispatches  were  shown  me,  and  important 
instructions  to  you  were  also  read  to  me.  These  instructions 
are  to  be  sent  to  you  in  duplicate,  one  copy  by  the  mail,  and  the 
other  copy  through  Commodore  Morgan,  who  is  to  proceed  to  Lis- 
bon in  one  of  the  ships  of  the  line,  and  to  deliver  to  you  the  copy 
which  he  bears.  He  is  then  to  await  your  orders.  It  is  not  un- 
derstood that  you  are  to  act  finally  on  these  instructions  until 
the  arrival  of  the  Commodore,  but  that  you  should,  in  the  mean 
time,  go  on  with  the  negotiation  for  our  claims,  and  conclude,  if 
you  can,  a  convention  for  their  payment. 

This  course  of  proceeding  will  impose  on  you  a  heavy  respon- 
sibility, and  you  should  act  with  great  care,  caution,  and  discre- 
tion. If  you  could  prevail  on  the  Portuguese  Government  to 
pay  a  sum  in  block,  or  in  gross,  for  the  amount  and  in  full  satis- 
faction of  all  our  claims  on  that  Government,  it  might  save  its 
honor  in  contesting  the  Armstrong  case.  It  might  stipulate  to 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  605 

pay  a  specified  sum,  and  leave  the  distribution  of  it,  among  the 
claimants,  to  our  Government.  I  do  not  know  whether  you 
have  a  knowledge  of  all  the  claims  and  the  means  of  fixing  on 
their  just  amount.  I  was  surprised  to  hear  at  the  Department 
that  it  was  much  greater  than  I  had  supposed.  I  would  not 
insist  upon  extravagant  or  extreme  allowances.  I  should  think 
that  if  the  owners  of  the  Armstrong  got  $50,000  they  might  be 
satisfied. 

If,  after  the  arrival  of  Commodore  Morgan,  and  after  you  have 
ascertained  that  no  arrangement  of  our  claims  can  previously  be 
made,  the  Portuguese  Government  should  persist  in  refusing  to 
do  us  justice,  as  I  understood  the  instructions,  you  are  to  notify 
that  Government  of  your  purpose  to  leave  Lisbon,  demand  your 
passports,  and  come  away.  The  Commodore  is  not  to  employ 
force,  which  would  be  an  act  of  war  which  the  President  has 
no  power  to  authorize. 

I  suppose  that  this  measure  of  sending  a  public  vessel  into  the 
port  of  Lisbon  has  been  adopted  upon  your  advice,  at  least  in 
part.  I  hope  it  may  succeed ;  but  if  the  Portuguese  Govern- 
ment has  the  promise  of  British  succor,  it  is  not  so  likely  to  be 
successful.  In  the  present  distracted  state  of  this  country,  and  the 
weak  condition  of  the  Administration  in  Congress,  it  is  much  to 
be  feared  that  your  departure  from  Lisbon  without  the  settlement 
of  our  claims,  after  the  contemplated  display  of  naval  force, 
will  not  be  followed  up  by  the  employment  of  the  coercion 
which  the  serious  steps  you  are  authorized  to  take  would  seem 
to  require.  Hence  the  great-  importance  of  an  amicable  settle- 
ment if  one  can  be  made.  And  hence  also  I  think  our  claims 
should  be  brought  down  to  their  minimum  amount. 

If  your  negotiation  should  finally  fail,  I  suppose  that  we  may 
see  you  back  in  the  United  States  before  the  close  of  this  year. 

My  last  accounts  from  home  represented  all  well.  Give  my 
love  to  Susan  and  the  children. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  JAMES   HAUL  AN. 

WASHINGTON,  March  22,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  15th  instant. 
What  you  have  stated,  in  answer  to  those  who  have  inquired  of 
you,  whether  under  any  contingency  I  would  consent  to  be  a 


606  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

candidate  for  the  Presidency  in  1852,  is  pretty  much  what  [ 
should  have  said  myself,  if  I  said  any  thing ;  but  I  have  great 
repugnance  to  saying  any  thing  about  it.  It  would  be  great 
folly  in  me,  at  my  age,  with  the  uncertainty  of  life,  and  with 
a  recollection  of  all  the  past,  to  say  now  that  I  would,  under  any 
contingences,  be  a  candidate.  I  can  scarcely  conceive  any, 
there  are  none  in  the  range  of  probability,  that  would  reconcile 
me  to  the*  use  of  my  name.  I  have  already  publicly  declared 
that  I  entertained  no  wish  or  expectation  of  being  a  candidate  ; 
and  I  would  solemnly  proclaim  that  I  never  would  be,  under 
any  circumstances  whatever,  if  I  did  not  think  that  no  citizen 
has  a  right  thus  absolutely  to  commit  himself. 

We  can  not  yet  see  clearly  how  or  when  our  slavery  difficul- 
ties are  to  be  settled. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  March  25,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  together,  to-day,  your  two  favors 
of  the  15th  and  28th  ultimo.  I  am  obliged  to  you  for  the  arti- 
cles you  have  shipped  for  your  mother  and  me.  I  shall  give 
directions  about  the  pigs,  but  I  am  afraid  there  will  be  great 
difficulty  in  getting  them  home.  You  can  not  ship  home  any 
Port  wine,  without  paying  duties  here.  It  must  come  back  with 
you,  and  as  a  part  of  your  luggage  it  will  not  be  liable- to  duty. 
I  should  be  glad  to  get  six  or  eight  dozen. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  you  may  return  at  the  end  of  the  year, 
if  you  wish  it.  Whether  you  do  so  or  not  ought  to  depend  on 
your  estimate  of  what  will  most  conduce  to  the  health  and  hap- 
piness of  your  family  and  yourself.  I  should  be  sorry  if  you 
allowed  your  expenses  to  exceed  your  salary.  Public  function- 
aries are  too  apt  to  think  themselves  more  bound  than  they  really 
are  to  dispense  hospitality.  He  acts  wisest  who  limits  himself 
to  his  salary. 

My  last  letter  and  the  dispatches  from  Government  will  have 
apprized  you  that  a  display  of  naval  force  is  to  be  tried  as  an 
experiment  in  aid  of  your  negotiations.  If  it  fail  to  induce  the 
Portuguese  Government  to  pay  our  claims,  you  may  have  to  re- 
turn even  sooner  than  you  wish.  I  suppose  it  will  not  reach 
the  port  of  Lisbon  before  May. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  607 

The  Senate  confirmed  your  nomination  to-day  as  soon  as  it 
was  taken  up,  and  without  any  opposition.  At  no  time  was 
there  danger  of  any. 

I  wish  you  were  honorably  and  safely  through  your  negotia- 
tions. The  employment  of  a  naval  force  imposes  on  you  a  del- 
icate and  heavy  responsibility,  of  the  success  of  which  I  am 
more  anxious  because  T  understand  you  advised  it.  You  may 
be  officially  interrogated  as  to  the  object  of  the  presence  of  such 
a  force.  In  that  case,  you  will  pursue  your  instructions,  and  I 
suppose  have  to  say  that  the  ship  is  intended  to  take  you  away, 
if  our  claims  are  not  adjusted.  Commodore  Morgan  is  a  partic- 
ular friend  of  mine  and  a  very  clever  fellow.  You  may  tell 
him  all  about  Yorkshire,  his  pet,  etc. 

I  have  got  through  the  winter  better  than  I  expected,  but  I 
find  the  colds  of  this  month  very  bad. 

I  am  glad  to  hear  that  you  are  on  good  terms  with  the  For- 
eign Minister.  Certainly  it  would  be  a  good  arrangement  to 
get  them  to  recognize  the  justice  of  the  Armstrong  claim  and 
leave  the  amount  to  arbitration ;  but  that  they  won't  agree  to. 

Give  my  love  to  Susan,  dear  Lucy,  and  your  other  children. 
All  well  at  home  when  I  last  heard. 

I  believe  I  mentioned  the  death  of  your  uncle  Porter  in  Ark 
ansas,  in  February. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    S.    A.    ALLIBONE. 

WASHINGTON,  May  10,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Accept  my  cordial  although  tardy  thanks  for 
your  friendly  note  of  the  16th  ultimo,  with  its  inclosure  of  pre- 
cious old  newspapers.  My  public  engagements  will  explain  and 
excuse  me,  I  hope,  for  not  having  earlier  made  this  acknowledg- 
ment. 

I  pray  you  to  present  my  warm  regards  to  your  family  and  to 
your  sister,  and  to  assure  her  that  I  often  think  of  her  amid  all 
my  occupations. 


JAMES    B.    CLAY    TO    HIS    FATHER. 

LISBON,  May  26,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER. — You  can  not  imagine  in  what  a  state  of 
uncertainty,  uneasiness,  and  expectation,  we  have  been  during 


608  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

this  entire  month.  I  had  been  informed  by  Mr.  Clayton  that  it 
was  the  opinion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  that  the  ship  from 
the  Mediterranean,  with  my  final  instructions,  would  reach  here 
by  the  1st  of  this  month,  and  it  is  now  nearly  the  last,  and  it 
has  not  arrived.  I  have  seen  by  the  English  papers  that  the 
storeship  Erie,  which,  I  presume,  took  Commodore  Morgan  his 
orders,  was  lying,  with  the  commodore,  in  the  harbor  of  Naples, 
on  the  27th  last  month,  in  fifteen  days  after  he  ought  to  have 
been  here  ;  why  he  is  not,  God  only  knows.  I  have  been  con- 
stantly uneasy  for  fear  that  his  non-arrival  might  prejudice  the 
settlement  of  our  affairs ;  and  if  this  Government  had  a  grain  of 
common  sense,  it  would  have  done  so  very  much.  Their  true 
policy,  having  determined  not  to  pay,  \vas  most  certainly  to  offer 
an  arbitration  of  all  the  claims,  and  I  have  been  every  instant 
fearing  that  such  an  offer  would  be  made  ;  a  rejection  of  it,  which 
I  would  have  to  make,  would,  of  course,  have  put  us  in  a  worse 
position  before  the  world. 

The  English  Charge,  Mr.  Howard,  the  brother  of  the  Earl  of 
Carlisle,  told  me  the  other  day,  that  Mr.  Bulwer  had  written  to 
Lord  Palmerston,  as  he  promised  you,  to  advise  these  people  to 
pay  all  the  claims  which  were  just,  and  to  offer  to  arbitrate  the 
others ;  and  I  presume  he  did  so,  for  Mr.  Howard  told  me,  at 
the  same  time,  that  Count  Fayal  had  informed  him  that  he  had 
offered  to  arbitrate  all.  This  impression  he  has  been  for  some 
time  trying  to  create,  through  the  papers  and  otherwise.  You 
may  have  seen  an  article  in  "  The  London  Times"  speaking  of 
my  rejection  of  the  offer,  etc. ;  this,  I  know,  was  denied  from 
Fayal,  who  shows  everything  to  the  correspondent  of  that  paper. 
Lord  Palmerston  has  very  little  influence  here.  He  has  been 
always  opposed  to  the  Cabral  Ministry,  and  there  is  no  goodwill 
between  them.  I  took  occasion  to  inform  Mr.  Howard,  that  it 
was  wholly  untrue  that  Count  Fayal  had  offered  to  arbitrate  all 
our  claims,  and  said  that  I  had  no  objection  to  his  so  informing 
his  Government. 

I  can  not  predict  what  will  be  the  effect  produced  by  the 
coming  of  the  ship,  if  ever  she  does  arrive,  or  of  my  demand  for 
my  passport,  if  they  don't  pay.  Our  action  has,  throughout  the 
affair,  been  so  dilatory,  that  I  am  sure  it  can  not  have  so  great 
influence  as  promptness  would  have  done.  It  has  always  been 
my  opinion  that  I  ought  to  have  been  sent  here  in  a  ship  of  war, 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  609 

with  the  same  instructions  given  at  last.  Our  position  at  the 
time  of  my  arrival  was  by  all  odds  better  than  it  is  now. 

Should  we  be  suffered  to  go  away,  I  am  undetermined  whether 
we  shall  go  to  Naples  and  to  Paris,  through  Italy  and  Switzer- 
land, or  go  at  once  to  Paris.  I  shall  be  determined  by  Commo- 
dore Morgan's  course.  If  he  offers  to  take  us  to  Naples,  as  it  will 
not  be  out  of  his  way,  I  shall  accept. .  If  we  go  that  way,  wo 
will  still  reach  America  in  November. 

As  the  season  has  arrived  for  Southerners  to  be  in  Kentucky, 
perhaps  my  house  could  now  be  sold.  I  should  like  it  to  be ; 
as  on  our  return  home,  if  you  won't  sell  me  Ashland,  I  am  deter- 
mined to  try  and  buy  Crutchfield's  place  on  the  Ohio.  Can  you 
write  to  Trotter  or  Pindell  about  the  house  ? 

28th. — Commodore  Morgan  has  not  arrived,  and  I  am  in  hourly 
expectation  of  receiving,  what  I  feared  I  should  receive,  a  prop- 
osition to  arbitrate  all  the  claims.  I  dined  last  night  with  the 
Duke  of  Leuchtenberg,  the  son-in-law  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia, 
at  the  Russian  Legation,  when  the  Minister  asked  if  I  had  re- 
ceived such  a  proposition,  as  Count  Fayal  had  told  him  he  in- 
tended to  make  it.  He  seemed  surprised  when  I  told  him  I  had 
not.  I  shall  regret  to  receive  it,  because  I  think  my  instructions 
will  oblige  me  to  reject  it,  and  I  know  it  will  place  us  in  a  worse 
position  before  the  world.  Either  Commodore  Morgan  has  had 
orders  of  which  I  was  not  informed,  or  he  has  not  been  as  active 
as  he  rmq;ht,  and  ought  to  have  been. 

Nine  o'clock  at  night. — 1  have  just  received  a  note  from  the 
Minister,  stating  the  willingness  of  his  Government  to  arbitrate 
all  the  claims,  but  as  he  rejects  the  last  of  them  in  the  same  note, 
and  as  his  language  is  not  a  distinct  proposition  to  arbitrate,  I 
shall  not  so  consider  it. 

We  are  all  well,  and  Susan  joins  me  in  affectionate  love  to 
you. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    HIS    SON    JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  May  27,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  have  written  to  you  less  of  late  than  I  wished, 

owing  to  my  perpetual  public  occupations.     We  are  yet  in  the 

midst  of  our  slavery  discussions,  with  no  certainty  of  the  final 

result.     I  have  hopes  of  the  final  success  of  the  compromise  re- 

39 


610  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

ported  by  me  of  the  Committee  of  Thirteen,  but  with  less  con- 
fidence than  I  desire. 

By  this  time,  I  presume  that  your  public  duties  at  Lisbon  are 
brought  to  an  unsuccessful  close.  I  fear  that  the  display  of  force 
in  the  port  of  Lisbon  has  not  been  attended  with  the  benefit 
anticipated  from  it. 

I  have  got  Henry  Clay  admitted  as  a  cadet  in  West  Point, 
and  he  has  gone  home  to  see  his  relations,  and  to  return  to  me 
next  week  to  enter  the  Academy. 

You  will  see  in  the  papers  that  I  have  spoken  a  great  deal 
(much  more  than  I  wished)  in  the  Senate.  In  my  last  speech  I 
had  to  attack  the  plan  of  the  Administration,  for  compromising 
our  slavery  difficulties  j  its  course  left  me  no  other  alternative. 
My  friends  speak  in  terms  qf  extravagant  praise  of  my  speeches, 
and  especially  of  the  last. 

Since  I  began  this  letter,  I  received  your  letter  of  the  28th 
April,  with  Susan's  long  and  interesting  letter  to  her  mother, 
which  I  have  read  and  forwarded  this  moment. 

I  do  not  entertain  much  hope  of  the  effect  of  the  display  of 
naval  force  in  getting  our  claims  allowed,  and  consequently  I 
expect  you  will  leave  Lisbon  soon  after  you  receive  this  letter. 
Should  they  be  allowed,  and  should  Portugal  raise  the  rank  of 
her  representatives,  I  suppose  the  measure  would  be  reciprocated 
by  our  Executive. 

I  am  delighted  to  hear  that  you  are  all  so  happy,  and  that 
dear  Lucy  has  some  good  prospect  of  recovery. 

I  send  a  letter  from  Mary  to  Susan,  and  I  am  to  blame  for 
some  delay  in  its  transmission.  My  love  to  her,  and  to  all  your 
dear  children. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    MRS.    THOMAS    H.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  July  13,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  MARY, — I  received  your  letter  with  its  inclosure.  I 
wish  you  would  tell  your  mother  not  to  pay  the  Abion's  account, 
or  any  other  account  against  me,  without  my  direction.  I  will 
arrange  these  matters  myself. 

My  health  is  reasonably  good.  Mrs.  Brand,  of  Lexington, 
and  her  party  are  now  here,  and  will  to-day  witness  the  funeral 
ceremonies  of  General  Taylor,  about  which  the  whole  city  is 
now  in  commotion. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  611 

Tell  Thomas  that  I  think  the  event  which  has  happened  will 
favor  the  passage  of  the  Compromise  bill. 

I  can  not  tell  you,  my  dear  Mary,  how  anxious  I  am  to  be  at 
home  with  your  dear  mother,  my  wife,  and  all  of  you. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    HIS    SON    THOMAS. 

PHILADELPHIA,  August  6,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  THOMAS, — I  am  here  on  my  way  to  Newport,  for 
which  place  I  proceed  to-morrow,  and  hope  to  reach  it  during 
the  night.  r 

I  received  your  letter  of  the  28th  ultimo,  and  I  was  gratified 
to  learn  that  your  prospects  from  the  saw-mill  were  so  good. 

My  relations  with  Mr.  Fillmore  are  perfectly  friendly  and  con- 
fidential. In  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Crittenden  I  acquiesced. 
Mr.  F.  asked  me  how  we  stood  ?  I  told  him  that  the  same  de- 
gree of  intimacy  between  us  which  once  existed,  no  longer  pre- 
vailed ;  but  that  we  were  on  terms  of  civility.  I  added  that, 
if  he  thought  of  introducing  him  into  his  Cabinet,  I  hoped  that 
no  considerations  of  my  present  relations  to  him  would  form  any 
obstacle. 

I  shall  be  very  glad  if  any  thing  can  be  done  for  Carroll,  and 
and  I  will  see  on  my  return  to  Washington. 

As  to  the  post-office  in  Lexington,  my  wishes  will,  I  antici- 
pate, finally  prevail. 

I  am  very  much  worn  down,  but  I  hope  that  Newport  will 
replace  my  health  and  strength. 

My  love  to  Mary  and  the  children. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  THOMAS. 

NEWPORT,  August  15,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  THOMAS, — I  received  your  two  last  letters,  the  last 
inclosing  one  from  Mary  to  Susan,  which  I  have  forwarded. 
James  will  return  in  October  or  November ;  he  has  closed  his 
negotiation,  and  although  he  has  concluded  no  convention  with 
Portugal,  he  has  succeeded  in  placing  our  claims  with  that  Gov- 
ernment on  a  much  better  footing  than  they  ever  stood  before. 
He  has  sent  old  Aaron  home,  and  he  is  now  in  Washington 


612  PRIVATE   COKRESPONDENCE 

I  have  been  benefited  by  my  visit  to  this  place,  and  shall  remain 
here  about  a  week  longer.  It  is  so  cool  here  as  to  require  the 
use  of  fires. 

They  are  passing  through  the  Senate,  in  separate  bills,  all  the 
measures  of  our  Compromise,  and  if  they  should  pass  the  House 
also,  I  hope  they  will  lead  to  all  the  good  effects  which  would 
have  resulted  from  the  adoption  of  the  Compromise. 

I  have  seen  Henry  Pindle's  wife  here,  and  I  was  very  glad  to 
hear  from  her  that  your  mother  is  in  good  health,  and  that  she 
has  been  enjoying  more  of  society  than  she  has  been  accustomed 
to  do. 

Give  my  love  to  Mary  and  the  children. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  THOMAS. 

WASHINGTON,  September  6,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  THOMAS, — I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  31st 
ult.  I  congratulate  Louisa  and  her  family  upon  her  marriage, 
which  I  hope  and  believe  may  prove  a  happy  one. 

We  can  see  no  end  yet  of  this  fatiguing  session.  So  far, 
nothing  is  definitely  decided  on  the  slavery  question.  Perhaps 
there  may  be  to-day  or  to-morrow.  In  the  mean  time  I  am 
again  getting  very  much  exhausted.  I  wish  that  I  had  remained 
longer  at  Newport,  where  I  was  much  benefited.  I  shall  as  soon 
as  possible  return  home,  where  I  desire  to  be  more  than  I  ever 
did  in  my  life. 

My  love  to  Mary  and  the  children. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    MRS.    JAMES    B.    CLAY. 

ASHLAND,  November  21,  1850. 

I  was  rejoiced,  my  dear  Susan,  to  have  seen  by  the  newspa- 
pers, that  you  and  your  children  had  arrived  safely  at  New 
York,  and  by  the  telegraphic  dispatch,  which  you  sent  me  from 
Pittsburg,  that  you  had  reached  that  city.  Not  knowing  whether 
you  will  first  come  here  or  go  to  Louisville,  I  address  this 
letter  to  you  at  the  latter.  I  expect  to  "leave  home  on  the  first 
or  second  of  next  month.  Will  you  come  here  before  I  go  ?  If 
not,  I  must  try  to  go  by  Louisville  to  see  you  and  the  children. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  613 

I  have  sold  James'  house  for  nine  thousand  dollars,  one  third  to 
be  paid  at  New  Orleans  the  first  of  January  next,  one  third  in 
October  next,  and  the  other  third  the  October  following,  all  well 
secured.  Harvey  Miller  was  the  purchaser.  Considering  James' 
anxiety  to  sell,  and  the  low  price  of  town  property,  the  sale  is 
considered  a  good  one.  But  if  he  had  been  at  home,  and  could 
have  made  an  arrangement  with  me  for  the  purchase  of  Ash- 
land, I  would  have  allowed  him  ten  thousand  dollars  for  his 
house.  Mr.  Miller  had  left  the  house,  and  I  could  get  no  good 
tenant.  So  you  see  you  are  without  house  and  home  ;  but  I 
hope  you  will  pass  as  much  of  your  time  as  you  can  at  Ashland. 
John  expects  to  go  to  New  Orleans  in  two  or  three  weeks.  We 
are  all  well  here  and  at  Mansfield. 

Write  me  immediately  about  your  movements.     My  love  to 
Lucy  and  the  other  children. 


MB.    CLAY    TO    HIS    SON    JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  December  23,  1850. 

MY  DEAR  JAMES, — Prior  to  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  dated  at 
Ashland  the  17th  instant,  I  had  addressed  a  letter  to  you  contain- 
ing some  things  not  necessary  to  be  repeated  here.  I  have  not 
yet  had  a  good  opportunity  of  conversing  with  either  the  Presi- 
dent or  Mr.  Webster  about  you  or  your  late  mission  ;  but  the 
other  night  at  Jenny  Lind's  concert,  sitting  by  Mr.  Webster,  he 
broke  forth  in  extravagant  praises  of  you.  I  do  not  think  that 
you  ought  to  put  an  unfriendly  interpretation  upon  any  thing 
which  occurred  about  your  return  to  Lisbon.  Your  letter  from 
Geneva  of  September  did  not  contain  an  unconditional  offer  to 
return.  You  submitted  some  point  of  honor  to  Mr.  Webster.  I 
think  he  might  have  sent  earlier  instructions  to  you  ;  but  I  sup- 
pose his  absence  from  Washington  and  his  indisposition  formed 
his  excuse.  In  his  letter  of  the  5th  November  (which  I  hastily 
read)  he  seems  to  have  been  undecided  whether  you  wished  to 
return  or  not,  but  left  it  to  you  to  determine.  After  you  returned 
to  the  United  States  I  do  not  think  that  you  ought  to  have  gone 
back  to  Lisbon  for  the  temporary  purpose  of  concluding  the  Con- 
vention. And,  upon  the  whole,  I  have  no  regrets  about  it,  con- 
sidering how  well  and  how  strongly  the  President  speaks  of  you, 
in  his  annual  Message,  and  in  what  favorable  terms,  officially 


614  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

and  privately,  Mr.  Webster  speaks  of  you,  and  that  the  public 
ascribes  to  you  the  success  of  the  negotiation.  I  wrote  you  that 
I  think  you  are  entitled  to  your  salary  up  to  the  20th  Novem- 
ber and  a  quarter  beyond,  and  to  indemnity  for  any  loss  in  furni- 
ture, etc.,  in  consequence  of  your  sudden  departure  from'  Lisbon. 
I  believe  it,  is  usual  also  to  charge  for  stationery,  postage, 
etc.  If  you  will  send  me  your  account  I  will  endeavor  to  have 
it  settled. 

I  was  in  hopes  that  you  would  stay  with  your  mother  until 
my  return,  and  that  we  would  then  talk  about  your  future.  As 
to  your  purchase  of  Ashland,  I  never  desired  that  you  should 
make  it,  unless  prompted  by  your  own  interests  and  feelings. 
When  I  go  hence  it  must  be  sold,  and  I  have  never  feared  that  it 
would  not  command  a  fair  and  full  price. 

I  should  regret  deeply  to  see  you  set  down  doing  nothing. 
You  must  engage  in  some  occupation  or  you  will  be  miserable. 
The  law,  farming,  or  the  public  service,  are  the  only  pursuits 
which  I  suppose  present  themselves  to  you.  You  don't  like  the 
first,  which  is  moreover  nowhere  in  Kentucky  profitable ;  and 
your  decision  must  be  between  the  two  others.  I  had  inferred 
that  you  were  tired  of  diplomacy,  unless  you  could  get  a  higher 
grade  than  that  which  you  lately  held.  At  present  there  is  none 
that  I  know  of ;  but  perhaps  some  vacancy  may  occur.  As  to 
elevating  the  mission  to  Lisbon,  I  have  heard  here  of  no  propo- 
sal to  that  effect.  It  does  not  depend,  you  know,  exclusively  on 
the  Executive  ;  Congress  must  sanction  it.  Possibly  after  the 
conclusion  of  the  Convention,  if  Portugal  should  desire  to  ele- 
vate the  rank  of  her  minister,  it  may  be  proposed  to  reciprocate 
it  by  the  President ;  but  I  do  not  apprehend  that  a  higher  rank 
would  be  thought  of  than  that  of  minister  resident. 

You  did  not  say  whether  you  were  satisfied  or  not  with  my 
sale  of  your  house  and  lot.  I  would  not  have  sold  it  but  for 
your  great  anxiety  to  sell.  It  was  a  good  house,  but  I  never 
liked  its  external  appearance.  The  situation  was  one  of  the 
finest  in  Lexington. 

You  will  direct  what  I  shall  do  with  the  draft  for  $3000  when 
I  receive  it  from  New  Orleans. 

My  love  to  Susan,  Lucy,  and  the  other  children. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  615 


MR.   CLAY  TO  HIS  WIFE. 

WASHINGTON,  March  8,  1851. 

MY  DEAR  WIFE, — I  have  finally  concluded  to  return  by  Cuba 
and  New  Orleans.  The  great  difficulty  I  have  felt  in  coming  to 
the  conclusion  has  been  my  long  absence  from  you,  and  my  de- 
sire to  be  with  you.  But  my  cough  continues ;  although  I  do  not 
lay  up,  my  health  is  bad,  and  the  weather  has  been  the  worst  of 
March  weather.  The  road,  too,  by  Cumberland,  I  am  told,  is  al- 
most impassable.  I  hope  that  I  may  be  benefited  by  the  softer 
climate  of  Cuba.  I  expect  to  go  on  the  llth  from  New  York 
in  the  steamer  Georgia.  And  I  think  my  absence  from  home 
will  not  be  prolonged  beyond  a  month,  that  is  the  middle  of 
April.  On  settling  my  bank  accounts,  I  will  either  from  here  or 
New  York  make  a  remittance  to  you. 

I  send  herewith  a  check  on  York  for  $400  which  I  have  en- 
dorsed to  you,  and  of  which  you  will  make  any  use  you  may 
think  proper. 

I  have  written  to  John  and  telegraphed  him,  to  put  him  at  ease 
about  Yorkshire,  and  I  hope  all  will  go  well  at  home  until  my 
return. 

God  bless  and  preserve  you,  my  dear  wife. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  ADAM  BEATTY. 

ASHLAND,  April  28,  1851. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  transmitting  two  letters, 
one  addressed  to  yourself  and  the  other  in  reply  to  it,  and  I  thank 
you  for  the  opportunity  afforded  me  of  perusing  them. 

If  the  course  of affords  cause  of  regret,  I  am  grateful 

for  the  firmness  and  fidelity  with  which  you  remained  attached 
to  me  in  1848,  as  upon  all  former  occasions.  . 

The  nomination  made  of  General  Taylor,  in  Philadelphia,  has 
now  no  other  than  an  historical  interest.  It  has  long  ceased  to 
affect  me.  I  fear,  indeed,  that  it  has  had  a  pernicious  influence 
upon  the  Whig  cause,  but  of  that  we  shall  hereafter  be  able  bet- 
ter to  judge.  I  concur  entirely  in  the  views  presented  in  your 
reply  to .  Had  I  been  nominated  I  am  perfectly  confi- 
dent that  I  should  have  obtained  every  electoral  vote  which  he 
received,  and,  besides  them,  the  vote  of  Ohio  certainly,  and  that 


616  PEIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

of  Indiana  probably.  My  majority  in  Pennsylvania  would  have 
been  greater  than  that  which  was  given  to  him.  But  the  thing 
is  passed,  and  no  one  has  more  quietly  submitted  to  the  event 
than  I  have. 

I  was  very  sorry  that  circumstances  were  such  as  net  to  admit 
of  my  calling  to  see  you  on  my  return  home  ;  but  I  hope  we 
may  yet  live  to  meet  each  other.  I  returned  by  the  route  of 
Cuba  and  New  Orleans,  and  was  highly  gratified  with  my  visit 
to  that  delightful  island. 


MR.  CLAY   TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

ASHLAND,  May  9,  1851. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  28th  ultimo. 
From  Susan  I  had  learned  your  plans  for  the  future.  Although 
they  involve  a  separation  of  you  and  your  family  from  me,  I  can 
not  complain  of  them  and  think  them  judicious.  I  am  afraid 
that  we  did  not  explain  ourselves  mutually  fully  to  each  other. 
It  was  my  anxious  wish  that  you  should  have  succeeded  me  in 
the  possession  of  Ashland,  if  it  had  suited  your  inclination  and 
interest,  and  if  you  had  been  at  home  I  think  we  could  have 
made  some  arrangement  by  which  you  could  have  come  into  the 
immediate  possession  of  it,  and  I  could  have  taken  your  house. 
But  you  were  not  here  ;  and  before  you  went  to  Europe,  and  in 
your  letters  from  Lisbon,  you  displayed  so  much  anxiety  to  sell 
the  house  that  I  concluded  to  take  the  offer  of  Mr.  Miller.  Mr. 
Trotter  too  was  about  to  give  it  up.  and  as  I  was  on  the  eve  of 
my  departure  for  Washington,  and  knew  of  no  tenant  that  I 
could  get,  I  did  not  well  know  what  to  do  with  it.  I  think  it 
ought  to  have  brought  ten  thousand  dollars,  which  is  what  I 
should  have  been  willing  to  have  allowed  for  it,  but  I  obtained 
the  best  price  I  could  get,  and  the  sale  of  it  was  far  better  than 
that  to  Mr.  Goodhue  which  you  appeared  willing  to  make. 

My  health  is  not  good,  a  troublesome  and  inconvenient  cough 
has  hung  by  me  for  six  months  past ;  it  has  reduced  and  enfeebled 
me  very  much.  Dr.  Dudley  thinks  that  my  lungs  are  unaffect- 
ed, and  that  it  proceeds  from  some  derangement  in  the  functions 
of  the  stomach.  Be  that  as  it  may,  I  must  get  rid  of  the  cough 
or  it  will  dispose  of  me.  My  hopes  rest  upon  the  effects  of  warm 
weather. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  617 

Susan  and  the  children  are  well,  and  appear  to  be  contented 
and  satisfied.  They  are  a  source  of  great  happiness  to  me,  and 
I  look  forward  to  their  leaving  us  with  painful  anticipations. 
Your  mother  and  John  are  both  quite  well,  and  so  are  Thomas 
and  his  family.  John  is  constantly  occupied  with  our  numerous 
horses  and  those  which  are  sent  to  Ashland.  He  is  in  good 
spirits  and  appears  much  encouraged  with  prospects,  and  I  think 
has  reason  to  be  so.  My  overseer  is  doing  admirably  well,  and 
your  mother  is  better  pleased  with  him  than  she  ever  was  with 
any  of  his  predecessors.  I  have  a  great  many  things  to  say  to 
you  and  to  talk  to  you  about,  but  among  the  inconveniences  of 
my  present  indisposition,  one  is,  that  it  is  less  agreeable  to  me 
than  formerly  to  write  or  even  to  dictate,  as  I  am  now  doing.  1 
must  therefore  reserve  for  the  occasion  of  your  return  to  us  to 
say  whatever  I  now  omit.  Susan  gets  your  weekly  letters  regu- 
larly and  I  hope  you  will  continue  to  write,  as  in  that  way  I  can 
learn  your  projects  and  prospects. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  DANIEL  ULLMAN. 

ASHLAND,  June  14,  1851. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  favor  of  the  29th  ultimo, 
stating  that  some  of  my  friends  in  New  York  have  it  under  dis- 
cussion, to  make  a  movement  to  bring  forward  my  name  for  the 
Presidency ;  and  inquiring,  in  entire  confidence,  what  my  own 
views  and  wishes  are,  upon  the  subject.  I  have  delayed  trans- 
mitting an  answer  to  your  letter,  from  a  desire  to  give  to  its  im- 
portant contents  the  fullest  and  most  deliberate  consideration. 
That  I  have  now  done,  and  I  will  communicate  the  result  to 
you. 

You  will  recollect  that  the  last  time  but  one  that  I  was  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  dining  with  you  and 

a  number  of  other  friends  at  the  house  of  our  friend  M ; 

that  we  then  had  a  frank,  full,  and  confidential  conversation  on 
the  connection  of  my  name  with  the  next  Presidency ;  and  that 
I  then  declared  that  I  did  not  wish  ever  again  to  be  brought  for- 
ward as  a  candidate.  From  that  declaration,  I  have  never  since 
deviated  in  thought,  word,  or  deed.  I  have  said  or  done  noth- 
ing inconsistent  with  it;  nothing  which  implied  any  desire  on 


618  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

my  part  to  have  my  name  presented  as  a  Presidential  candidate. 
On  a  review  and  reconsideration  of  the  whole  matter,  I  adhere 
to  that  declaration. 

Considering  my  age,  the  delicate  state  of  my  health,  the  fre- 
quency and  the  unsuccessful  presentation  of  my  name  on  former 
occasions,  I  feel  an  unconquerable  repugnance  to  such  a  use  of  it 
again.  I  can  not,  therefore,  consent  to  it.  I  have  been  some- 
times tempted  publicly  to  announce  that,  under  no  circumstances, 
would  I  yield  my  consent  to  be  brought  forward  as  a  candidate. 
But  I  have  been  restrained  from  taking  that  step  by  two  consid- 
erations. The  first  was,  that  I  did  not  see  any  such  general 
allusion  to  me,  as  a  suitable  person  for  the  office,  as  to  make  it 
proper  that  I  should  break  silence  and  speak  out ;  and  the  sec- 
ond was  that  I  have  always  thought  that  no  citizen  has  a  right 
to  ostracise  himself,  and  to  refuse  public  service  under  all  possi- 
ble contingencies. 

I  might  here  stop,  but  I  will  add  some  observations  on  the 
general  subject  of  the  next  election.  I  think  it  quite  clear  that 
a  Democrat  will  be  elected,  unless  that  result  shall  be  prevented 
by  divisions  in  the  Democratic  party.  On  these  divisions  the 
Whigs  might  advantageously  count,  if  it  were  not  for  those 
which  exist  in  their  own  party.  It  is,  perhaps,  safest  to  con- 
clude that  the  divisions  existing  in  the  two  parties  will  counter- 
balance each  other. 

Party  ties  have  no  doubt  been  greatly  weakened  generally, 
and,  in  particular  localities,  have  been  almost  entirely  destroyed. 
But  it  would  be  unwise  to  suppose  that,  when  the  two  parties 
shall  have  brought  out  their  respective  candidates,  each  will  not 
rally  around  its  own  standard.  There  may  be  exceptions ;  but 
those,  on  the  one  side,  will  probably  be  counterpoised  by  those 
on  the  other.  I  believe  that  no  one  in  the  Whig  party  could 
obtain  a  greater  amount  of  support  from  the  Democratic  party 
than  I  could ;  but  in  this  I  may  be  deceived  by  the  illusions  of 
egotism.  At  all  events  it  would  be  unsafe  and  unwise  for  a  can- 
didate of  one  party  to  calculate  upon  any  suffrages  of  the  other. 
While  I  do  not  think  that  the  hopes  of  success  on  the  part  of 
the  Whigs  at  the  next  Presidential  election  are  very  flattering  or 
encouraging,  I  would  not  discourage  their  putting  forth  their 
most  energetic  exertions.  There  are  always  the  chances  of  the 
war.  The  other  party  may  commit  great  blunders,  as  they  did 
recently  in  your  State,  in  the  course  of  their  Senators,  who  op- 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  619 

posed  the  enlargement  of  the  Erie  Canal ;  and  as  they  are  disposed 
to  do  in  respect  to  the  lake,  river,  and  harbor  improvements. 

No  candidate,  I  hope  and  believe,  can  be  elected  who  is  not 
in  favor  of  the  Union,  and  in  favor  of  the  Compromise  of  the 
last  Congress  (including  the  Fugitive  Slave  bill),  as  necessary 
means  to  sustain  it.  Of  the  candidates  spoken  of  on,  the  Dem- 
ocratic side,  I  confess  that  I  should  prefer  General  Cass.  He  is, 
I  think,  more  to  be  relied  on  than  any  of  his  competitors.  Dur- 
ing the  trials  of  the  long  session  of  the  last  Congress,  he  bore 
himself  firmly,  consistently,  and  patriotically.  He  has  quite  as 
much  ability,  quite  as  much  firmness,  and,  I  think,  much  more 
honesty  and  sincerity  than  Mr.  Buchanan. 

If  I  were  to  offer  any  advice  to  my  friends,  it  would  be  not 
to  commit  themselves  prematurely  to  either  of  the  two  Whig 
candidates  who  have  been  prominently  put  forward.  Strong 
objections,  although  of  a  very  different  kind,  exist  against  them 
both.  They  had  better  wait.  It  will  be  time  enough  next 
winter  to  decide ;  and  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  both  of 
those  gentlemen  will  find,  in  the  sequel,  that  they  have  taken, 
or  their  friends  have  put  them  in,  the  field,  too  early. 

Besides  pre-existing  questions,  a  new  one  will  probably  arise 
at  the  next  session  of  Congress,  involving  the  right  of  any  one 
of  the  States  of  the  Union,  upon  its  own  separate  will  and 
pleasure,  to  secede  from  the  residue,  and  become  a  distinct  and 
independent  power.  The  decision  of  that  momentous  question 
can  not  but  exert  some  influence,-  more  or  less,  upon  the  next  Pres- 
idential election.  For  my  own  part,  I  utterly  deny  the  existence 
of  any  such  right,  and  I  think  an  attempt  to  exercise  it  ought  to 
be  resisted  to  the  last  extremity ;  for  it  is,  in  part,  a  question  of 
union  or  no  union. 

You  inquire  if  I  will  visit  Newport  this  summer,  with  the 
view  of  ascertaining  whether  it  might  not  be  convenient  there, 
or  at  some  other  Eastern  place,  to  present  me  a  gold  medal  which 
I  understand  my  good  friends  are  preparing  for  me.  I  have 
been  absent  from  home  fifteen  out  of  the  last  nineteen  months, 
and  I  feel  great  reluctance  to  leaving  it,  during  the  present  sum- 
mer. If  I  were  to  go  to  the  Eastward,  I  should  have  to  return 
early  in  the  autumn,  and  soon  after  to  go  back  to  Washington, 
unless  I  resign  my  seat  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  Un- 
der these  circumstances,  my  present  inclination  is  to  remain  at 
home  and  to  attend  to  my  private  affairs,  which  need  my  care. 


620  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

Should  my  friends  persevere  in  their  purpose  of  presenting 
me  the  proposed  medal,  some  suitable  time  and  place  can  be 
hereafter  .designated  for  that  purpose.  Surely  no  man  was  ever 
blessed  with  more  ardent  and  devoted  friends  than  I  am,  and, 
among  them,  none  are  more  or  perhaps  so  enthusiastic  as  those 
in  the  city  of  New  York.  God  bless  them.  I  wish  it  was  in 
my  power  to  testify  my  gratitude  to  them  in  full  accordance 
with  the  fervent  impulses  of  my  heart. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    S.    A.    ALLIBONE. 

ASHLAND,  June  30,  1851. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  friendly  letter  of  the  23d  in- 
stant. I  have  been  so  much  from  home  during  the  last  eighteen 
months  that  it  is  not  my  purpose  at  present  to  leave  it  this  sum- 
mer. 

I  have  no  doubt,  with  you,  that  many  of  the  quiet  and  well- 
disposed  citizens  of  South  Carolina  are  opposed  to  the  measures 
of  violence  which  are  threatened  by  others.  But  the  danger  is, 
as  history  shows  too  often  happens,  that  the  bold,  the  daring, 
and  the  violent  will  get  the  control,  and  push  their  measures  to 
a  fatal  extreme.  Should  the  State  resolve  to  secede,  it  will  pre- 
sent a  new  form  of  trial  to  our  system :  but  I  entertain  undoubt- 
ing  confidence  that  it  will  come  out  of  it  with  the  most  triumph- 
ant success. 

I  tha,nk  you  for  your  friendly  tender  of  your  services.  Should 
any  occasion  for  the  use  of  them  arise,  I  will  avail  myself  of 
them,  with  great  pleasure. 

Do  me  the  favor  to  present  my  warm  regards  to  your  good 
sister ;  and  I  reciprocate  your  kind  wishes  and  prayers,  with  all 
my  heart. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  DANIEL  ULLMANN. 

ASHLAND,  September  26,  1851. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  of  the  19th  instant,  with 
the  memorial  inclosed.  On  the  subject  of  the  next  Presidency,  my 
opinions  and  views  have  undergone  no  change  since  I  last  wrote 
to  you.  Should  I  be  able,  as  I  now  hope  to  be,  from  my  slowly 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  621 

improving  health,  to  attend  the  next  session  of  the  Senate,  we 
will  confer  more  freely  on  that  subject.  In  the  mean  time,  I 
am  glad  that  my  friends  in  New  York  have  foreborne  to  present 
my  name  as  a  candidate. 

I  have  looked  at  the  list  of  events  and  subjects  which  are  pro- 
posed to  be  inscribed  on  the  medal.  I  have  made  out  and  sent 
herewith  a  more  comprehensive  list,  embracing  most  of  the  im- 
portant matters,  as  to  which  I  had  any  agency,  during  my  serv- 
ice in  the  National  councils.  As  to  the  Cumberland  Road,  no 
year  can  be  properly  fixed.  Appropriations  for  it  were  made 
from  year  to  year,  for  a  series  of  years,  which  were  violently 
opposed,  and  the  support  of  which  chiefly  devolved  on  me.  So 
in  regard  to  Spanish  America,  the  first  movement  was  made  by 
me  in  1818,  and  my  exertions  were  continued  from  year  to  year, 
until  the  measure  of  recognition  was  finally  completed  in  1822. 

The  list  now  sent  may  be  too  large  for  inscription  on  the 
medal.  Of  course  it  is  my  wish  that  it  should  be  dealt  with,  by 
abridgment,  or  omission  as  may  be  thought  proper.  The  two 
reports,  made  by  me  in  the  Senate,  which  gave  me  much  credit 
and  reputation  were,  1st.  That  which  proposed  an  equal  distri- 
bution among  the  States  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  domain  ; 
and  2d.  That  which  averted  General  Jackson's  meditated  war 
against  France,  on  account  of  her  failure  to  pay  the  indemnity. 
I  carried  both  measures  against  the  whole  weight  of  Jackson ; 
but  he  pocketed  the  Land  Distribution  bill,  which  was  not 
finally  passed  until  1841.  He  could  not,  however,  make  war 
against  France,  without  the  concurrence  of  Congress,  and  my 
report  preserved  the  peace  of  the  two  countries. 

My  Panama  instructions  were  the  most  elaborate  (and  if  I 
may  be  allowed  to  speak  of  them),  the  ablest  State  paper  that 
I  composed  while  I  was  in  the  Department  of  State.  They 
contain  an  exposition  of  liberal  principles,  regulating  Maritime 
War,  Neutral  Rights,  etc.,  which  will  command  the  approbation 
of  enlightened  men  and  of  posterity. 

I  was  glad  to  see  that  you  were  nominated  for  Attorney-Gen- 
eral at  Syracuse,  and  I  heartily  wish  for  your  election. 

The  address  to  me  from  New  York,  although  published  in 
the  papers,  has  not  been  received  officially  by  me.  What  is  in- 
tended ?  I  have  had  some  correspondence  about  it  with  Mr. 
James  D.  P.  Ogden,  who  sent  me  a  copy  informally.  I  can  not 
venture  to  encounter  the  scenes  of  excitement  which  would 


622  PKIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE. 

attend  me,  if  I  were  to  go  to  New  York ;  but  in  anticipation 
of  the  reception  of  the  address  I  have  prepared  a  pretty  long 
answer,  in  which  I  treat  of  Secession,  the  state  of  the  country, 
in  regard  to  the  Slavery  question,  etc.  If  this  answer  be  capa- 
ble of  doing  any  good,  the  sooner  it  is  published  the  better. 

[The  medal  alluded  to  in  the  foregoing  letter,  was  presented 
to  Mr.  Clay  the  9th  of  February,  1852,  and  is  described  as  fol- 
lows :] 

It  is  of  pure  California  gold,  massive  and  weighty,  and  is  in- 
closed in  a  silver  case,  which  opens  with  a  hinge  in  the  manner 
of  a  hunting-watch.  On  the  face  of  the  medal  is  a  fine  head 
of  Mr.  Clay,  most  felicitous  in  the  likeness,  and  conveying  the 
oharacteristic  impression  of  his  features  in  a  higher  degree  than 
any  of  the  busts  or  medallions  usually  seen.  The  relief  is  very 
high,  and  must  have  required  a  pressure  of  immense  power  to 
give  it  its  fullness,  sharpness,  and  delicacy  of  outline.  The 
reverse  exhibits  the  following  inscription : 

SENATE, 

1806. 

SPEAKER,  1811. 
WAR  OF  1812  WITH  GREAT  BRITAIN. 

GHENT,  1814. 

SPANISH  AMERICA,  1822. 

MISSOURI  COMPROMISE,  1821. 

AMERICAN  SYSTEM,  1824. 

GREECE,  1824. 

SECRETARY  OF  STATE,  1825. 

PANAMA  INSTRUCTIONS,  1826. 

TARIFF  COMPROMISE, 

1833. 

PUBLIC  DOMAIN,  1833—1841. 

PEACE  WITH  FRANCE  PRESERVED,  1835. 

COMPROMISE,  1850. 

The  lines  are  supported  on  either  hand  by  tasteful  wreaths, 
in  which  the  six  chief  American  staples — wheat,  corn,  cotton, 
tobacco,  rice,  and  hemp — are  very  happily  intertwined. 

On  the  silver  case  is  represented  on  one  side  a  view  of  the 
Capitol  (with  its  contemplated  additional  wings  fully  displayed) ; 
and  on  the  other  in  two  distinct  compartments  above,  an  eleva- 
tion of  the  great  commemorative  monument  on  the  Cumberland 
road ;  below,  a  view  of  Ashland  and  its  mansion. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  623 

MR.   CLAY  TO  HIS    DAUGHTER-IN-LAW,  MRS.  THOS.   H.   CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  December  25,  1851. 

MY  DEAR  MARY, — I  received  to-day  your  letter  of  the  19th 
instant,  and  I  was  very  glad  to  get  the  details  contained  in  it 
about  yourself,  your  family,  and  affairs  at  Ashland.  And  I  am 
under  very  great  obligations  to  you  and  to  Thomas  for  the  kind 
offer  which  you  have  made,  to  come  either  one  or  both  of  you 
to  Washington,  to  attend  me  during  my  present  illness.  If  there 
were  the  least  occasion  for  it,  I  should  with  pleasure  accept  the 
offer ;  but  there  is  not.  Every  want,  every  wish,  every  atten- 
tion which  I  need,  is  supplied.  The  hotel  at  which  I  stay  has 
a  bill  of  fare  of  some  thirty  or  forty  articles  every  day,  from 
which  I  can  select  any  for  which  I  have  a  relish,  and  if  I  want 
any  thing  which  is  not  on  the  bill  of  fare,  it  is  promptly  pro- 
cured for  me.  The  state  of  my  case  may  be  told  in  a  few 
words.  If  I  can  get  rid  of  this  distressing  cough,  or  can  mate- 
rially reduce  it,  I  may  yet  be  restored  to  a  comfortable  condi- 
tion. That  is  the  present  aim  of  my  physicians,  and  I  have 
some  hope  that  it  has  abated  a  little  within  the  last  few  days. 
But  if  the  cough  can  not  be  stopped  or  considerably  reduced,  it 
will  go  on  until  it  accomplishes  its  work.  When  that  may  be, 
it  is  impossible  to  say,  with  any  sort  of  certainty.  I  may  linger 
for  some  months,  long  enough  possibly  to  reach  home  once 
more.  At  all  events,  there  is  no  prospect  at  present  of  immedi- 
ate dissolution.  Under  these  circumstances,  I  have  no  desire  to 
bring  any  member  of  my  family  from  home,  when  there  is  not 
the  least  necessity  for  it.  With  regard  to  the  rumors  which 
reach  you  from  time  to  time,  and  afflict  you,  you  must  bear 
with  them,  and  rest  assured  of  what  I  have  already  communi- 
cated to  your  mother,  that  if  my  case  should  take  a  fatal  turn, 
the  telegraph  shall  communicate  the  fact.  I  occupy  two  excel- 
lent rooms,  the  temperature  of  which  is  kept  up  during  the  day 
at  about  70°.  The  greatest  inconvenience  I  feel  is  from  the 
bad  weather,  which  has  confined  me  nearly  a  fortnight  to  my 
room,  and  I  can  take  no  exercise  until  the  weather  changes. 
My  love  to  Thomas  and  all  your  children,  to  your  mother,  and 
to  all  others  at  Ashland. 


624  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


FATHER    MATTHEW  TO  MR.   CLAY. 

Cor.K,  December  29,  1851. 

MY  DEAREST  SIR, — From  the  south  of  that  green  island  which 
you  have  often,  in  your  own  eloquent  and  all  but  inspired  lan- 
guage, made  the  subject  of  your  warmest  eulogy,  the  most 
grateful  of  your  admirers  presumes  to  intrude  on  your  well-filled 
time,  by  presenting  to  you  his  heartfelt  wishes,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  New  Year,  humbly  praying  that  the  Great  Besto\ver 
of  every  good  may  bless  you  with  length  of  days,  to  promote 
the  prosperity  of  that  great  country  whose  pride  and  glory  you 
are,  filling  both  it  and  Europe  with  your  well-merited  fame. 
Blessed  be  the  remainder  of  your  brilliant  and  useful  life,  and 
may  the  prospect  of  future  glory  gild  it  with  felicity.  Uniting 
your  most  respected  lady  in  my  humble  prayer  and  sincere 
wishes,  and  the  other  amiable  and  beloved  members  of  your 
dear  family,  to  whom  I  had  the  honor  of  an  introduction,  with 
enduring  remembrance  of  your  exceeding  kindness  in  the  day 
of  my  distress,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  most  respected  sir,  etc. 


MR.    CLAY    TO    HIS    SON   THOMAS. 

WASHINGTON,  January  10,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  THOMAS, — I  received  two  or  three  letters  from  you 
since  I  came  here,  and  should  have  answered  them  with  pleas- 
ure if  my  strength  and  health  would  have  admitted  of  it.  You 
observe  now  I  am  obliged  to  employ  the  pen  of  a  friend.  I  was 
very  thankful  for  the  kind  offer  of  yourself  and  Mary  to  come 
here  and  nurse  me.  I  should  have  promptly  accepted,  if  it  had 
been  necessary,  but  it  was  not.  Every  want  and  wish  that  1 
have  are  kindly  attended  to.  I  am  surrounded  by  good  friends, 
who  are  ready  and  willing  to  serve  me  ;  and  you  and  Mary 
yourselves  could  not  have  been  more  assiduous  in  your  atten- 
tions than  are  my  friends  the  Calverts. 

The  state  of  my  health  has  not  very  materially  altered. 
Within  the  last  eight  or  ten  days  there  has  been  some  improve- 
ment ;  not  so  great  as  my  friends  persuade  themselves,  but  still 
some  improvement.  The  solution  of  the  problem  of  my  recov- 
ery depends  upon  the  distressing  cough  which  I  have,  and  I 
think  that  it  is  a  little  diminished.  I  am  embargoed  here  by 


OF  HENEY  CLAY.  625 

the  severity  of  the  winter,  which  has  confined  me  to  the  house 
for  the  last  three  weeks.  I  hope  to  derive  some  benefit  when 
I  shall  be  again  able  to  drive  out  in  the  open  air.  You  must 
continue  to  write  me  without  regard  to  my  ability  to  reply.  It 
is  a  source  of  great  comfort  to  me  to  hear,  and  to  hear  fully, 
from  Ashland  and  Mansfield.  John  has  been  very  kind  in  writ- 
ing very  frequently  to  me.  Give  my  love  to  Mary  and  all  the 
children. 


MR.  CLAY  TO  SAMUEL    A.  ALLIBONE. 

WASHINGTON,  January  11,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — Although  too  unwell  myself  to  write  you,  I 
can  not  withhold  the  expression,  through  the  pen  of  a  friend, 
of  my  thanks  for  your  kind  letter  of  the  10th  instant,  and  for 
the  warm  interest  which  you  take  in  my  restoration  to  health. 
I  thank  you  especially  for  your  friendly  offer  to  come  hither 
and  assist  in  nursing  me  ;  but  I  am  so  extremely  well  attended 
in  that  respect,  as  not  to  render  necessary  the  acceptance  of  your 
obliging  offer.  Present  my  warm  regards  to  your  sister,  and  tell 
her  that  as  the  probability  is  that  neither  of  us  is  long  for  this 
world,  I  hope  that  when  we  go  hence  we  shall  meet  in  one  far 
better.  I  am,  with  the  greatest  respect,  etc. 


THEODORE    FRELINGHUYSEN   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

NEW  BRUNSWICK,  January  19,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  heard  with  great  interest  and  anxiety 
of  your  continued  feeble  health,  and  that  it  had  rather  been  more 
feeble  since  your  decided  testimony  in  behalf  of  Washington's 
foreign  policy.  I  was  rejoiced  to  hear  your  words  of  soberness 
and  truth  on  the  exciting  question  of  Hungarian  politics;  and  I 
trust  that  a  divine  blessing  will  follow  your  counsels. 

In  this  time  of  impaired  health,  and  sometimes  trying  despond- 
ency that  ensues,  it  must  be  refreshing  to  look  away  to  Him 
who  is  a  helper  near  in  trouble,  and  able  and  willing  to  sustain 
and  comfort  you.  This  blessed  Gospel,  that  reveals  the  riches 
of  God's  grace  in  Jesus  Christ,  is  a  wonderful  remedy  :  so  suited 
to  our  condition  and  character,  and  so  full  of  inexpressible  con- 
solation to  us,  as  sinners  needing  mercy.  His  blood  cleansing 
40 


626  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

us  from  the  guilt  of  sin,  His  Spirit  purifying  our  hearts,  and  re- 
storing us  to  God's  image  and  favor.  May  you,  my  dear  friend, 
largely  partake  of  its  comforts,  and  leaning  all  your  hopes  on  the 
Almighty  Saviour's  arm,  hold  on  your  way,  for  life  and  for  death, 
for  time  and  eternity,  in  His  name  and  strength. 


WILLIAM  M'LAIN  TO  MR.  CLAY. 

COLONIZATION  ROOMS,  WASHINGTON  CITY,  February  9,  1852. 

DEAR  SIR, — At  the  recent  annual  meeting  of  the  American 
Colonization  Society,  the  following  resolution  was  unanimously 
adopted : 

Resolved,  That  we  deeply  sympathize  with  our  venerable 
President,  the  Hon.  Henry  Clay,  in  his  present  protracted  illness, 
by  which  we  are  deprived  of  his  presence  and  able  counsels  at 
this  annual  meeting  of  our  Society,  to  which  he  has,  from  its 
foundation,  devoted  himself  with  signal  ability  and  unwavering 
fidelity ;  and  that  we  hold  him  in  affectionate  and  grateful  re- 
membrance for  the  distinguished  services  he  has  rendered  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  great  scheme  of  African  colonization. 

I  take  great  pleasure,  my  dear  sir,  in  furnishing  you  with  the 
foregoing  resolution. 

Hoping  that  you  may  be  restored  to  health,  and  that  this 
Society  may  continue  to  have  the  honor  of  your  name  and  influ- 
ence as  its  President,  I  remain,  etc. 


MR.    CLAY    TO   MRS.    JAMES    B.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  February  12,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  SUSAN, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  27th  ultimo, 
and  I  had  received  that  of  James'  of  the  1st.  I  write  now  so 
uncomfortably  and  so  slow,  that  I  take  up  my  pen  with  great 
repugnance.  I  was  very  glad  to  receive  both  of  your  letters,  and 
was  delighted  to  contemplate  the  picture  of  your  domestic  hap- 
piness with  your  husband  and  children.  As  the  world  recedes 
from  me,  I  feel  my  affections  more  than  ever  concentrated  on 
my  children,  and  theirs. 

My  health  has  improved  a  little  within  the  last  few  weeks, 
but  the  cough  still  hangs  on,  and  unless  I  can  get  rid  of  it,  or 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  627 

greatly  diminish  it,  I  can  not  look  for  a  radical  cure.  The 
winter  has  been  excessively  rigorous,  and  I  have  not  been  out 
of  the  house  for  eight  weeks.  You  must  not  believe  all  you  see 
in  the  newspapers,  favorable  or  unfavorable,  about  my  health. 

I  hope  you  and  James  will  continue  to  write  to  me,  whether 
you  receive  regular  replies  or  not.  How  has  the  dairy  got  through 
the  winter  ? 

My  love  to  James  and  all  my  dear  grandchildren. 


MR.    CLAY   TO    HIS    SON   JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  February  24,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  10th.  I  should 
have  written  you  oftener,  birt  I  am  so  feeble,  and  write  with  so 
little  comfort,  that  I  take  up  the  pen  reluctantly.  I  hope  that 
you  and  Susan,  notwithstanding  my  apparent  delinquency,  will 
write  me  frequently,  giving  me  full  details  of  all  your  plans,  im- 
provements, and  business.  There  is  nothing  now  that  interests 
me  so  much  as  to  receive  full  accounts  from  the  members  of  my 
family  frequently.  Although  you  have  got  more  in  debt  than  I 
could  have  wished,  you  ought  to  be  very  happy.  In  dear  Susan 
you  have  an  excellent  wife,  and  you  have  a  fine  parcel  of  prom- 
ising children,  and  you  have  ample  means  of  support. 

I  gave  my  deposition  in  your  case  with  Miller  week  before 
the  last,  and  it  was  sent  to  Lexington.  It  proved  all  that  was 
expected  of  me. 

My  health  continues  very  delicate.  I  have  not  been  out  of 
the  house  for  upward  of  two  months.  I  can  not  recognize  any 
encouraging  change.  My  cough  still  hangs  on,  although  I  some- 
times hope  that  it  is  a  little  abated.  If  I  can  not  get  rid  of  it, 
or  at  least  greatly  diminish  it,  I  think  it  must  prove  fatal.  But 
I  may  linger  for  months  to  come.  I  should  be  glad  to  get  home 
once  more. 

My  love  to  Susan,  and  kisses  for  all  the  children.  I  would 
be  glad  to  write  more,  but  you  can  no.t  conceive  how  this  little 
letter  has  exhausted  me. 


628  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.   CLAY  TO  DANIEL  DLLMAN. 

"WASHINGTON,  March  6,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favor  transmitting  an  engrossed 
copy  of  the  address  which  you  did  me  the  honor  to  make  to  me 
on  the  occasion  of  presenting  the  medal  which  my  New  York 
friends  had  offered  me.  I  thank  you  for  this  corrected  copy  of 
the  address  which  is  very  beautifully  engrossed. 

The  medal  has  been  in  the  possession  of  the  goldsmiths  of 
this  place,  who  desired  the  custody  of  it  to  gratify  public  curi- 
osity. You  wish  it  returned  that  a  more  accurate  impression 
may  be  made  by  striking  another.  I  examined  it  to  see  if  I 
could  discern  the  defect  in  the  letters  to  which  you  refer,  and  I 
confess  I  could  not.  If  to  strike  it  again  will  occasion  any 
trouble  or  expense  to  my  friends,  I  think  it  might  well  be  avoid- 
ed, but  if  you  persist  in  your  desire  to  have  it  done,  I  will  have 
it  sent  to  you  by  Adams'  Express  next  week. 

You  rightly  understood  me  in  expressing  a  preference  for  Mr. 
Fillmore  as  the  Whig  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  This  I  did 
before  I  left  home,  and  have  frequently  here  in  private  inter- 
course, since  my  arrival  at  Washington.  I  care  not  how  gen- 
erally the  fact  may  be  known,  but  I  should  not  deem  it  right  to 
publish  any  formal  avowal  of  that  preference  under  my  own  sig- 
nature in  the  newspapers.  Such  a  course  would  subject  me  to 
the  imputation  of  supposing  that  my  opinions  possessed  more 
weight  with  the  public  than  I  apprehend  they  do.  The  founda- 
tion of  my  preference  is,  that  Mr.  Fillmore  has  administered  the 
Executive  Government  with  signal  success  and  ability.  He  has 
been  tried  and  found  true,  faithful,  honest,  and  conscientious.  I 
wish  to  say  nothing  in  derogation  from  his  eminent  competitors, 
they  have  both  rendered  great  services  to  their  country ;  the  one 
in  the  field,  the  other  in  the  Cabinet.  They  might  possibly  ad- 
minister the  Government  as  well  as  Mr.  Fillmore  has  done.  But 
then  neither  of  them  has  been  tried  ;  he  has  been  tried  in  the 
elevated  position  he  now  holds,  and  I  think  that  prudence  and 
wisdom  had  better  restrain  us  from  making  any  change  without 
a  necessity  for  it,  the  existence  of  which  I  do  not  perceive. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  629 

MB.   CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  March  14,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  1st  instant,  and 
at  the  same  time  one  from  Susan.  They  both  interested  me,  as 
I  like  to  hear  all  the  details  of  your  business  and  operations. 
You  find,  as  every  body  finds,  building  and  improvement  more 
expensive  than  you  had  expected. 

My  health  continues  nearly  stationary,  not  getting  better  nor 
worse,  except  in  one  particular,  and  that  is  sleep.  Although  I 
take  an  opiate  every  night,  and  lie  in  bed  fourteen  hours,  I  can 
get  no  sound,  refreshing  sleep.  A  man  whose  flesh,  strength, 
appetite  and  sleep  have  been  greatly  reduced,  must  be  in  a  bad 
way,  but  that  is  my  condition.  I  have  taken  immense  quanti- 
ties of  drugs  j  but  with  little  if  any  effect  on  my  cough,  the 
disease  which  threatens  me.  I  may  linger  on  some  months,  but 
if  there  be  no  speedy  improvement,  I  must  finally  sink  under  it. 

Give  my  love  to  dear  Susan  and  all  your  children.  I  hope 
that  she  will  continue  to  write  to  me. 


MB.  CLAY   TO  DANIEL  ULLMAN. 

WASHINGTON,  March  18,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter  informing  me  of 
the  loss  of  the  medal.  I  am  truly  sorry  for  the  occurrence,  and  the 
more  so  because  I  ought  to  have  followed  your  directions  to  send 
it  by  Adams'  Express.  But  Miss  Lynch  being  in  my  room  the 
evening  before  she  started  for  the  city  of  New  York,  and  being 
informed  that  I  was  about  to  send  the  medal  to  you,  she  kindly 
offered  to  take  charge  of  it,  and  I  accordingly  placed  it  under 
her  care.  I  have  no  doubt  she  suffers  as  much  as  any  of  us  by 
its  loss,  and  I  would  not  say  one  word  by  way  of  reproach  to 
her.  I  should  be  very  sorry  if  any  trouble  or  expense  were 
taken  in  replacing  it.  The  fact  of  its  presentation,  and  even  the 
representations  upon  the  medal  have  been  so  widely  diffused  as 
to  render  the  presentation  of  it  historical.  You  will  recollect 
that  I  jocosely  remarked  while  you  were  here  that  some  Goth, 
when  I  was  laid  low  in  the  grave,  might  be  tempted  to  break 
off  my  nose  and  use  the  valuable  metal  which  it  contains  !  I 
did  not  then,  however,  anticipate  the  possibility  of  such  an  inci- 
dent occuring  so  quickly. 


630  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 


MR.    CLAY   TO    HIS    SON    JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  March  22,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  8th.  I  was  glad 
to  receive  your  letter  and  to  peruse  all  the  details  in  it. 

My  health  continues  without  any  material  change.  I  am  very 
weak,  write  with  no  comfort,  sleep  badly,  and  have  very  little 
appetite  for  my  food. 

You  must  not  mind  what  you  see  in  the  newspapers  about 
me,  such  as  that  I  was  going  to  the  Senate  to  make  a  speech, 
etc.  Not  a  word  of  truth  in  it. 

My  love  to  Susan  and  all  the  children. 


MR.  CLAY   TO  MRS.  THOMAS  H.  CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  April  Y,  1852 

MY  DEAR  MARY, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  30th  ultimo, 
and  thank  you  for  it.  Your  letters  always  give  me  satisfaction, 
as  they  go  into  details  and  tell  me  things  which  nobody  else 
writes.  The  state  of  my  health  remains  pretty  much  as  it  has 
been.  But  little  sleep,  appetite,  or  strength. 

If  I  am  spared,  and  have  strength  to  make  the  journey,  I  think 
of  going  home  in  May  or  early  in  June,  and  in  that  case  I  wish 
to  send  for  Thomas  to  accompany  me. 

I  wish  you  would  ask  your  mother  to  pay  a  small  note  of 
mine  held  by  Ike  Shelby.  I  have  just  heard  to-day  of  the 
death  of  Mr.  Jacobs.  Poor  Susan  must  be  overwhelmed  with 
grief. 

We  have  had  no  good  weather  yet. 

My  love  to  Susan  and  the  children. 


MR.   CLAY  TO  HIS  SON  JAMES. 

WASHINGTON,  April  10,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  SON, — I  have  heard  of  the  death  of  Mr.  Jacobs,  and 
I  offer  to  you  and  to  Susan  assurances  of  my  cordial  condolence. 
Tell  her  that  I  hope  she  will  bear  the  event  with  the  fortitude 
of  a  Christian.  My  health  continues  very  feeble,  so  much  so  that  I 
write  with  no  comfort  or  ease,  as  you  may  infer  from  this  letter 


OF  HENRY  CIAY.  631 

being  written  by  the  pen  of  a  friend.  What  will  be  the  issue 
of  my  illness  it  is  impossible  to  predict.  My  own  opinion  of  the 
case  is  less  favorable  than  that  of  my  physicians.  If  my  strength 
continues  to  fail  me,  I  think  I  can  not  last  a  great  while.  I  feel 
perfectly  composed  and  resigned  to  my  fate,  whatever  it  may  be. 
Give  my  love  to  Susan  and  all  your  children. 


THOMAS    H.    CLAY   TO    JAMES    B.    CLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  May  8,  1852. 

DEAR  JAMES, — Summoned  by  a  telegraphic  dispatch  of  the 
27th  ultimo,  I  arrived  here  on  Tuesday  evening  last,  the  5th 
instant.  For  forty-eight  hours  after  my  arrival,  my  father  ap- 
peared better  than  he  had  been  for  a  week  previous.  He  is 
very  feeble,  and  there  is  no  longer  any  hope  of  his  reaching 
Kentucky  alive. 

Dr.  Jackson  thinks  that  there  may  be  a  termination  of  his 
case  in  a  few  hours,  and  it  may  be  possible  that  he  may  live  a 
week  or  ten  days  longer.  He  is  greatly  reduced  in  flesh  ;  the 
same  cough  yet  continues  to  harass  and  weaken  him,  and  he  is 
now  unable  even  to  walk  across  the  room.  Yesterday  evening, 
supported  by  a  friend  on  each  side,  he  was  very  near  fainting. 
He  has  now  to  be  carried  from  his  bed  to  his  couch.  He  can 
not  talk  five  minutes  in  the  course  of  the  day  without  great 
exhaustion. 

He  has  directed  me  to  say  in  answer  to  your  letter  of  the  24th 
ultimo,  that  he  is  too  weak  to  attend  to  the  matter  you  write  of 
with  Corcoran  and  Riggs. 

He  is  calm  and  composed,  and  will  meet  the  enemy  without 
any  fears  of  the  result.  The  Sacrament  was  administered  to 
him  yesterday,  by  Mr.  Butler,  the  Episcopalian  chaplain  of  the 
Senate.  Give  my  love  to  your  wife  and  children. 


THOMAS    H.    CLAY   TO    HIS    WIFE. 

WASHINGTON,  May  8,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  MARY, — Had  you  seen,  as  I  have,  the  evidences  of 
attachment  and  interest  displayed  by  my  father's  friends  for  him, 
you  could  not  well  help  exclaiming,  as  he  has  frequently  done, 


632  PEIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

"  Was  there  ever  man  had  such  friends !"  The  first  and  best  in 
the  land  are  daily  and  hourly  offering  tokens  of  their  love  and 
esteem  for  him. 


SIR   WILLIAM    CLAY   TO    MR.    CLAY. 

No.  17  HERTFORD  ST.,  Mayfair,  May  8,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — So  many  years  have  elapsed  since  the  only 
intercourse  I  ever  had  the  pleasure  of  holding  with  you — by  let- 
ters and  amity  ceased — that  I  can  hardly  natter  myself  you  yet 
recollect  its  occurrence.  I  could  not,  however,  let  my  son  pro- 
ceed to  the  United  States  without  giving  him  at  least  the  chance 
of  becoming  personally  known  to  one  who  has  so  nobly  illus- 
trated the  name  he  himself  bears. 

This  letter,  therefore,  will  be  presented  to  you  by  my  eldest 
son,  William  Dickinson  Clay,  who,  with  his  friend  Mr.  Morris 
— a  fellow  of  Oriel  College,  Oxford — is  about  to  make  the  tour 
of  the  United  States. 

I  know  not  whether  you  and  I  shall  ever  meet.  I  have  the 
ardent  wish  to  visit  America,  but  whether  my  public  duties  may 
permit  of  my  gratifying  that  wish,  while  I  have  health  and 
strength  to  enjoy  the  journey,  is  more  than  doubtful. 

Should  that  not  occur,  but  should  it  so  happen  that  either  you 
or  any  one  in  whom  you  take  an  interest  visits  England,  you 
will  not,  I  hope,  forget  that  you  will  afford  me  pleasure  by  show- 
ing that  you  perfectly  rely  on  the  friendly  feeling  with  which  I 
am,  my  dear  sir,  yours  with  great  respect  and  regard. 


[Thomas  H.  Clay,  Mr.  Clay's  second  son,  having  been  sum- 
moned to  the  bedside  of  his  father,  arrived  in  Washington  early 
in  May.  It  will  have  been  seen  by  the  correspondence,  that 
Mr.  Clay  had,  till  this  time,  refused  his  consent  for  any  member 
of  the  family  to  come  on.  From  the  time  of  Mr.  Thomas  H. 
Clay's  arrival  till  the  death  of  his  father,  he  wrote  to  some 
member  of  the  family,  at  home,  every  day.  It  is  thought  suffi- 
cient to  present  extracts  from  this  diary,  at  intervals  of  about 
five  days,  which  will  be  found  in  the  following  extracts :] 


OP  HENRY  CLAY.  633 


WASHINGTON  Crrr,  May  13,  1852. 

My  father  passed  the  last  night  comfortable  without  much 
coughing.  The  only  thing  the  doctors  can  do,  is  to  alleviate 
as  much  as  they  can  the  pain  arising  from  his  cough  and  his  ex- 
cessive debility. 


MAT  18,  1852. 

My  father  has  passed  the  last  twenty-four  hours  much  more 
comfortably  than  he  had  been  for  a  week  before.  He  has  slept 
well  and  should  he  acquire  strength  with  it,  in  spite  of  the  predic- 
tions of  the  medical  men,  I  shall  begin  to  hope.  It  is  the  cough 
and  that  alone  that  has  prostrated  him ;  once  relieved  from  that, 
I  know  not  what  we  may  not  hope  for.  There  is  yet  more 
vitality  in  him,  than  the  reports  in  the  newspapers  would  lead 
one  to  infer.  I  will  keep  you  all  correctly  informed.  Believe 
nothing  that  you  see  or  hear,  except  it  comes  from  me. 


MAT  20,  1852. 

My  father  coughed  but  little  last  night,  yesterday  he  was  a 
good  deal  harassed.  Could  it  be  possible  to  remove  his  cough, 
he  would  get  well  beyond  a  doubt.  He  is  very  feeble,  but 
is  not  so  much  reduced  in  flesh  as  I  had  supposed  before  I  came 
on  here.  It  is  the  .cough  as  he  himself  has  always  said,  that  is 
killing  him.  His  lungs  are  not  at  all  affected. 

He  insists  on  my  writing  to  some  of  the  family,  either  at 
Mansfield  or  Ashland,  every  day.  I  have  but  little  to  commu- 
nicate in  addition  to  informing  you  how  he  passes  the  days  and 
nights. 


MAT  26,  1852. 

My  father  passed  a  tolerable  night ;  you  must  be  aware  that 
any  improvement  in  his  condition  must  be  gradual,  as  the  pros- 
tration he  labors  under  came  on  in  the  same  way.  I  have  been 
nowhere,  and  made  as  few  acquaintances  as  I  could  j  I  am  con- 
fined all  day  to  his  rooms,  and  last  night  was  up  until  twelve 


634:  PRIVATE   CORRESPONDENCE 

o'clock,  as  James  appeared  anxious  to  go  out.  I  am  doing  every 
thing  that  I  can  to  render  his  situation  as  comfortable  as  possi- 
ible,  allowing  myself  but  little  time  even  for  a  walk. 


JUNE  1,  1852. 

My  father  listens  attentively  to  the  perusal  of  every  letter 
from  home. 

He  passed  last  night  in  more  comfort  than  he  did  the  night 
before.  He  had  some  appetite  for  his  dinner  yesterday. 


ONE  O'CLOCK  AT  NIGHT,  June  4,  1852. 

I  wrote  you  this  morning  that  my  father  had  a  bad  night, 
and  that  he  was  then  trying  to  get  some  rest ;  since  I  have  been 
here,  when  he  has  passed  a  bad  night,  he  was  usually  able  to 
make  up  for  the  want  of  rest,  during  the  following  day.  But 
such  has  not  been  the  case  to-day.  He  has  coughed  a  great 
deal,  and  has  had  but  little  intermission  from  it.  He  took  his 
opiate  about  two  hours  ago,  and  I  hope  that  he  will  be  enabled 
to  get  some  sleep  and  rest  in  the  next  twenty-four  hours.  I 
shall  keep  my  letter  open  to  let  you  know  how  he  is  until  to- 
morrow evening.  He  has  suifered  a  good  deal  since  this  time 
last  night. 


JUNE  7,  1852. 

My  father  was  yesterday  much  depressed.  He  had  held  a 
long  conversation  with  Mr.  Crittenden  and  requested  me  to  treat 
him  kindly.  Besides  a  cold  sweat  after  dinner,  all  these  things 
were  sufficient  to  make  him  feel  low  spirited.  He  told  me  that 
he  thought  there  would  soon  be  a  termination  to  it.  The  doctor 
thought  on  his  afternoon  visit  that  he  was  no  worse  than  usual. 
God  alone  knows. 


JUNE  9,  1852. 

My  father  has  become  feeble  within  a  few  days,  and  1  do  not 
think  it  possible  for  him  to  hold  out  long. 


OF  HENRY  CLAY.  635 

JUNE  16,  1852. 

My  father  is  to-day  decidedly  worse  than  he  has  been  since 
my  arrival.  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Theobald  this  morning  that  there 
was  but  little  or  no  change  in  his  condition ;  since  then,  I  am 
satisfied  he  is  worse.  He  has  had  a  copious  perspiration,  which 
has  greatly  weakened  him.  The  attending  physician,  Dr.  Hall, 
rubbed  him  all  over  the  person  with  brandy  and  alum.  He  told 
me  this  morning  that  he  did  not  think  he  should  last  more  than 
ten  days. 

I  have  been  constant  in  my  attendance  on  him.  I  think  I 
can  see  a  marked  change  in  his  countenance. 


JUNE  20,  1852. 

My  father  did  not  pass  a  good  night,  nor  has  he  slept  much 
this  morning.  A  friend  yesterday  afternoon  brought  him  three 
woodcocks ;  he  ate  a  little  of  one  of  them  this  morning.  He 
never  now  gets  out  of  bed.  He  is  moved  occasionally  from  one 
bed  to  the  other,  for  the  purpose  of  ventilating  and  making  up. 
He  was  too  feeble  this  morning  to  carry  a  glass  of  water  to  his 
lips.  The  weather  has  been  very  hot  during  the  week,  the 
mercury  rising  at  one  time  to  93°. 


JUNE  25,  1852. 

I  now  look  for  a  termination  in  my  father's  case  before  many 
hours.  I  do  not  feel  in  any  mood  to  write  to  any  one  but  you, 
my  wife.  Judge  Underwood  coincides  with  me  in  opinion  that 
he  will  not  last  many  hours.  The  next  you  receive  from  me 
will  probably  be  a  telegraphic  dispatch,  directed  to  Mr.  Harrison. 


JUNE  29,  1852. 

I  had  never  before  imagined  that  any  one  could  live  in  the 
extreme  state  of  debility  under  which  my  father  is  now  suffering. 
The  act  of  taking  even  a  single  swallow  of  water  is  painful  to 
him,  on  account  of  his  great  feebleness.  He  has  eaten  nothing  of 


636  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE 

any  consequence  (only  a  few  mouthfuls  of  soup)  for  five  or  six 
days.  I  can  not  believe  he  can  possibly  survive  through  the 
week. 


LEXINGTON,  June  29,  1852. 

The  following  message  was  received  at  this  office  to-day, 
dated  Washington,  29th,  1852,  twelve  o'clock ; 

J.  O.  HARRISON — 

My  father  is  no   more.      He  has  passed  without  pain 
into  eternity. 

THOS.  H.  CLAY. 


MR.    THOMAS    H.    CLAY   TO    HIS    WIFE. 

CITY  OF  WASHINGTON,  June  29,  1852. 

MY  DEAR  MARY, — Shortly  after  I  wrote  to  you  this  morning,  1 
was  summoned  by  James  to  my  father's  bedside.  "  Sit  near 
me,  my  dear  son,"  he  said  ;  "  I  do  not  wish  you  to  leave  me  for 
any  time  to-day."  In  about  an  hour  after,  he  said,  "  Give  me 
some  water."  I  gave  him  about  half  a  glassful,  which  he  drank, 
and  still  retained  the  tube  in  his  mouth.  In  a  few  moments  he 
released  the  tube,  and  said,  "  I  believe,  my  son,  I  am  going." 
Five  minutes  after,  he  told  me  "to  -button  his  shirt  collar,"  which 
I  did.  He  then  caught  my  hand,  and  retained  it  in  his  pressure 
for  some  time.  When  he  relinquished  it,  I  discovered  he  was 
dying.  I  summoned  Governor  Jones,  of  Tennessee,  who  occu- 
pied the  room  above  him,  and  in  five  or  ten  minutes  after  he  had 
ceased  to  breathe. 

May  my  mother,  and  all  of  you,  be  prepared  for  it.  A  nation 
mourns,  but  it  is  his  gain.  He  is  free  from  pain,  and  I  thank 
God.  Oh  !  how  sickening  is  the  splendid  pageantry  I  have  to 
go  through  from  this  to  Lexington. 

My  love  to  all. 

My  father  died  at  seventeen  minutes  past  eleven.  I  telegraphed 
Mr.  Harrison  at  twelve  A.  M. 


ALPHABETICAL     INDEX, 


AD  AIR,  John,  to  Mr.  Clay,  11. 
Adams,  Charles  P.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  561. 
Adams,  J.  Q.,  to  Ministers  at  Ghent,  45. 
to  Mr.  Clay,  129,  149,  226, 
229,  247,  311,  481,  520. 
Allibone,  Susan,  to  Mr.  Clay,  577. 
Ashburton,  Lord,  to  Mr.  Clay,  460. 

BAIRD,  T.  H.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  497. 
Baldwin,  Judge,  to  Mr.  Clay,  445. 
Barbour,  B.  J.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  522. 
Barbour,  James,  to  Mr.  Clay,  190,  328, 

397. 

Barbour,  P.  P.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  84. 
Barbour,  Mr.  (confidential),  to  Mr.  Clay. 

172,  173. 

Bard.  Rev.  Isaac,  to  Mr.  Clay,  199. 
Barger,  Rev.  John  S.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  250. 
Barnard,  General,  to  Mr.  Clay,  306. 
Bayard,  Mr.  (Minister  at  Ghent),  to  Mr. 

Clay,  28. 

Beatty,  Adam,  to  Mr.  Clay,  517. 
Bertraiid,  General,  to  Mr.  Clay,  477. 
Bexley,  Lord,  to  Mr,  Clay,  138. 
Biddle,  Nicholas,  to  Mr.  Clay,  287,  341, 

351,  356,  386. 
Blank  to  Mr.  Clay,  182. 
Blank  to  Judge  Brooke,  104. 
Bodisco,  Mr.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  474. 
Brooke,  Francis,  to  Mr.   Clay,   196,  222, 

229,  335. 
Brown,  James,  to  Mr.  Clay,  10,  12,  16, 

126,  129,  221,  245,  343. 
Brown,  John,  to  Mr.  Clay,  389. 
Browning,  R.  S.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  334. 
Buchanan,  James,  to  R.  P.  Letcher,  491. 
Burr,  Aaron,  to  Mr.  Clay,  13,  14. 

CLAY,  Mr.,  to  Adair,  John,  11. 
"         to  Adams,  J.  Q.,  171. 
"         to  Allibone,  S.  A.,  607,  620, 

625. 

"         to  Allibone,  Susan,  569. 
"         to  Babcock,  James   F.,    and 

others,  514. 

"         to  Bailhache,  John,  288,  399. 
"          to  Beatty,  Adam,  46,  47,  48, 

55,  56,  61,  210,  234,  235, 

237,   240,   266.   276,  280, 

302,  305,  615.' 

"          to  Blair,  Francis,  P.,  109,  111. 
"          to  Booth,  W.  A.,  525,  531. 


Clay,  Mr.,  to  Britton,  N.  0.,  470. 

"  to  Brooke,  Francis,  9,  17,  54, 
70,  71,  74,  75,  78,  84,  86, 
88,  89,  92,  93,  106,  107, 
111,  113,  114,  119,  121, 
126,  127,  134,  136,  139, 
148,  152,  153,  156,  158, 
159,  162,  164,  169,  178, 
183,  185,  189,  222,  225, 
232,  242^  256,  260,  262, 
270,  278,  282,  291,  299, 
302,  303,  305,  309,  314, 
321,  322,  326,  329,  330. 
331,  335,  337,  340,  341, 
345,  347,  348,  349,  350, 
351,  360,  367,  371,  375, 
376,  377,  381,  382,  410, 
412,  422,  423,  427,  428, 
429,  432,  434,  436,  439, 
440,  446,  447,  454,  455, 
456,  473. 

"         to  Carr,  John,  521. 

"  to  Clay,  James  B.  414,  419, 
420,  421,  424  426,  483, 
486,  538,  545  550,  553, 
556,  582,  585  588,  589, 
590,  591,  595  601,  602, 
604,  606,  609  612,  613, 
616,  627,  629  630. 

11  to  Clay,  Mrs.  (Mr.  Clay's  wife), 
45,  400,  418,  539,  594, 
615. 

"         to  Clay,  Mrs.  James  B.,  626. 

"  to  Clay,  Mrs.  Thomas  H., 
623. 

"  to  Clay,  Thomas  H.,  594,  598, 
599,  610,  611,  612,  624, 
630. 

"  to  Colton,  Calvin,  476,  481, 
494,  521,  524,  528,  530, 
532. 

"  to  Combs,  Leslie,  404,  441, 
442,  555,  585,  593,  599. 

"         to  Committees,  412,  444,  566. 

"         to  Crawford,  W.  II.,  192. 

"         to  Curtis,  G.  W.,  568. 

"         to  Dean,  Nicholas,  572,  587. 

"         to  Dennis,  Rodney,  587. 

"          to  Duncan,  H.  T.,  554. 

"         to  Gaines,  General,  125. 

"          to  Gibson.  Jacob,  463. 

"         to  Haight,  Samuel,  560. 


638 


ALPHABETICAL   IXDEX. 


Clay,  Mr.,  to  Harlan,  James.  565,  571,  583, 

586,  589,   599,   603,  605. 

"        to  Harrison,  General,  175,  452. 

"         to  Johnston,  Hon.  J.  S.,  94,  95, 

97,  98,  100,  103,  104,  117, 

148,   1GO,   169,   177,  184, 

204,  226,  238,   240,  243, 

245,  249,   251,   254,  255, 

256,   264,  267,   268,  286, 

288,  306,  353. 

"        to  Littell,  John  S.,   267,  473, 

482,  536. 

"        to  Lloyd,  H.  T.,  475. 
"        to  Lynch,  James,   and  others, 

575. 

"        to  Madison,  James,  53. 
"        to  Miller,  S.  H.,  490. 
"         to  Muir,  S.,  530. 
"        to  Niles,  H.,  213. 
"        Note,  Diplomatic,  by  Mr.  Clay, 

42. 
"        to  Pendleton,  Rev.  J.  M.,  509. 

to  Pindell,  R,,  206. 
"        to  Prentice,  G.  D.,  418. 
"         to-Prentis,  Thomas  M..  14. 
"         to  Randolph,  Thomas  M.,  174. 
''        to  Rutgers,  Colonel,  163. 
"        to  Sayres,  Rev.  Gilbert  II.,  459. 
"        to  Stevenson,  Thomas  B.,  584. 
"         to  Towlcr,  Miss,  543. 
"        to  Ullmann,  Daniel,  474,  540, 
543,  574,  600,  617,  G20. 
"        to  Welch,  Rev.  James  K,  259. 
"        to  White,  Henry,  484,  494,  537. 

561,  573. 
"        to  White  (Henry),  and  others, 

484,  532. 
"        to  Woodward,  W.  S.,  523. 

"         to ,  293,  392. 

Carter,  Beverly,  to  Mr.  Clay,  459. 
Cass,  Lewis,  to  Mr.  Clay,  123. 
Chase,  Bishop,  to  Mr.  Clay,  96. 
Cheves,  Langdon,  to  Mr.  Clay,  18,  66. 
Clay,  Henry.  Jr.,  to  his  father,  160,  166, 
214,  218,"  233,  241,  280,  292,  303,   327, 
336,  343,  352,  373,  400,  (to  James  B. 
Clay),  536. 

Clay,  James  B.,  to  his  father,  607. 
Clay,  Mrs.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  24. 
Clay,  Porter,  to  Mr.  Clay,  159. 
Clay,  Sir  William,  to  Mr.  Clay,  409,  632. 
Clay,  Theodore  Wythe,  to  his  Father,  130. 
Clay,  Thomas  EL,  to  James  B.  Clay,  631. 
Clay,  Thomas  H.,  to  his  wife,   631,  683, 

634,  635,  636. 

Clayton.  John  M.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  350. 
Coffin,  Alexander,  to  Mr.  Clay,  383. 
Colombia,  Republic  of,  to  Mr.  Clay,  76,  77. 
College,   Washington,   Students,   to    Mr. 

Clay,  390. 

Combs,  Leslie,  to  Mr.  Clay,  325. 
Cooke,  Eleuth,  to  Mr.  Clay,  387. 
Cortes,  Eugenio,  to  Mr.  Clay,  65. 
Crawford,  William  H.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  25,  33, 

39,  40,  42,  191,  273. 
Creighton,  W.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  118. 


Critlendcn,  J.  J.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  117,  214, 
498. 

DAVIS,  John,  to  Mr.  Clay,  480. 
j  Dean,  Nicholas,  to  Mr.  Clay,  545. 
Dearborn,  General,  to  Mr.  Clay,  310. 
Duralde,  William,  to  Mr.  Clay,  255. 

ERWIN-,  Anne  B.,  to  her  father,  269,  320, 

323,  346. 
Erwin,  Mr.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  401. 

FEATHERSTOXIIAUGII,  G.  W.,  to  Mr.  Clay, 

265. 

Fillmore,  Millard,  to  Mr.  Clay,  497. 
Fox,  Mr.  (British  Minister),  to  Mr.  Clay, 

412,  444. 
Frelinghuyscn,  T.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  487,  495, 


GALPIX,  P.  S.,  and  others,  to  Mr.  Clay, 

500. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  to  Mr.  Clay,  30, 131,  161. 
Gambler,  Lord,  to  Mr.  Clay,  53,  95,  150. 
Gold  Pen  to  Mr.  Clay,  529. 
Goulburn.  Henry,  to  Mr.  Clay,  51. 
Graham,  David,  to  Mr.  Clay,  562. 
Granger,  A.  P.,  and  others,  to  Mr.  Clay, 

468. 
Gual,  P.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  213. 

HALL,  Willis,  to  Mr.  Clay,  431,  5G3. 
Hammond,  C.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  443. 
Hampton,  Col.  W.,  to  Mr"  Clay,  454. 
Harrison,  William  Henry,  to  Mir.  Clay,  20, 

22,  258,  446. 

Hart,  H.  T.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  581. 
Hawley,  Rev.  William,  to  Mr.  Clay,  251. 
Henry,  Patrick,  to  Mr.  Cla}r,  67,  3*26. 
Holley,  President,  to  Mr.  Clay,  124. 
Horton,  Howard,  to  Mr.  Clay,  321. 
Howard,  Joseph,  to  Mr.  Clay,  325. 
Howe,  Philip,  to  Mr.  Clay,  507. 
Hughes,  Christopher,  46,  (to  Mr.  Clay,)  503. 

ITURBIDE  to  Mr.  Clay,  64. 

JANUARY,  A.  M.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  470. 
Jeffrey,  S.  Caroline,  to  Mr.  Clay,  395, 404. 
Jesup,  General,  to  Mr.  Clay.  145. 

to  James  B.  Clay,  146. 
Johnson,  R.  M.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  64. 
Johnson,  Reverdy,  to  Mr.  Clay,  349. 
Johnston.  J.  S.,  to.Mr.  Clay,  99,  102.  103, 

285. 
J.  W.  P.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  363. 

KENT,  Chancellor,  to  Mr.  Clay,  387,  411. 
Keyes,  D.,  and  others,  to  Mr.  Clay,  602. 
Kirkland,  President,  to  Mr.  Clay,  127. 
Krudener,  Baron  De,  to  Mr.  Clay,  281. 

LADY  to  Mr.  Clay,  460. 

Lafayette  to  Mr.  Clay,  57,  62.  67,  83,  130, 

131,  135,  137,  139.   140,  141,  152.  454, 

155,  168,  180,  208,  223. 


ALPHABETICAL   INDEX. 


C39 


Lafayette,  George  "W.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  427. 
Lawrence,  Abbott,  to  Mr.  Clay,  357. 
Lawrence,  John  L.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  230. 
Learv,  C.  L.  L.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  498. 
Lee,  Richard  Hour}',  to  Mr.  Clay,  2 ID,  227. 
Leertom,  B.  T.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  51G. 
Leigh,  B.  W.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  69,  73. 
Lotcher,  R.  P.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  171,  491. 
Lewis,  William  D.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  510. 
Lieber,  Francis,  to  Mr.  Clay,  385. 
Litohfield,  Franklin,  to  Mr.  Clay,  167. 

MACKINTOSH,  Sir  James,  to  Mr.  Clay,  93. 
Madison,  James,  to  Mr.  Clay,  52,  89,  160, 

188,  284,  329,  358,  364,  388,  406. 
Mallory,  D.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  246. 
Maneuil,  Baron  Do,  to  Mr.  Clay,  166. 
Marshal],  Chief  Justice,  to  Mr.  Clay,  121, 

188,  212,  339,  352. 
Martineau,  Harriet,  to  Mr.  Clay,  390,  406, 

413. 
Massachusetts,  Daughter  of,  to  Mr.  Clay, 

340. 

Matthew,  Father,  to  Mr.  Clay,  624. 
McDnffie,  Governor,  to  Mr.  Clay,  403. 
McLain,  William,  to  Mr.  Clay,  626. 
McLean.  Judge,  to  Mr.  Clay,  556. 
Mercer,  Dr.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  513,  527. 
Monroe,  James,  to  Mr.  Clay,  19,  22,  24, 

49,  53. 
Morpeth,  Lord,  to  Mr.  Clay,  471,  535. 

NITCIIIE,  John,  to  Mr.  Clay,  384. 

OTIS,   Harrison  Grev,  to  Mr.  Clay,  328, 
370,  433,  437. 

PETTiGRErr,  E.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  518. 
Pickering,  Timothy,  to  Mr.  Clay,  319. 
Porter,  Peter  B.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  62,  65,  83, 

205,  270,  284,  448,  450,  452,  478,  479. 
Preston,  William,  and  others,  to  Mr.  Clay, 

539. 
rro<ton,  William  C.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  460,  503, 

550. 


RANDOLPH,  Thomas  M.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  174. 
Real,  Jos6  M.  Del,  to  Mr.  Clay,  63. 
Rochester,  W.  B.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  85. 
Roman,  A.  B.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  512. 
Root,  Erastus,  to  Mr.  Clay,  375. 
Rush,  Richard,  to  Mr.  Clay,  165,  186,  205, 

299,  456,  457. 
Russell,  Mr.  (Minister  at  Ghent),  to  Mr. 

Clay,  31,  32,  37. 

SAHCBT,  Alexis  De,  to  Mr.  Clay,  241,  252, 

253. 

Scott,  General,  to  Mr.  Clay,  570. 
Sibley,  John,  to  Mr.  Clay,  360. 
Sloane,  J.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  486,  488,  489. 
Southard,  Samuel  L.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  168, 

344. 
Spencer,  Ambrose,  to  Mr.  Clay,  338,  372, 

472,  501. 

Sprague,  Peleg,  to  Mr.  Clay,  354. 
Story,  Judge,  to  Mr.  Clay,  123,  467. 
Sylvester,  P.  H.,  and  others,  to  Mr.  Clay. 

506. 

TAYLOR,  General,'  to  Mr.  Clay,  .548,  550, 

557,  580. 

Tazewell,  Mr.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  378. 
Thompson,  John  R.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  526. 
Todd,  C.  S.,  to  Mr.  Clay.  77. 
Tucker,  George,  to  Mr.  Clay,  405. 
Tyler,  John,  to  Mr.  Clay,  119. 

VAN  BUREN-,  Martin,  to  Mr.  Clay,  458 
Vaughan,  Mr.  (British  Minister),  to  Mr. 

Clay,  190,  248,  268. 
Vaughan,  Thomas,  to  Mr.  Clay,  50. 

W  ATKINS,  Elizabeth,  to  her  son,  Mr.  Clay, 

177. 
Webster,  Daniel,  to  Mr.  Clay,  122,  128, 

143,  150,  156,  167,   170,  204,  205,   259, 

274,  317,  366. 

Westwoocl,  John  II.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  509. 
Wines,  K.  C.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  547. 
Wright,  J.  C.,  to  Mr.  Clay,  492,  493. 


OFT 


UN.VERS.TY  OF  CAUFORN.A  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles 
This  book  |.  DUE  on  ,he  ,..,  date  stamped  below. 


ORION 

tf)/MRt  AUG101 
JOL  l  5  »* 


H  << 


NC 

.DEI 

J 
TO 

Jl 

/ 


-UW-, 
111! 


L-LD 

EC     4' 

198? 


* 
I 

1  3  1977 


J7I3DNV-S01 


i 


I 


PLEA££  DO  NOT   REMOVE 
THISJ300K  CARDS 

A^HIBRARYj 
—•*<?" 


University  Research  Library 


